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Transcript of Volume II, DIVISION II: JEWISH HISTORY IN THE MISHNAH AND TALMUD PERIOD, IN THE MIDDLE AGES AND...
World Union of Jewish Studies / האיגוד העולמי למדעי היהדות
/ מגמות חדשות בתחום הפילנטרופיה והשירות הסוציאלי בקרב יהדות אמריקה NEW TRENDS IN AMERICAN JEWISH PHILANTHROPY AND SOCIAL SERVICESAuthor(s): C. Bezalel Sherman and שרמן ב'Source: Proceedings of the World Congress of Jewish Studies / דברי הקונגרס העולמי למדעיVolume II, DIVISION II: JEWISH HISTORY IN THE MISHNAH AND TALMUD ,היהדות, כרך הPERIOD, IN THE MIDDLE AGES AND MODERN TIMES; THE JEWISH LABOUR MOVEMENT;CONTEMPORARY JEWISH HISTORY; THE HOLOCAUST / כרך ב, חטיבה ב: תולדות עם ישראלבתקופת המשנה והתלמוד, בימי הביניים ובעת החדשה; תולדות תנועת העבודה היהודית; יהדותזמננו; השואה... תשכ"ט / 196Published by: World Union of Jewish Studies / האיגוד העולמי למדעי היהדותStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23515517 .
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NEW TRENDS IN AMERICAN JEWISH PHILANTHROPY AND
SOCIAL SERVICES
Bezalel Sherman
New York
The part philanthropy played in the development of the American Jewish community has been second only to that performed by the syna
gogue — in some cases even transcending it.
Philanthropy has been broadly conceived by the Jewish benevolent
agencies. They have rarely regarded public aid merely in terms of provid ing bread to the hungry and shelter to the homeless. As early as 1807, a Jewish orphanage in Charleston, S. C. included among its tasks
assistance in the development of the artistic potentialities of its wards.
The Jewish charity institutions have as a rule been in advance of their
non-Jewish counterparts, introducing concepts, functions and methods
which have subsequently been accepted by the general community and
have greatly influenced public and government welfare programmes. More often than not, Jewish philanthropic agencies, in addition to
carrying out purely benevolent functions, also sought to create self
improvement opportunities for the persons appealing for help. From
the beginning, the line dividing charity from social service was a narrow
one in Jewish benevolence; in recent years the line has been all but
obliterated.
The Jewish philanthropic agencies, as most Jewish community services, were not built according to plan; they have evolved under the
pressure of emergency situations. Many were improvised to meet unex
pected needs and were regarded by their founders as temporary setups.
Contrary to expectations, however, these setups were soon transformed
into permanent institutions, not infrequently surviving the events
which brought them into being. By the late nineteenth century there was
established a network of Jewish hospitals, orphanages, homes for the
aged, free loan associations, immigrant aid societies, and other benevolent
institutions which extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from
Canada to Mexico. They were for the most part organized and operated without regard to each other, reflecting the stratification of the Jewish
population and taking on the particular image of the groups sponsoring them. However, under the impact of the changes American processes
155
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156 C. BEZALEL SHERMAN
have wrought in Jewish life, the barriers separating the different agencies and their founders gradually broke down and gave way to overall
community undertakings. Some of the internal and external factors contributing to the trans
formation of parochial institutions into community agencies made
themselves felt as early as 1860, when the Hebrew Benevolent Society, founded by New York Sephardim in 1822, amalgamated with the German
Hebrew Benevolent Society which was organized in 1844. If the earlier
separate existence of the two bodies was originally the result of the socio
economic superiority of the Sephardim, their subsequent merger attested
the material and communal progress of the German Jews. The mobility
marking this process established a pattern which was to shape future
relationships between German Jews and Jews of East European back
ground. Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe at first resorted to the
welfare agencies organized by the earlier arrivals from Western Europe; but religious, cultural and social considerations soon moved them to
build agencies of their own — in many a case paralleling those already in existence. The trend toward the unification of philanthoropy was thus
interrupted — but not for long. A desire on the part of the larger donors, the backbone in all fund raising, to do away with the annoying multipli
city of campaigns on one hand, and the rising economic status of the East European sector on the other hand created a basis for consolidation in philanthropic endeavour. This gave rise to the federation movement
which, getting off to an organized start in Boston in 1895, gathered momentum during the early twentieth century. By the 1920s there was a
federation in practically every sizeable Jewish community in the country. It was the function of the federation to provide for the budgets — in toto or in part — of local welfare institutions out of the proceeds of one
general campaign and to exercise some supervision over their fiscal
policies without impinging on their ideological organizational autonomy. The welfare funds were an extention of the federations and picked
up where the latter left off. The welfare funds, overwhelmingly the
product of the enormous relief responsibilities the Nazi period placed upon the shoulders of American Jewry, raised funds to support overseas causes and American Jewish institutions functioning on a countrywide scale.
