Sultano Delle Maldive

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Jorge Dos Santos Alves

Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528)In: Archipel. Volume 70, 2005. pp. 53-65.

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Jorge M. dos Santos Alves, Instituto de Investigao Cientifica Tropical/Fundao para a Cincia e Tecnologia, Lisbonne

Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528)

Sultan Kalu Muhammad fit la transition entre les deux sicles extraordinaires que furent les XVe et XVIe sicles, non seulement

pour l'histoire des Maldives, mais pour celle de tout l'ocan Indien. Cet article s'attache rviser l'image historique de ce sultan,

tout en la situant par rapport l'histoire politique et socio-conomique du sultanat des Maldives et de ses liaisons avec les

rseaux maritimes asiatiques. D'une certaine faon, on peut dire que, pendant plus de trente ans, sultan Kalu Muhamad joua le

jeu de la survivance politique.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Dos Santos Alves Jorge. Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528). In: Archipel. Volume 70, 2005. pp. 53-65.

doi : 10.3406/arch.2005.3972

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arch_0044-8613_2005_num_70_1_3972
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_arch_395http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arch.2005.3972http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arch_0044-8613_2005_num_70_1_3972http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arch_0044-8613_2005_num_70_1_3972http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arch.2005.3972http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_arch_395


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Jorge M. dos Santos AlvesKalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives(1491-1528)0)

Sultan Kalu Muhammad is one of the most paradoxical cases that one canpresent to historians of the Maldives during the sultanate period, right untilthe establishment of the republic in 1953. Kalu Muhammad Hilali governedthese islands on three occasions during the period 1491-1528, with veryshort intervals between them. This fact in itself reveals an uncommonlongevity as ruler of these islands, during the 16th century.Kalu Muhammad made the transition, on the Maldivian throne, betweentwo extraordinary centuries in the history of the Maldives and the IndianOcean in general - as the 15th and 16th centuries proved to be. However,this is where the paradox begins. Although one knows that he is the individualeing referred to in European and some Asian sources of the age, on nooccasion do they ever expressly mention his name. Another paradox : manyof these European texts dating from the 16th century, particularly thePortuguese sources, without ever actually naming him, have, for diverse reasons and interests, sketched for posterity the image of a weak, inconstant andpolitically inept ruler. They labelled him a puppet-king, an epithet that isruinous for the image of any sovereign. Thus, the only study of which we areaware that traces a biographical profile of this ruler in some detail transmits

1. This article was written within the scope of a post-doctoral research project under the aegisof the Foundation for Science and Technology (Portugal) entitled The Maldives and theIslamic Networks in the Indian Ocean (15th and 16th Centuries).

Archipel 70, Paris, 2005, pp. 53-65


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54 Jorge M. dos Santos Alvesthis image of Sultan Kalu Muhammad to its readers. (2) However, the paradoxes do not cease here.Local written sources, namely the Islamic chronicle of the Maldives, theTrkh Islam Db Mahall (or the History of Islam in Diba Mahall),O) writtenduring the early decades of the 18th century, have etched into Maldivianhistorical memory a similarly unflattering image of Kalu Muhammad and histhree reigns. Yet another paradox : this image is justified for precisely theopposite reasons as the ones cited by the majority of European sources. KaluMuhammad has been described as a despot who ruled the Maldives withoutrespecting the essential principles of a good sultan. In the words of thechronicler of the Trkh, Sultan (Kalu) Muhammad was a selfish, heartless,and deceitful tyrant, who had no love for his subjects, caring for them not atall, but ruling with an iron hand .(4)This handful of paradoxes provides us with good reasons to attempt a briefstudy about the historical construction of the image of Sultan KaluMuhammad Hilali. At the same time, we shall also seek to shed some lightupon the political and socio-economic history of the Maldives and the islands'close ties with the commercial, political and religious networks of the IndianOcean during this period. In order to realise this objective, and for reasons ofanalytical rigour, perhaps it would be best to briefly review the political trajectory f Kalu Muhammad over the course of his three reigns, one at a time.The First Reign (1491)

