Knowledge-Based Policy and Program Development Initiative

Learning from CIDA’s Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II

(1996-2003)

STRENGTHENING CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN

MUSTAFA NAZIR AHMAD

October 2004

South Asia Partnership-Canada and

South Asia Partnership-Pakistan

CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY…………………………………………………………04 Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION TO CIVIL SOCIETY……………………………07

1.1 Literature Review……………………………………………………......08 1.2 Modern Definitions………………………………………………………08 1.3 Working Definition, Components and Role…………………………...09 1.4 Shift of Focus on Civil Society and its Key Manifestations…………11

Chapter 2: STATE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN……………………..13

2.1 Overview………………………………………………………………....13 2.2 Structure………………………………………………………………….14

2.2.1 Mapping Civil Society 2.2.2 Regional Distribution 2.2.3 Thematic Focus 2.2.4 Human and Financial Resources 2.2.5 Membership Base 2.2.6 Networking/Umbrella Bodies

2.3 Space……………………………………………………………………..17 2.3.1 The Right of Association

2.3.2 General Attitude of Government Agencies 2.3.3 Fiscal Framework

2.3.4 The Legal Framework 2.3.5 Open Hostility 2.3.6 Links to Government 2.3.7 Government-CSO Partnership: Current Scenario 2.3.8 Socio-Religious Pressure 2.3.9 Socio-Cultural Norms

2.4 Values…………………………………………………………………….21 2.4.1 Tradition of Charity 2.4.2 Promoting Human Rights and Tolerance 2.4.3 Promoting Sustainable Development

2.4.4 Violence and Militancy: The Other Extreme 2.4.5 Other Folk Sub-Sectors 2.4.6 Gender Equity 2.4.7 Accountability and Transparency 2.4.8 Self-Regulation

2

2.5 Impact…………………………………………………………………….25 2.5.1 Public Policy 2.5.2 Effectiveness of CSOs 2.5.3 Creating Awareness

2.5.4 Successful Lobbying 2.5.5 International Recognition 2.5.6 Portrayal in Media 2.5.7 Some Setbacks

Chapter 3: STRENGTHENING CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN……………29

3.1 Major Challenges to Civil Society in Pakistan………………………..29 3.2 SAP-PK’s Approach…………………………………………………….30 3.3 SAP-PK’s Role…………………………………………………………..31 3.4 SAP-PK’s Achievements……………………………………………….31 3.5 SAP-PK’s Range of Partners…………………………………………..32 3.6 SAP-PK’s Salient Programmatic Interventions………………………33

3.6.1 Resource Development Program (RDP) 3.6.2 Provincial Coordinating Councils (CCs) 3.6.3 Small Capacity Building Inputs Program (SCBIP) 3.6.4 Local Research Program (LRP) 3.6.5 Inputs to Media and Other CSOs 3.6.6 Democratic Rights and Citizens’ Education Program (DRCEP) 3.6.7 Development Dialogue Series 3.6.8 Democracy and Human Rights Program (DHRP) 3.6.9 Technical Support Program (TSP)

Chapter 4: ENVISAGED ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN………56

4.1 SAP-PK’s Vision…………………………………………………………57 4.2 Democratic Local Governance…………………………………………58 4.3 Social Development……………………………………………………..58 4.4 Gender Equality………………………………………………………….59