In time, practically all federations and welfare funds combined their
campaigns and, in most cases, also their administrative bodies. Out of this combination there have emerged local central agencies which were
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AMERICAN JEWISH PHILANTHROPY 157
no longer content with merely acting as fund raising and fund distribut
ing organs, but have increasingly assumed regulating and evaluating functions in relation to the causes they were supporting. By also sponsor
ing and financing the community relations councils in their respective localities the federations have become widely-based centres of community action and framers of Jewish public policy. They are the common meeting
ground of all elements and groups comprising organized American
Jewry. From instruments for collecting larger sums of money at less
expense, they have evolved as centres of Jewish community consolidation
and strongholds of Jewish group continuity. They are the nearest thing to the traditional kehilla to be found in the United States.
Although widely based in their localities and representing a cross-sec
tion of Jewish leadership they are nevertheless far from being truly democratic bodies. Since fund raising is the axis about which they revolve and the source of their power, they must of necessity place the
greatest emphasis on appealing to the large contributors. A very small
percentage of donors account for 80 per cent of the sums raised by the
federations, whereas the overwhelming proportion of donors contribute
only 20 per cent of the amounts collected. Contributions of $500 and
over account for 76 per cent of the moneys raised by the New York
Federation of Jewish Philanthropies. This being the case, the big giver becomes the hub of federation cam
paigns. His views and wishes are given primary consideration by the
professional directors of the campaigns and his pet projects or causes
receive allocations in excess of their value to the overall requirements of
the community. It should be pointed out, however, that rarely does the big
giver exercise his power in a capricious or dictatorial manner. More
often than not, he is content to leave decisions as to appropriations to
the allocations committees and boards of directors of the federations, which as a rule are composed of active campaign workers who them
selves are not necessarily the largest contributors. The federations have
thus developed a new type of voluntary K'lal tuers — leaders who do
not owe loyalty to any one institution or cause but are concerned with
the alfairs of the community as a whole. The broad representativeness of the new leadership enables it to create a public opinion around the
campaigns, which even the biggest giver cannot ignore. This points up a very important problem which is imbedded in the
very heart of the federations. Made up of a diversity of groups, they can
function smoothly and effectively only if they succeed in establishing a
consensus on the principle of organizational give-and-take. To maintain
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158 C. BEZALEL SHERMAN
the consensus, they must eliminate, or at least hold down to the barest
minimum, divisions based on differences of social or national philosophy, thus inducing a levelling ideological process in which campaign considera
tions frequently obscure the causes for which funds are raised.
This built-in characteristic of the federation assumes particular per tinence at the present time when the whole field of voluntary philanthropy is undergoing a veritable revolution. Economic progress has reduced
the number of Jews requiring individual aid; and the growing welfare
programmes of the government have deeply affected the social services
and fiscal policies of all private philanthropic agencies. As a result,
many institutions have outlived their former usefulness, and others
have been unable to function on the basis of their original objectives. The altered situation confronts the philanthropic agencies with the
problem of finding a new rationale for many of their activities. Some are
veering away from merely providing for the poor, towards servicing the entire community, including those who are able to pay for the aid
they receive. Others are abandoning the purposes they had originally set for themselves and branching out into new areas. Still others, while
retaining their Jewish sponsorship, turn non-sectarian in their operations.