Kalu Muhammad's first stint at the helm of the government of the sultanate of the Maldives was truly fleeting. His first reign only lasted a few2. We are is referring to the work by Genevive Bouchon, Mamale de Cananor. Un adversairede l'Inde portugaise (1507-1528), Geneva/Paris, Librairie Droz, 1973 (English translationRegent of the Sea . Cannanore's Response to Portuguese Expansion, 1507-1528, NewDelhi, Oxford University Press, 1988). Brief, in some cases, extremely brief references tothis sultan can be found in the following studies : M.A.H. Fitzler, Die Maldiven im 16. und17. Jahrhundert. Ein Kapitel portugiesischer Kolonialgeschichte , in Zeitschrift fiir Indologieund Iranistik, Band 10, Heft 3, Leipzig, 1936, pp. 215-256; Roderich Ptak, China, Portugalund der Maldiven-Handel vom friihen 15, bis zum friihen 16. Jahrhundert : EinigeBemerkungen zur Wirstshaftsgeschichte Siidasiens , in Portuguese Asia : Aspects in Historyand Economic History (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries) Stuttgart, Steiner Verlag, 1987,pp. 11-142; John Villiers, The Portuguese in the Maldives Islands , in Studies in thePortuguese Discoveries. Proceedings of the First Colloquium of the Centre for the Study ofthe Portuguese Discoveries, edited by T.F. Earle & Stephen Parkinson, Warminster/Lisbon,Aris & Phillips/Comisso Nacional para as Comemoraes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses,1993, pp. 17-34.3. Hasan Taj al-Din, The Islamic History of the Maldive Islands, with supplementary chapters y Muhammad Muhibb al-Din & Ibrahim Siraj al-Din, ed. Hikoichi Yajima, 2 vols.,Tokyo, 1982-1984. With regard to this chronicle, I am grateful to Ludvik Kalus and MargaretWardian for their help with the translation and interpretation of some passages.4. Trikh/Bell, p. 25.

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Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528) 55months. (5) Kalu Muhammad was the son of Sultan Umar (1480-1485) andhis family origins could be traced to the atoll of Goidhoo, situated to thenorth-west of the Male atoll, where the capital of the sultanate was located6) He came to power in 1491, succeeding Sultan Ibrahim who barely hadtime to warm the throne as he governed for a mere eight months. KaluMuhammad must have come to power thanks to the extreme political volatilityhat prevailed in the Maldives at the time, which resulted in six sultansascending the throne in quick succession during the 1480s. Perhaps thenumerous complex and uncertain political alliances that were perpetually inplay in the court in Male were responsible for his rise to power. In the court,an elite group of high dignitaries of the sultanate (the bodun, literallyimportant people ), and their respective clans and supporters would dotheir best to ensure that one of their own came to power.The turbulent relationship that many bodun had with the sultan, or radun( king in Divehi), and the political machinations at the Maldivian court aretoday known in some detail for a good part of the 18th century ;(7) whoknows if these intrigues were not also one of the constant features and maincharacteristics of the political and social history of the sultanate of theMaldives in preceding centuries, especially during the period that witnessedthe transition from the 15th to the 16th century, which is being examined inthis study.If, in the domestic context, we can do little else other than speculate, dueto the extreme dearth of available sources, we can, however, proceed with acertain degree of certainty with regard to the external relations of theMaldives during this period. The sources reveal that some of the islands,especially Male, the capital, were a veritable cross-roads for ships and people bound for and, above all, returning from the ports of Southeast Asia andSouth China; in the Maldives, during the late 15th century, the Chinese presence, more visible during the cycle of the voyages undertaken by the Mingdynasty in the Indian Ocean (until 1433), (8) undoubtedly maintained closeties with overseas Chinese communities based in the ports of northernSumatra (Samudera-Pasai and Pidie) and the Malay Peninsula (Malacca,5. Once again, the only work about this reign of Kalu Muhammad is that by G. Bouchon,Mamale de Cananor, pp. 49-50.6. Trkh/Bell, p. 24.7. Thanks to the study by Mohamed Nasheed, Maldives, A Historical Overview ofTraditional Dhivehi Polity (1800-1900), Maldives, Orient Academic Centre, 2003.8. Cf. Roderich Ptak, The Maldive and Laccadive Islands (Liu Shan) in Ming Records ,most recently re-edited in his anthology entitled China's Seaborne Trade with South andSoutheast Asia (1200-1750), Aldershot/Brookfield/Singapore/Sydney, Ashgate/Variorum,1999.