3

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Canadian International Development Agency’s (CIDA’s) Pakistan NGO Support Program (PNSP), managed by South Asia Partnership-Canada (SAP-Canada) and implemented by South Asia Partnership-Pakistan (SAP-PK), has been providing financial and technical support to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Pakistan for over a decade now. Its major focus has been to contribute to people-centred participatory community development with gender and sustainability as the cross-cutting themes. Through the window of PNSP, SAP-PK has not only developed capacity of its partner organizations and their communities, but has also initiated research and advocacy initiatives on a wide range of development like including governance, peace, gender, human rights, agriculture, globalization, etc. The Phase-I of PNSP, extending from 1987 to 1995, helped the organization develop linkages with groups working at the grassroots level and nurture them into community organizations. Going a step ahead, the focus of the Program’s Phase-II (1996-2003) was on civil society and its intended impact was to enhance the capacity of Pakistani CSOs to implement programs aiming at the promotion of gender equality, human rights and democratic local governance. On the other hand, SAP-Canada is an active participant in Canadian civil society and a strong proponent of Pakistani civil society’s vital role in ameliorating the situation of the poor in the country. The organization is uniquely positioned to strengthen and build informed and cooperative communities in Canada and Pakistan to contribute to poverty eradication. At the culmination of PNSP Phase-II last year, SAP-Canada proposed, in cooperation with SAP-PK and with support from CIDA’s Pakistan Program, to produce a learning document for the benefit of CIDA, other national SAP organizations and CSOs in the South Asian region. The organization genuinely believed that it was important to assess the outcomes and initial impacts of the Program’s Phase-II, so as to have an increased and better understanding of the civil society issues in Pakistan. It was envisaged that this initiative, titled Learning from CIDA’s Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II, will allow for documentation and analysis of the past seven years’ experience, and will strengthen the basis for a stronger and renewed partnership between CIDA and the SAP organizations in Canada and Pakistan. Knowledge-Based Policy and Program Development Initiative of CIDA’s Pakistan Program supported this initiative on SAP-Canada’s request. Objectives The main objectives of Learning from CIDA’s Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II are to:*

4

document and analyze the results achieved during the last seven years under PNSP Phase-II;

document best practices for replication and upscaling strategies; take stock of the lessons learned during the PNSP Phase-II with a view to

facilitate more strategic development interventions in future, and to root the next phase of programming with CIDA in that continuous learning process;

assess SAP-PK’s success in integrating a gender perspective into its programming;

inform Canadians about development issues in Pakistan through a civil society lens, drawing on SAP-PK’s experiences in the field; and

highlight the importance of partnership development, focusing on building linkages as well as project support for Canadian and Pakistani organizations working for social change.

Expected Outputs The expected outputs of Learning from CIDA’s Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II are: Increased knowledge and understanding among CIDA and other

stakeholders of the positive development results of PNSP Phase-II; and Enhanced collaboration among CIDA, SAP-Canada, SAP-PK and other

Canadian stakeholders on key and emerging development issues in Pakistan, in particular gender equality.

Expected Outcome The expected outcome of Learning from CIDA’s Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II is “Increased capacity of stakeholders to generate, access and use information and analysis on development issues and experience in Pakistan for improved program and policy development.” Strengthening Civil Society in Pakistan In order to achieve these objectives, it was decided that the focus of Learning from CIDA’s Pakistan NGO Support Program Phase-II should be on civil society in Pakistan. The present document, the end product of the initiative, has been accordingly titled Strengthening Civil Society in Pakistan. It is further divided into four main sections introduced briefly in the following: Chapter 1, Introduction to Civil Society, studies the evolution of this concept and situates it in the present context. After sharing some of the modern definitions of civil society, an attempt has also been made to offer its working definition exclusively tailored to serve the purposes of this document. This chapter also introduces some of the key manifestations of civil society in the modern times.

5

Chapter 2, State of Civil Society in Pakistan, presents an overview of the contemporary civil society along four dimensions: Structure (number of CSOs, sectoral and regional distribution, resources, membership, networking, etc.); Space (legal, political and socio-cultural environment that civil society operates in); Values (norms and attitudes that civil society represents and propagates); and Impact (civil society’s contribution to various social, economic and political issues, and its role in policy-making, implementation and monitoring). Chapter 3, Strengthening Civil Society in Pakistan, enumerates some of the major challenges civil society in Pakistan is confronted with before moving on to SAP-PK’s approach and programmatic interventions aimed at addressing them. This section also briefly looks at the range of SAP-PK’s partners and some of its achievements with regard to strengthening civil society in Pakistan. Chapter 4, Envisaged Role of Civil Society in Pakistan, looks at SAP-PK’s vision and how the organization plans to strengthen civil society through specific interventions in the areas of democratic local governance, social development and gender equality.

