Syntax and semantics of split intransitivity in...
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Syntax and semantics of split intransitivity in Japanese:
A comparative study of Old Japanese and Modern Japanese
Zixi YOU [email protected]
The 21st International Conference on Historical Linguistics (ICHL) 5-9 August 2013, University of Oslo, Norway
Research Centre for Japanese Language and Linguistics
University of Oxford
オックスフォード大学 日本語研究センター
www.orinst.ox.ac.uk/research/jap-ling/
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- The present research is partially related to my DPhil research ‘Split intransitivity in Old Japanese’, which is situated in a larger collaborative research project 'Verb semantics and argument realization in pre-modern Japanese: A comprehensive study of the basic syntax of pre-modern Japanese' at the Research Centre for Japanese Language and Linguistics, University of Oxford.
- http://vsarpj.orinst.ox.ac.uk/
Background of the research
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 2
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Part I
- An introduction to split intransitivity (SI)
- Scope of this research
- Oxford Corpus of Old Japanese (OCOJ)
Part II
- Morpho-syntactic manifestations of SI in Modern Japanese (NJ) and Old Japanese (OJ)
- Semantic factors of SI in NJ and OJ
Part III
- Summary and conclusion
- Future research
- References
Presentation Outline
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 3
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The Unaccusative Hypothesis (Perlmutter 1978, Burzio 1986)
Unaccusative:
D-structure: e [vp arrived John]
S-structure: Johni [vp arrived ti ]
Unergative:
D-structure: John [vp work]
S-structure: John [vp work]
An introduction to Split Intransitivity (SI)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 4
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Manifestations of SI An example from English
- resultative construction (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995)
Trans. John broke the vase into pieces.
Unacc. The pool froze solid.
Unerg. *The boy ran tired.
An introduction to Split Intransitivity (SI)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 5
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Semantic factors (Dowty 1991; Tsujimura 1999; Van Valin 1990; among others)
unaccusative verbs
- patient-like (non-volitional, affected...)
- telic
unergative verbs
- agent-like (volitional, unaffected...)
- atelic
An introduction to Split Intransitivity (SI)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 6
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Approaches to SI
- Syntactic
- Semantic
- SI is syntactically encoded and semantically predictable. (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995)
An introduction to Split Intransitivity (SI)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 7
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Scope of this research
Linguistic periods Political periods
Old Japanese (OJ) Nara
700-800 712-794
Early Middle Japanese Heian
800-1200 794-1185
Late Middle Japanese Kamakura 1185-1333
1200-1600 Muromachi 1333-1573
Modern Japanese (NJ) Edo 1603-1868,
1600-present Meiji 1868-1912, Taishō 1912-1926,
Shōwa 1926-1989,
Heisei 1989-present
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 8
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- Old Japanese language (largely 700-800 AD)
- Texts
Poetry
Kojiki kayō (古事記歌; 712) Fudoki kayō (風土記歌謡; 730s)
(112 poems; 2527 words) (20 poems; 271 words)
Nihon shoki kayō (日本書紀歌謡; 720) Man'yōshū (万葉集; after 759)
(133 poems; 2444 words) (4685 poems; 83706 words)
Bussokuseki-ka (仏足石歌; after 753)
(21 poems; 337 words)
Shoku nihongi kayō (続日本紀歌謡; 797)
(8 poems; 134 words)
Jōgū shōtoku hōō teisetsu (上宮聖徳法王帝説; unknown (early Heian?)
(4 poems; 60 words)
*Eastern Old Japanese (240 poems; 3431 words)
Prose
Engishiki Norito (延喜式祝詞) (approx. 6,500 words)
Shoku nihongi Senmyō (続日本紀宣命; 797) (approx. 14,000 words)
Oxford Corpus of Old Japanese (OCOJ)
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- both original script and romanized script, with information including original orthography, part-of-speech, morphology (for inflecting words), syntactic constituency, semantic roles, etc.
- xml tags following TEI conventions
- Syntactic trees
- Translation
- Lexicon: lexemes and morphemes are given unique ID numbers
Oxford Corpus of Old Japanese (OCOJ)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 10
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Oxford Corpus of Old Japanese (OCOJ)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 11
More information: http://vsarpj.orinst.ox.ac.uk/corpus/index.html
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OJ and NJ (identical): - resultative construction; se- construction; N+V
compounds; VP-preposing OJ and NJ (with difference): - V1+V2 compounds OJ: - perfective auxiliaries –(i)n- and –(i)te-; verbal
prefix i- and sa- (ta-) NJ: - kake- construction; rokuna-nai construction;
adverb takusan; ?floating numeral quantifiers; case drop (Please refer to Hirakawa 2003 for detailed citations of previous studies of SI in NJ.)