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56 Jorge M. dos Santos AlvesPahang and Patani). (9) We also find mention of the strong presence of peoplewhom we can generically designate as Arabs , more specifically from thesouthern region of the Arabian Peninsula that included merchants and menof religion. One of them even ruled as sultan of the Maldives between 1466and 1468. 0) There are also signs that testify to the presence of a communityfrom Gujarat, including epigraphic evidence. 0') This amply proves the tiesthat existed between the Maldives and northern India - both in terms of religious and commercial links - and, via this route, the islands were connectedto one of the most active centres of medieval Islamic culture and civilisation.Thus, at the close of the 15th century and during the early decades of the16th century, the Maldives were a commercial hub and an essential halt forGujarati maritime trade, where names such as those of the great magnatesMalik Ayz (governor of Diu) and Malik Gopi (a rich merchant from Surat,Broach and Daman) stood out.(12)To these, we can add the more than probable and numerous presence ofpeople from the Malabar region especially from the ports around Calicutand Cannanore, whose geographical proximity was a decisive factor in thecommercial-maritime traffic to and from the Maldives. Also in the Indiancontext, it is important to note the presence of Tamil businessmen, comingfrom the ports of the Coromandel coast, who worked in close co-operationwith their partners established in the main commercial centres of the Straitsof Malacca, notably Malacca and Samudera-Pasai, O3) not to speak of Bengaland Bengali merchants and the region's ancient commercial ties with theMaldives.The accommodation and management of all these foreign interests thatjockeyed with each other in the small ports of the Maldives, especially in theport of Male, undoubtedly influenced Maldivian society. In much the samemanner as happened, during the same period, for example, in the societies ofthe Malay sultanates of the Straits of Malacca, O4) it had an impact both on9. The trade in cowries from the Maldives, via Bengal, for the Chinese market has been confirmed in the case of the province of Yunnan at least until the 17th century (cf. Bin Yang,Horses, Silver, and Cowries : Yunnan in Global Perspective , in Journal of World History,vol. 15, no. 3, September 2004).10. Andrew D.W. Forbes, Southern Arabia and the Islamicization of the Central IndianOcean Archipelagoes , m Archipel, no. 21, Paris, 1981, pp. 55-92.11. See the article by Ludvik Kalus Claude Guillot & in this volume.12. With regard to the mercantile activities of these two figures in the ports of the Straits ofMalacca and their connections with the Maldives during the first two decades of the 16thcentury, see Jorge Santos Alves, Trs Sultanatos Malaios do Estreito de Malaca nos sculosXVe XVIe (Samudera-Pasai, Aceh e Malaca-Johor). Estudo Comparativo de Histria Social ePolitico, Ph.D. thesis, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, 2003, Chapter VI.13. Idem, chapter IV & VI.14. Idem, chapter III & V.



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Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528) 57the islands' political and economic evolution as well as on the cultural moresand social structure of the Maldives. It is accepted that these Shockwavescould have unleashed political and socio-economic pressures upon localelites, especially upon the various bodun clans, the sultans themselves andthe royal family. However, it was not limited to merely these elements ofsociety. Likewise, the Islamic cultural and religious circles of the islandswere affected, the result of the opening of the Maldives to currents andschools of thought, interpretation and experiences of Islam that must haveshaken local life. Yet another coercive factor with which the Maldivian sultans including Kalu Muhammad, had to contend. It is possible that in various circumstances, the social and political weight of religious leaders originally from the Middle East, with an aura of being savants and saints, couldhave unbalanced the political equilibrium in the sultanate, contributingtowards the contestation or even the dethronement of a sultan. O5)Based more upon inferences than on firm documental resources, thesecomments could help to re-evaluate the analysis of the political career ofSultan Kalu Muhammad during his second reign, which began in 1494.The Second Reign (1494-1510)