They all face a future that is fraught with uncertainty. The Negro revolution, bringing in its wake social unrest and accele
rated residential mobility, profoundly affecting American Jewry sociolo
gically and psychologically, has had its strongest effect on the Jewish
philanthropic institutions, confronting many of them with the dilemma of either liquidating themselves or staying open for the purpose of
serving a non-Jewish clientele. Enjoying an advanced status as part of the white middle classes, Jews are facing the agonizing question as to whether as an American ethnic community, they bear a special responsibi lity for the welfare of the disadvantaged groups over and above their
general responsibility as individual American citizens of the United
States. This is not a moral question only; it is also a question of self interest. On the large cities, Jews increasingly find themselves living amidst a Christian majority which is made up of a number disadvantaged ethnic minorities. In the City of New York Puerto Ricans represent a
growing proportion of the Catholic population; and the blacks are
already more than half of the Protestant population. In relation to these
groups, the Jews are an advantaged class, part of the white 'establish
ment,1 and especially vulnerable to social and racial demagogy. It is therefore understandable why there is a rising demand inside and outside the Jewish community that Jewish philanthropic institutions be maintain
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AMERICAN JEWISH PHILANTHROPY 159
ed for the benefit of the disadvantaged elements of all ethnic groups. This demand in part comes in answer to the question of why agencies and services which can no longer function on the basis of their original aims should be kept up.
As for the doubts raised regarding the raison d'etre of Jewish agencies
operating in welfare areas into which the government pours in more and
more state funds, it is argued that voluntary participation in public welfare is the very foundation of American democracy. It is neither
possible nor advisable for the state to monopolize the field. To do so, it is contended, is to place a bureaucracy in control of human relations
and societal attitudes. There are also practical reasons for continuing
voluntary philanthropic operations; the argument runs: Jews have to
make their contribution to the welfare of the country as a whole not
only as individuals but also as a group; and the channel for the flow of
this contribution are the Jewish community agencies whose activities
must extend to the larger American community. From this view there is
only a small step to the non-sectarian philosophy which is increasingly
influencing organized Jewish philanthropy. The changes the Jewish social services are undergoing involve both
content and form. Family agencies which formerly operated as relief
institutions, aiding needy Jews with cash donations, free loans, job
placement and other forms of charity are today mainly engaged in
counselling activities relating to marital problems, homemaking, family
relations, age adjustments, parent and children accommodations, etc.
The people served, more often than not coming from lower-middle-class
and middle-middle-class environments, pay for the services they receive
in accordance with their financial capacities. While the number of
indigent Jews requiring direct help is decreasing, a 'new poor' is arising,
according to some leaders of philanthropic agencies. An income of
between eight and twelve thousand dollars a year may be adequate to
keep an average family going moderately well under normal conditions; it is not enough however, to meet contingencies such as protracted illness.
Nor is it sufficient to provide a good education for the youngsters of
the family. That this 'new poor' has a claim on the community which
voluntary philanthropy dares not ignore is a concept making considerable
headway among Jewish social services.
Not only are the Jewish philanthropic agencies advocating greater
participation on the part of government in the war on poverty, but
federations are increasingly initiating or cooperating directly in voluntary
action aiming at the mitigation of the urban crisis now gripping American
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160 C. BEZALEL SHERMAN
cities. The 'City of Life' which the New York Federation of Jewish
Philanthropies is planning to develop over a period of ten years, and
for which it is conducting a campaign to raise 250 million dollars, will
contain institutions that will serve all groups in American society. A
growing number of Jewish agencies are setting up pilot projects to help non-Jewish poor. During 1968 many federations — among them those of
Boston, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Buffalo and
Milwaukee — made direct appropriations to Negro agencies. There is
no questions but what this ushers in a new policy which will be pursued
throughout the country as part of the sustaining programmes of the
federations. It should be remembered in this connection that Jews are
among the most generous givers to all interreligious and interracial
causes.
There is no evidence that the projects aiding the disadvantaged non
Jewish groups must of necessity be implemented at the expense of the
Jewish causes. While there has been an increase in allocations to local
Jewish agencies, the sums allotted to Israel and overseas Jewish causes
were in 1968 and 1969 maintained at the unprecedented level reached in
1967 under the impact of the Six Day War. It would therefore appear that, in philanthropy and the social services, loyalties to local causes reinforce
loyalty to overseas causes and vice versa. It is difficult to determine
whether the Jews are motivated in supporting non-Jewish causes, by the Jewish ethic or by an instinct of self preservation
— probably by both.
As to whether they will be able to divert funds to non-Jewish groups and still continue to support their domestic services as well as Israel and
Jewish overseas causes at the present standing, only time will tell.
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