Manifestations of SI in OJ and NJ
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 12
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Resultative construction (NJ)
The direct object of a transitive verb:
John-ga niku-o makkuro-ni yai-ta.
John-NOM steak-ACC black-into burn-PST
‘John burned the steak black’
The subject of an unergative verb:
*John-ga makkuro-ni asonda.
John-NOM black-into play-PST
‘John played black.’
(Hirakawa 2003, 58)
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Resultative construction (NJ)
The subject of an unaccusatives verb: John-ga makkuro-ni yake-ta. John-NOM black-into burn-PST ‘John sunburned black.’ The surface subject of a passivized transitive verb: Niku-ga makkuro-ni yak-are-ta. steak-NOM black-into burn-PASS-PST ‘The steak was burnt black.’ (Hirakawa 2003, 58)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 14
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Resultative construction (OJ)
The direct object of a transitive verb:
天雲 乎
amakumo wo
cloud.in.the.sky ACC
富呂 尓 布美安太之
poro ni pumi-adasi
in.pieces COP.INF tread-distroy.INF
‘tread and destroy the clouds in the sky into pieces’
(MYS.19.4235)
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Resultative construction (OJ)
The subject of an unaccusative verb:
道 之 志婆 草
miti no siba kusa
road GEN turf grass
長 生尓異煎
naga-ku opwi-ni-kyeri
long-ACOP.INF grow-PERF-MPST.CONCL
‘the grass on the road has grown long’
(MYS.6.1048)
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Transitivity Harmony Principle (Kageyama 1993;1996) In Modern Japanese, lexical compounds are built by combining
two verbs either both with external arguments or both without.
transitive+transitive
unergative+unergative
unaccusative+unaccusative
transitive+unergative
unergative+transitive
*transitive+unaccusative
*unaccusative+transitive
*unergative+unaccusative
*unaccusative+unergative
V1+V2 compounds (NJ)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 17
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Cline of Transitivity Harmony (Frellesvig et al. 2010, 42)
transitive+transitive
unergative+unergative
unaccusative+unaccusative
?transitive+unergative
?unergative+transitive
?transitive+unaccusative
?unaccusative+transitive
*unergative+unaccusative
*unaccusative+unergative
V1+V2 compounds (OJ)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 18
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Exhaustive investigation of OCOJ:
V1+V2 compounds (OJ)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 19
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Kake- construction (NJ) 'Deverbal nominal construction'
The direct object of a transitive verb:
ake-kake-no doa
open (ir.)-KAKE-GEN door
‘the door, opened halfway’
The subject of a transitive verb:
*ake-kake-no Taroo
open (tr.)-KAKE-GEN Taroo
‘Taroo half opening’
(Kishimoto 1996, 256)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 20
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Kake- construction (NJ)
The subject of an unergative verb: *hasiri-kake-no rannaa run-KAKE-GEN runner ‘the runner, almost running’ (Kishimoto 1996, 255) The subject of an unaccusative verb: aki-kake-no doa open (intr.)-KAKE-GEN door ‘the door, slightly ajar’ (Kishimoto 1996, 256)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 21
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Kake- construction (NJ)
OJ?
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 22
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In Old Japanese, the auxiliaries are inflecting suffixes that express optional categories for which verbs can inflect (whereas obligatory inflectional categories are expressed by flectives).