Sultan Kalu Muhammad's second reign lasted approximately sixteenyears. Just like in the case of his first reign, local sources, especially theTrkh, dryly noted his return to the Maldivian throne, ousting a relative,who used the title of Sultan 'Ali.O6) On this occasion, unlike its first entryabout Kalu Muhammad, the Islamic chronicle of the Maldives added aninteresting note : the 'Adi Raja of Cannanore had rendered (military?) assistance to Kalu Muhammad during his bid to regain power. (17)15. Mohamed Nasheed, Maldives, pp. 47-69.16. Trkh/Bell, p. 24; Trkh/BellW, p. 4.17. Idem. The political action of the 'Adi Rajas of Cannanore until the mid- 16th century isstill obscure. Although some elements of the oral tradition of certain areas of the Malabarregion date the origins of the office and respective title to the 14th/15th century, there are nocredible documental sources that attest to this. However, it now seems relatively clear, giventhe information provided by Portuguese texts, that the title of 'Adi Raja already existed in the1510s - instead of a decade later, as defended by, for example, G. Bouchon, Mamale deCananor, pp. 179 onwards (cf. for example : anonymous letter to the king of Portugal,Cochin, 15/1/1519, IAN/TT, CC 1-24-16; lvaro Fernandes to the king of Portugal,Cannanore, 30/12/1520, in As Gavetas, vol. IV, pp. 123-129). The archaeology of therights and duties of the 'Adi Rajas is, for the time being, difficult to establish for the early16th century. However, it would be reasonable to affirm that since the very beginning of the16th century, if not as early as the final decades of the 15th century, the Arakkal clan,through the title and office of the 'Adi Raja gained political terrain in the kingdom ofCannanore, manoeuvring ever closer to and wielding a growing influence over the Hindumonarchs of this realm. The case of the Maldives seems to have been a reflection of this reality. In effect, although in the eyes of the Portuguese it seemed that the political tutelage of



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58 Jorge M. dos Santos AlvesIt was precisely this political act by Kalu Muhammad that, in the eyes ofhis biographers, decided his political future. By requesting/accepting the

politico-military - and probably also financial - assistance of the powerfulMappilla Arakkal clan, to which the 'Adi Raja of Cannanore belonged, KaluMuhammad definitively mortgaged his internal political prestige and thepolitical autonomy of the sultanate. After 1494, the direction of the government f the Maldives passed, without entreaties or aggravations, into thehands of the Arakkal clan, headed by the brothers Mam' 'Ali Malabari andHusein Fukar Malabari. The latter held the office of 'Adi Raja at the end ofthe 15th century. (18)According to the opinion of contemporary European informants about theMaldives, this political connection with the 'Adi Raja of Cannanore ensured

a lull in the political situation, and guaranteed a government without majordisturbances for Kalu Muhammad. (19) Is there nothing else that can be saidabout the sixteen years of Kalu Muhammad's second reign, which wasabruptly interrupted in 1510? The circumstances surrounding his seconddeparture from the throne could help to shed some more light upon KaluMuhammad's second spell as ruler of the Maldives.This time, the usurper was a bodun, his nephew, a son of Sultan Yusuf,who had governed as sultan for a brief two and a half months in 1492. (2)The reign of this radun, who took the title of Sultan Hassan, lasted two yearsafter which he was ousted from power by a religious leader of Arab origin,Sharif Ahmad, who claimed to be from Mecca and a descendant of theProphet himself. This individual held power for about two years. (21) Whatsignificance can be attributed to the rise to power of a foreigner, and a religious leader at that ? As it was not exactly a novel occurrence in the historyof the Maldives, (22) this point is worthy of attention.the islands was held by the ruler of Cannanore, in fact, it appears to have already been in thehands of the 'Adi Raja.18. It is impossible to skirt the study by G. Bouchon, Mamale de Cananor, about the activitiesf the Arakkal clan and Mam' 'Ali Malabari in particular. For the period in question, seepp. 49-50 & 1 19-120. As for Husein Fukar Malabari, 'Adi Raja during the 1510s and a goodpart of the 1520s, we are preparing a more detailed study as part of the research project thatincludes this article.19. With regard to what the sources for this period, especially the work by the Italian SantoSteffano and an anonymous Portuguese, have to say about the Maldives, see G. Bouchon,Mamale de Cananor, pp. 43-50.20. Trkh/Bell, p. 24.21. Idem, p. 25. According to a note by Bell, this sultan used the title Malik ( king ).22. As early as 1466-1468 another Arab had ruled the Maldives, who also claimed to be adescendant of the Prophet and was undoubtedly a Sufi. He took the title of SayyidMuhammad (Trkh/Bell, p. 23).



