The long road to equality for Chinese women

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The long road to equality for Chinese women By Kent Ewing http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/IE22Ad01.html accessed 16 February 2010 HONG KONG "Women hold up half the sky," said Mao Zedong. And indeed, they now account for 45% of China's workforce and 40% of positions in government. So the Chinese leadership was within its rights last week to boast of the progress women have made under Communist Party rule. What officials don't say, however, is that there is still a long way to go for Chinese women, and the road to equality remains blocked at key points. It came as no surprise that one of China's many female success stories AllChina Women's Federation vice president Huang Qingyi was selected to deliver the good news. As of 2005, 241 women held official positions at the ministerial and provincial levels, Huang said, urging other countries to emulate the Chinese model of advancement for women. "We have nine female state leaders now," she said, "compared with five in 2001. It reflects the progress in women's participation and influence in the country's political affairs." No women serve, however, on the powerful ninemember Standing Committee of the Politburo. Vice Premier Wu Yi, who is in Washington this week negotiating the politically fraught complexities of the USChina trade relationship with US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, tops the list of female stars. Below Wu, who is also a member of the 24member Politburo, are three vice chairwomen of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) He Luli, Gu Xiulian and Uyunqing and State Councilor Chen Zhili. In March, the NPC, the country's highest legislative body, struck a blow to narrow the gender gap further with a pledge to fill at least 22% of its roughly 3,000 seats with women when it convenes again next year. Outside the corridors of power, it is also clear that China's extraordinary economic growth has given greater freedom and power to working women in urban areas. A glance at China's booming magazine market reveals the rising influence of women in cities. Many of these publications target women by offering tips on beauty, fashion and sex. For journalistic merit, such magazines score low. Thanks in good part to increasing readership among working women, however, the industry is now estimated by the General Administration of Press and Publication to be worth 17 billion yuan (about US$2.2 billion) annually. While Chinese "material girls" may be as shallow as their Western counterparts, their new economic power nevertheless goes to show how far women have come under Communist Party rule. In 1950, women accounted for 20% of family income; today they put in more than 40%.

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In March, the NPC, the country's highest legislative body, struck a blow to narrow the gender gap further with a pledge to fill at least 22% of its roughly 3,000 seats with women when it convenes again next year. While Chinese "material girls" may be as shallow as their Western counterparts, their new economic power nevertheless goes to show how far women have come under Communist Party rule. In 1950, women accounted for 20% of family income; today they put in more than 40%.

Transcript of The long road to equality for Chinese women

Page 1: The long road to equality for Chinese women

The long road to equality for Chinese women By Kent Ewing  http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/IE22Ad01.html accessed 16 February 2010  HONG KONG ‐ "Women hold up half the sky," said Mao Zedong. And indeed, they now account for 45% of China's workforce and 40% of positions in government. So the Chinese leadership was within its rights last week to boast of the progress women have made under Communist Party rule. What officials don't say, however, is that there is still a long way to go for Chinese women, and the road to equality remains blocked at key points.   It came as no surprise that one of China's many female success stories ‐ All‐China Women's Federation vice president Huang Qingyi ‐ was selected to deliver the good news. As of 2005, 241 women held official positions at the ministerial and provincial levels, Huang said, urging other countries to emulate the Chinese model of advancement for women.   "We have nine female state leaders now," she said, "compared with five in 2001. It reflects the progress in women's participation and influence in the country's political affairs."   No women serve, however, on the powerful nine‐member Standing Committee of the Politburo.   Vice Premier Wu Yi, who is in Washington this week negotiating the politically fraught complexities of the US‐China trade relationship with US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, tops the list of female stars. Below Wu, who is also a member of the 24‐member Politburo, are three vice chairwomen of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) ‐ He Luli, Gu Xiulian and Uyunqing ‐ and State Councilor Chen Zhili.   In March, the NPC, the country's highest legislative body, struck a blow to narrow the gender gap further with a pledge to fill at least 22% of its roughly 3,000 seats with women when it convenes again next year.   Outside the corridors of power, it is also clear that China's extraordinary economic growth has given greater freedom and power to working women in urban areas. A glance at China's booming magazine market reveals the rising influence of women in cities. Many of these publications target women by offering tips on beauty, fashion and sex.   For journalistic merit, such magazines score low. Thanks in good part to increasing readership among working women, however, the industry is now estimated by the General Administration of Press and Publication to be worth 17 billion yuan (about US$2.2 billion) annually.   While Chinese "material girls" may be as shallow as their Western counterparts, their new economic power nevertheless goes to show how far women have come under Communist Party rule. In 1950, women accounted for 20% of family income; today they put in more than 40%.  