a. root - derivative - auxiliary verb - auxiliary - flective
b. wasura -si -na-mu
forget-RESP-PERF-CONJ.CONCL
Previous literature on the distribution of the perfective auxiliaries-(i)n- and -(i)te- :
- Moto’ori’s Tama-arare (1792); Narukawa (1864); Ogamino (1899); Washio (2002; 2004); Frellesvig (2010)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 23
Perfective auxiliaries -(i)n- and -(i)te- (OJ)
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Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 24
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Transitives:
妹 似 相武 登
imo ni apa-mu to
beloved.girl DAT meet-CONJ.CONCL COMP
言義之 鬼尾
ipi -te-si monowo
say-PERF-SPST.ADN although
‘although I had said “I shall meet my beloved girl”’ (MYS.4.664)
Passives:
有雙 不得 叙
arinami e-zu zo
pair.INF be.able-NEG.CONCL FOC
所言西 我 身
ipa -ye-ni-si wa ga mwi
say-PASS-PERF-SPST.ADN I GEN body
‘is not able to pair up, my body’ (MYS.13.3300)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 25
Perfective auxiliaries -(i)n- and -(i)te- (OJ)
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Unergatives:
打越来而 曽
uti -kwoye -kite so
PRF-pass.over-come.GER FOC
瀧 尓 遊鶴
taki ni aswobi -turu
water.fall DAT play-PERF.ADN
‘coming over here, we have played at the waterfall’ (MYS.7.1104)
Unaccusatives:
岐美 賀 由岐
kimi ga yuki
my.lord GEN go.INF
気 那賀久 那理奴
ke naga-ku nari-nu
day long-ACOP.INF become-PERF.CONCL
‘many days have passed since you, my lord, left’ (KK.88)
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 26
Perfective auxiliaries -(i)n- and -(i)te- (OJ)
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Intr. Tr.
Select
both
Perfective auxiliaries -(i)n- and -(i)te- (OJ)
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NJ?
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 28
Perfective auxiliaries -(i)n- and -(i)te- (OJ)
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OJ and NJ (identical): - resultative construction; se- construction; N+V
compounds; VP-preposing OJ and NJ (with difference): - V1+V2 compounds OJ: - perfective auxiliaries –(i)n- and –(i)te-; verbal
prefix i- and sa- (ta-) NJ: - kake- construction; rokuna-nai construction;
adverb takusan; ?floating numeral quantifiers; case drop (Please refer to Hirakawa 2003 for detailed citations of previous studies of SI in NJ.)
Manifestations of SI in OJ and NJ
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 29
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Manifestations of SI in OJ and NJ
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 30
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Semantic factors of SI in NJ and OJ
NJ (Kageyama 1993; Kishimoto 1996)
- volitionality/controlability
- telicity
OJ
- intentionality
- affectedness
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 31
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Summary and conclusion I
OJ NJ
overt split intransitivity* x x
covert split intransitivity* √ √
surface unaccusativity** x √
deep unaccusativity** √ √
semantic motivations √ √
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 32
* Overt/covert SI (cf. Creissels 2008)
** Surface/deep unaccusativity (cf. Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995)
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Summary and conclusion II
Morpho-syntactic manifestations of SI
OJ --- NJ E.g.
A => A resultative construction
A => A' V1+V2
A => ∅ perfective auxiliary selection
∅ => A kake-construction
Semantic factors delimitating unaccusatives and unergatives
OJ --- NJ
A => A'
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Future research
Linguistic periods Political periods
Old Japanese (OJ) Nara
700-800 712-794
Early Middle Japanese Heian
800-1200 794-1185
Late Middle Japanese Kamakura 1185-1333
1200-1600 Muromachi 1333-1573
Modern Japanese (NJ) Edo 1603-1868,
1600-present Meiji 1868-1912, Taishō 1912-1926,
Shōwa 1926-1989,
Heisei 1989-present
Zixi YOU ICHL 21 (2013) page 34
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Cressels, Denis. 2008. Remarks on split intransitivity and fluid intransitivity. In Empirical Issues in
Syntax and Semantics 7, eds. O. Bonami and P. Cabredo Hofherr, 139-168.
Frellesvig, Bjarke. 2010. A History of the Japanese Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Frellesvig, Bjarke, Stephen Wright Horn, Kerri L. Russell, and Peter Sells. 2010. Verb semantics and
argument realization in pre-modern Japanese: A preliminary study of compound verbs in Old
Japanese. Gengo Kenkyū 130: 25-65.
Kishimoto, Hideki. 1996. Split intransitivity in Japanese and the unaccusative hypothesis. Language 72:
248-285.
Kishimoto, Hideki. 1998. Semantic Parameters of Unaccusativity. Kobe Papers in Linguistics 1: 15-34.
Moto’ori, Norinaga. 1792/1970. Tama-arare. Reprinted in Moto’ori Norinaga Zenshu. Tokyo:
Chikumashobo.
Narukawa, Tadaka. 1864/1983. Kotoba no Hutamichi. Tokyo: Sintensha.
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Thank you very much for your attention.
Zixi YOU
Research Centre for Japanese Language and Linguistics
University of Oxford
オックスフォード大学 日本語研究センター
www.orinst.ox.ac.uk/research/jap-ling/