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Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528) 59It is possible that in the sultanate of the Maldives, apart from the politicalconflicts between the most influential clans amongst the bodun, during the

1490s and 1500s religious altercations took place between schools of Islamicthought, which had serious repercussions in political circles. One must recallthat during the first quarter of the 16th century, in an area that was very closein geographical terms, in some Malay sultanates in the region of the Straitsof Malacca, such as Samudera-Pasai and Malacca, religious conflicts affectedhe political lives of these states. (23) Moreover, in the Maldives themselves, the same thing had happened during the 1460s. The government ofSultan Hassan and his political fate were greatly conditioned by personalcontroversies, which were, however, of a religious nature. After his returnfrom the Haj around 1467, on the pretext of a juridical and theological dispute with the kadhi, a Persian called Hassan Shirazi, the sultan got involvedin a violent conflict with this judge and ended up by ordering his execution,publicly burning him at the stake. The reaction of certain religious sectors ofMaldivian society, headed by an Arab religious leader who was living in theMaldives, fakih Suleiman al-Madini, exacerbated the conflict. The outcomeof this clash has been preserved in local traditions, which note that the fakihcursed the sultan, who died shortly thereafter, wracked by a terrible and agonising disease. (24)Something similar could have happened with Sultan Kalu Muhammad.His image as a man and ruler that has been preserved for posterity in the collective memory of the Maldivians by the hand of an Islamic theologian iscrushing : When he regained the throne, this sultan imagined that he wouldhave a long and peaceful reign. He did not think about what the future had instore for him or that, upon his deathbed he would not have anyone to helphim. The messenger of Death soon appeared before him and deprived him ofthe pomp and glory of his throne. His useless and debilitated body was laidto rest and left to rot. People even avoided uttering his name .(25)

This passage from the Trkh could indicate the existence of these kindsof religious disputes and their interference in the political life of the sultanateof the Maldives during the transition from the 15th to the 16th century.Perhaps this could also help explain Kalu Muhammad's second exit frompower.23. Jorge Santos Alves, Trs Sultanatos malaios, chapter V. For Java in the 1540s, seeClaude Guillot and Ludvik Kalus, La Jrusalem javanaise et sa mosque al-Aqs. Texte defondation de la mosque de Kudus date 956/1549 in Archipel, no. 63, Paris, 2002, pp. 27-56.24. Trkh/Bell, p. 23.25. Trkh/BelK2\ p. 3.



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60 Jorge M. dos Santos AlvesThe Third Reign (1512-1528)

Ousted from power in the Maldives in 15 10, (26> relegated to the opposition, Kalu Muhammad once again appealed to the Adi Raja ofCannanore. (27> Once ties of political dependence had been renewed with theArakkal clan and the political and economic principles regulating this agreement had been decided upon, Kalu Muhammad returned to the Maldivesaccompanied by a naval fleet sent by the 'Adi Raja. This is what is stated inthe Trkh. En route, he was intercepted by a Portuguese armada, with whomhe negotiated military help in exchange for an annual tribute. Once the problem had been resolved, these two forces then joined together and headed forthe Maldives, where they proceeded to reinstate Kalu Muhammad upon thethrone. (28> In other words, from the perspective of the Trkh, KaluMuhammad had managed, for a moment, to unite the support of two hostileforces : the Portuguese and the 'Adi Raja of Cannanore. Thus, perhapsSultan Kalu Muhammad was not completely wanting in terms of politicaltact, capabilities and negotiating skills. According to the Maldivian chronicle e had counted upon and managed to achieve a reconciliation of externalassistance in support of his plans to recover the throne. Thus, what has traditionally been viewed as weakness and political capitulation on the part ofKalu Muhammad could, instead, indicate his adroitness at negotiations.The Portuguese sources, in their turn, insist on contradicting this idea.Sources comprising information gathered in the ports of the Malabar region,especially in Cochin and Cannanore, are what contributed most towards theformation of the historical image of Sultan Kalu Muhammad. There is, however, one proviso to be made. These Portuguese texts cannot all be read inthe same way. There are important differences between the texts that werewritten before and after 1517, the year of the establishment, albeit a ratherprecarious one, of a fortress and factory of the Estado da India, in theMaldives. One must therefore distinguish between information gatheredindirectly and directly. In the former, pre-1517, the following point standsout with regard to Kalu Muhammad and his political actions : the reaffirma-tion of his submission and capitulation before the 'Adi Raja of Cannanore26. With regard to the third reign of Sultan Kalu Muhammad there are diverse points that areworth re-evaluating, which we shall do on another occasion, despite the excellent work ofchronological reconstruction realised by Genevive Bouchon, Martiale de Cananor, pp. 123-130.27. Trkh/Bell, p. 25.28. Trkh/Bell, p. 25. Bell likewise relates a popular tradition that describes the essential roleplayed by Kalu Muhammad's wife, Burakhi Rani (who was the sister of the dethroned Sultan'Ali), in the conspiracy that restored Kalu Muhammad to the throne. The same tradition aversthat the military help obtained from the sultans of Aceh, in northern Sumatra, greatly contributed towards the success of the coup. There is no mention of these events in the historicalchronicles of this Malay sultanate.