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It is worth noting that when Mao founded communist China in 1949 ‐ declaring to the world, "The Chinese people have stood up" ‐ the ancient practice of foot‐binding was still in evidence and, for the most part, women were seen only as wives, mothers and concubines who had no legal rights.   Mao outlawed foot‐binding and in 1950 enacted marriage laws that legalized divorce and banned bride sales and the keeping of concubines. Mao's abolition of family property also undercut centuries of feudal patriarchy.   Within three years of taking power, Mao had radically altered the traditionally Confucian family structure and ‐ in theory ‐ made women equal to men. But the economic and social upheavals of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution meant that theoretical equality was about all women would get under Mao.   Still, the concept of equality, planted by the communist revolution, took root and is now clearly bearing fruit.   But the changing attitudes that have accompanied the increasing economic success of women have been predominantly an urban phenomenon. And despite China's rapid urbanization, nearly 60% of its 1.3 billion people still live in the countryside, where poverty and tradition thrive. With the Ministry of Commerce reporting 90 million people under the poverty line of $112 a year and another 50 million at risk of falling below that line, talk of gender equality can seem meaningless for a significant proportion of the population.   In addition, a report in the state‐run China Daily last month on rising illiteracy does not bode well for rural women. Illiteracy has risen by 30 million over the past five years, the report said, to 116 million. At least in part, that is probably because girls from poor families choose work over school to add to the meager family income.   The widening gap between the urban rich and the rural poor has sparked social unrest in the countryside, with the government reporting an alarming number of "mass incidents" ‐ the official euphemism for protests that often turn violent ‐ most of them occurring in rural areas. There were 87,000 such incidents reported in 2005, the last year for which the Ministry of Public Security offers figures, compared with 74,000 in 2004 and 58,000 in 2003.   Ironically, the Communist Party is once again touting the values of the ultimate patriarch, Confucius, in an attempt to restore social harmony.   Even in cities, the new freedom and power of Chinese women can be illusory. Without any anti‐discrimination laws in place, women can have it rough in the urban workplace. According to the All‐China Women's Federation, female migrant workers are paid less than their male counterparts. On a higher educational plane, a recent Ministry of Labor and Social Security study showed that 80% of the female university students surveyed had experienced discrimination in their search for a job.  

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An expanding urban sex industry and a growing culture of mistresses show that material advances for many women have come at the expense of exploitation. At the same time, however, looser divorce laws have made educated women with purchasing power much less likely to put up with unfaithful husbands.   Of course, the greatest inequality for Chinese women has been the one‐child policy, adopted in 1979 to curb runaway population growth and recently reaffirmed through at least 2010. The policy has revealed that all the Communist Party's egalitarian rhetoric about women didn't make that much difference after all.   The traditional Confucian preference for boys has combined with the modern technology of ultrasound and the commonplace practice of abortion to produce a ratio of 119 boys per 100 girls under age five. The ratio is as high as 130:100 in some regions.   This means that the women who make up 45% of China's labor force are, roughly speaking, about half the women in China. That's pretty close to fulfilling Mao's maxim of holding up half the sky.   And, in yet another irony of Chinese life, the perverse one‐child policy that has disproportionately reduced the number of females in the country may ultimately empower them. It's getting harder and harder to find a wife these days.   Kent Ewing is a teacher and writer at Hong Kong International School. He can be reached at [email protected].   (Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)