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Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528) 6 1and the Arakkal clan, In truth, curiously enough, the Portuguese sourcesstress the role of Mam' 'Ali Malabari more, while the Maldivian sideemphasises the 'Adi Raja, Husein Fukar Malabari. What did remain, however as an absolute control over the political life of the Maldives on the partof this Mappilla clan. Kalu Muhammad was no more than a roi depaille .(29)

In the category of pre-1517 sources, the main provider of informationabout the Maldives and its sultan was Afonso de Albuquerque, governor ofthe Estado da India between 1509 and 1515. (3) Briefly, this is whatAlbuquerque stated about the Maldives and Kalu Muhammad without, onemust recall, ever having written his name :An alleged emissary of the sultan of the Maldives arrived in Cochin, perhaps in August1510. The emissary denounced the oppression of the 'Adi Raja of Cannanore over his sultan and promised vassalage to the ruler of Portugal, in exchange for help against the 'AdiRaja;The assistance rendered by the Arakkal clan to Kalu Muhammad in 1510 would renew theclaims and rights of the 'Adi Raja of Cannanore upon the Maldives, whose title belongedto Husein Fukar Malabari/31) in conformance with the concession made by the ruler ofCannanore ; (32)

29. Mamale de Cananor, p. 124.30. The bulk of his information about the Maldives and the political and economic life ofthese islands is contained in two of his letters, both written in 1512 : Afonso de Albuquerqueto the king of Portugal, Cochin, 1/4/1512, in CAA, I, pp. 29-65 [48] Afonso de Albuquerqueto the king of Portugal, Cannanore, 1 1/10/1512, in CAA, I, pp. 85-90.31. Whom Portuguese sources generally call iapocar .32. The mediation of the ruler of Cannanore was perhaps a master stroke in the strategy ofthe Arakkal clan with a view to preserving their political tutelage over the Maldives. One canconsider the hypothesis that the 'Adi Raja, Husein Fukar Malabari and his brothers, namelyam' 'Ali Malabari, had understood that only by playing in the name of a sovereign couldthey hope to maintain the political status quo with regard to the Maldives. In other words,only by convincing the Portuguese that their tutelage over the Maldives was an atavic concession by the ruler of Cannanore could they maintain the rights and title in the hands of theirclan. Thus, only by placing the question of the Maldives at the level of diplomatic relationsbetween sovereigns - the ruler of Portugal and the ruler of Cannanore - could they hope tomaintain their suzerainty over the Maldives that, one can recall, persisted in the collectivememory of the Malabar Mappillas in the 16th century as being the possession of the 'AdiRaja by right of conquest (cf. Zinadim, p. 70). In the light of these ideas, perhaps one canbetter understand the difficulties the Portuguese faced in understanding the complicity of successive rulers of Cannanore with regard to the pretensions of the Arakkal clan over theMaldives. Perhaps one can also better understand the efforts made by Mam' 'Ali Malabaritowards political recognition and closer ties with regard to Portugal (cf. Mam' 'Ali Malabarito the queen of Portugal, Cannanore, undated (1513?), IAN/TT, Cartas dos Vice-reis, no.141) at the height of the Estado da India's intervention in the question of the Maldives. Thesame could also, perhaps, be applied to the moment of the succession of the 'Adi Raja, in1527/1528, when Mam' 'AH Malabari gave the office to his brother Fukar Mam' Malabari,and the question of the Maldives was once again raised upon the death of Sultan KaluMuhammad (cf. Sebastio Rodrigues Marosim to the king of Portugal, Cannanore, 6/2/1528,IAN/TT, CC 1-39-17, fl. 2).



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62 Jorge M. dos Santos AlvesThe 'Adi Raja and the Arakkal clan had imposed or re-imposed a monopolistic regimewith regard to the main products that were exported from the Maldives (dried fish,cowries, coir and fine silks), in exchange for supplies of rice and other provisions as wasthe custom. Sultan Kalu Muhammad must have hesitated about maintaining his loyaltyo an old political alliance, which perhaps dated back to the mid- 15thcentury ; this was a relationship in which the duties and rights of each of theparties involved were well known however, in a certain way, it was quitesuffocating, especially on account of Cannanore's geographical proximity.This political bond was so deeply ingrained in the everyday existence of the

sultans of the Maldives that they habitually dressed in the manner of theMalabarian rulers, followed their court ceremonies and even imitated theirpalaces. (35) The Portuguese, on the other hand, offered Kalu Muhammad theprospect of another political alliance to foreigners, about whom he musthave known very little apart from their awe-inspiring reputation as aformidable naval power. One still does not know what kind of notions prevailed in the Maldives and in Kalu Muhammad's mind at the time about thePortuguese, the Portuguese governor, Afonso de Albuquerque, and the rulerof Portugal. One would assume that Kalu Muhammad and the overwhelmingmajority of the bodun must have had very confused and vague ideas aboutall of this.

During the pre-1517 period, the principal source of information about theMaldives and Kalu Muhammad for the Estado da India was an alleged emis-33. Correia, II, pp. 129 and 130 frames the issue in slightly more realistic terms, outliningthe backbone of the economic rights and duties of the tutelage of the 'Adi Raja of Cannanoreover the Maldives, which are curiously very similar to the principles governing the suzeraintyexercised by 'Adi Raja Bibi of Cannanore over the Laccadives, in the first half of the 19thcentury, clearly evident in the correspondence exchanged between this ruler and the Englishauthorities in the Malabar region (cf. T.J. Joseph Mathew, Lakshadweep in the MaritimeHistory of India. A Study of the Original Correspondence between the British and theArakkal Family ofMalabar, Pondicherry, Pondicherry University Press, 1992).34. To all appearances, the agreement about the question of the Maldives between the 'AdiRaja, the Arakkal clan and the Estado da India was formalised in September 1510, accordingto various Portuguese sources, with the exception of Afonso de Albuquerque who, in his letters to the Portuguese monarch cited above, preferred to insist on the possibilty of confrontationee, amongst others, Correia, II, pp. 129-130.35. Castanheda, I, p. 928.



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Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528) 63sary sent by this sultan to Cochin. This individual was a Persian, a native ofHormuz, by the name of Baba Abdullah. (36) Between 1512 and 1515, duringAfonso de Albuquerque's administration, Baba Abdullah was the main supplier of intelligence about the Maldives for the Portuguese. Leaving asidefor another occasion the debate about the relationship between this Persianand Kalu Muhammad and his place in the political life of the Maldivian sultanate whose intricacies he did, in fact, appear to dominate, it is important tostress that the path to closer ties between the sultan of the Maldives and theEstado da India seems to have been more a result of arduous work ratherthan mere chance, especially due to the efforts of Baba Abdullah, who foresaw an opportunity for political promotion. Baba Abdullah seems to havebeen more of a free-lancer than a diplomatic representative, who sought tomediate an agreement between the Portuguese and Kalu Muhammad inexchange for a high office in the sultanate, once the sultan had been reinstate n the Maldivian throne, as he himself affirms : the post of vizir .(37)The influential presence of Persians in Male was not limited, during this lastreign of Kalu Muhammad, to Baba Abdullah, as the sultan ended up bychoosing one of his concubines to be his queen (before 1519) : a Persianwoman called Fatimah Shirazi, whose son, in fact, later succeeded him, taking the title of Hassan Shirazi. (38)After 1517, Portuguese knowledge about the Maldives more accuratelyreflected ground realities and they no longer depended on third parties.However, the depreciative image of Kalu Muhammad persisted and he wasdescribed as a puppet-sultan completely straitjacketed by his bodun and, asalways, manipulated by the Mappillas of Cannanore, especially by the 'AdiRaja. (39) As if this were not enough, they depicted him as being totally impotent n the military sphere, unable to control the abuse perpetrated by theGujarati ships that frequented the Maldivian ports, especially Male, whosecapacities in terms of men and pieces of artillery humbled all of KaluMuhammad's pretensions. (4) According to Portuguese sources, trapped by36. Very little is known about this Persian, except for the autobiographical details he includedn his letter to the Portuguese sovereign in 1519, which is more a kind of report about theMaldives (cf. Baba Abdullah to the king of Portugal, s/1 s/d (1519 ?), in Jean Aubin, Le Latinet l'Astrolabe. Recherches sur le Portugal de la Renaissance, son expansion en Asie et lesrelations internationales, Lisbon/Paris, Centre Culturel Calouste Gulbenkian/ComissoNacional para as Comemoraes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 2000, vol. II, pp. 433-443).37. Baba Abdullah to the king of Portugal, cited above, p. 435.38. Trkh/Bell, p. 25.39. The most expressive example of this category of documents is lvaro Fernandes to theking of Portugal, cited above.40. See, inter alia, Simo Sodr to the king of Portugal, Cochin, 28/12/1526, IAN/TT, CC I-35-15, fl. 2.



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64 Jorge M. dos Santos Alvesall these pressures, Kalu Muhammad did not discard the possibility of coming o an understanding with the Estado da India. On at least one occasionhe sent emissaries to Cochin with a view to renegotiating an agreement withregard to the trade in coir. (41) Kalu Muhammad died in 1528.Final Notes

To conclude this brief study, we would like to highlight some notes aboutthis Maldivian sultan who reveals himself to be a fascinating personage inevery aspect.The first note concerns the negative image of Kalu Muhammad both inPortuguese and in Maldivian sources. In the former, this was perhapsmotivated by the obstacles that this sultan posed for the realisation of thegeo-political strategy and tactics of the Estado da India in the region. In thelatter, one suspects that it was, above all, due to religious reasons, i.e. onaccount of the stance assumed by Kalu Muhammad in the debates or eventhe clashes of Islamic theological positions that could have taken place inreligious circles in the Maldives between the late 15th century and the early16th century.The second note has to do with the permanent and exhausting game ofpolitical survival that Kalu Muhammad played during three decades of hislife. At the level of internal politics, between the manoeuvres of the bodun,religious leaders and other possible pretenders to the Maldivian throne. Onan external plane, on account of the necessity to accommodate and managethe permanent or seasonal presence of so many and such varied interests inthe Maldives (Malabaris, Gujaratis, Persians, Arabs, Portuguese etc), due tothe archipelago's strategic position on the oceanic routes of the Indian Oceanand its products that were highly sought after in international markets. Thiswas the destiny of the ruler of a small state that was important on account ofits position in the Indian Ocean. Kalu Muhammad, just like the numeroussultans of the small Malay states of the area surrounding the Straits ofMalacca during this period, seems to have been at the mercy of the networksof Asian trade and the magnates that controlled it. He therefore had to be apolitical survivor.Finally, for better or worse, Kalu Muhammad ensured what was essentialfor the survival of the sultanate of the Maldives : the commercial flux of itsproducts. He did so by guaranteeing a certain level of political stability thatenabled the normal rhythm of business dealings to proceed as usual. As BabaAbdullah, the Persian, sagaciously commented, The profit from these transactions is good (in the Maldives), but there is one characteristic that must be41. See, amongst others, Vicente Pegado to the king of Portugal, Cochin, 29/12/1526,IAN/TT, CC 11-138-46, fl. 15v.



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Kalu Muhammad Hilali, Sultan of the Maldives (1491-1528) 65kept in mind : all the inhabitants are weak and when they are perturbed, nomatter how slightly, they flee and the Maldives are totally ruined due tooppression. There are large numbers of foreigners. When they feel secure,business thrives. If they see disorder, they all flee and remove their shipsfrom the port, and the Maldives are lost . (42)Abbreviations and acronymsCAA - Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque seguidas de documentos que as elucidam,published by Raymundo A. de Bulho Pato and Henrique Lopes de Mendona, 7 vols.,Lisbon, 1884-1935.Castanheda - Ferno Lopes de Castanheda, Histria do Descobrimento e Conquista da Indiapelos Portugueses, introduction and revision by M. Lopes de Almeida, 2 vols., Porto, 1979.CC - Corpo Cronologico (in IAN/TT).Correia - Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, introduction and revision by M. Lopes deAlmeida, 4 vols., Porto, 1975.Gavetas - As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, published by A. Silva Rego, 12 vols., Lisbon,1960-1967.IAN/TT - Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais/Torre do Tombo (Lisbon).TrkhIBellW - H.C.P. Bell, The Maldives Islands, Monograph on the History, Archaeology,and Epigraphy, Colombo, Ceylon Government Press, 1940.TrkhIBell - H.C.P. Bell, Excerpta Maldiviana, First published in 1922-1935 in the Journalof the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Delhi, Asian Educational Services, 1998.Zinadim - Histria dos Portugueses no Malabar por Zinadim, Portuguese translation,introduction and notes by David Lopes, Lisbon, 1898.

42. Baba Abdullah to the king of Portugal, cited above, p. 441


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