6

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION TO CIVIL SOCIETY

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a global ubiquity to the concept of civil society among researchers and activists, and a widespread assumption among many policy-makers in different parts of the world of its global relevance to strengthening democracy and development. Civil Society is usually understood as the population of groups formed for collective purposes, primarily outside the state and marketplace. It is usually seen as being situated beyond the household, and some writers argue that it is composed of groups which cross-cut ties of kinship and patronage. Civil society promotes democracy, so goes the prevailing orthodoxy in the mostly western literature on democratization in emerging democracies. Inspired in large part by the post-1990 triumph of liberal democracy in large swathes of the globe, this fantastic creation also informs much of the current thinking in development policy given its presumed utility both as an analytical concept and as an instrument of change. Romanticized as an autonomous sphere of associational activity constituted by disparate societal groups, bonded together by the common passion of collective action, civil society is assumed to be selflessly engaged in negotiating and claiming what is rightfully the citizens' political, economic and social prerogatives from state. Thus, it generates social capital and inculcates a general sense of publicness that in turn makes the government responsive and accountable to it. The idea of civil society has many different roots. Adam Ferguson saw it as a socially desirable alternative both to the state of nature and the heightened individualism of emergent capitalism. The German philosopher Friedrich Hegel argued that self-organized civil society needed to be balanced and ordered by the state; otherwise, it would become self-interested and would not contribute to the common good. Both approaches shaped the concept’s early evolution. Moving from the social and political sphere to the narrower organizational focus, the work of Alex de Tocquville has been influential and has been used to support arguments in favor of civil society. His positive account of the 19th century associationalism in the United States stressed volunteerism, community spirit and independent associational life protections against the domination of society by the state, and indeed as counterbalance which helped keep the state accountable and effective. This account – and elements of those which preceded it – tended to stress the role of civil society as one in which some kind of equilibrium was created in relation to the state and the market.

7

1.1 Literature Review The concept of civil society has gained an unprecedented currency in the last decade or so and now an enormous amount of literature is available on this subject. However, answers to questions on the role of civil society and who is its part and who is not continue to vary between countries, and even among social activists and development practitioners from the same country. Therefore, it is crucial to develop a rigorous understanding of the idea of civil society and the form it takes. Before moving on to its definitions, components, role, manifestations and the shift of focus on it, let us first delve into history to trace its roots and study its evolution: From the 17th century onwards, almost all political theorists have talked about civil society. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) and John Locke (1632-1704) distinguished between the state and civil society – the organized society over which the state rules. They argued that it was possible not to have a state. Therefore, they needed a concept to describe the remaining institutions. Civil society, then, is the framework within which those without political authority live their lives: economic relationships, family and kinship structures, religious institutions and so on. Locke drew a blueprint for a political system in which the government would be severely limited in its role, and subject to control and even abolition by the citizenry. He and later Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) argued that sovereignty lay with the people, not with a monarch, and governments had their authority only because the citizens consented to their rule to achieve specific benefits. Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) analyzed civil society as an intermediate institution between the family and the political relations of the state. In German Ideology, Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-95) argue that civil society is the true source and theatre of all history – the explanation of political events, legal changes and cultural development is to be sought in the development of its structure. This Marxist conception was also adopted by Antonio Gramci (1891-1937), who argued that between the coercive relations of the state and the economic sphere of production lies civil society. 1.2 Modern Definitions Since the use of civil society as a term has become fashionable, many individuals and institutions have tried to define it in order to capture its diverse perceptions and help maximum people relate to it. To facilitate better understanding of the concept, some of the major modern definitions of civil society are presented in the following:

“It expresses the potential for toleration, for accommodating different worldviews and lifestyles. It refers to communications and social relations

8

among people, a horizontal space where non-violent management of differences become possible.” (Roberto Belloni)

“It is a collection of individual and collective initiatives for common public good.” (Society for the Participatory Research in Asia: PRIA)

“An association unites the efforts of minds which have a tendency to diverge in one single channel, and urges them vigorously towards one single end which it points out. Feelings and opinions are recruited, the heart is enlarged and the human mind is developed by no other means than by the reciprocal influence of men (people) upon each other.” (Alexis de Tocqueville) “The social capital embodied in networks of civic engagement seems to be a pre-condition for economic development as well as for effective government. Development economists take note: Civics matters.” (Robert D. Putnam) “The network of autonomous associations that rights-bearing and responsibility-leaden citizens voluntarily create to address common problems, advance shared interests and promote collective aspirations.” (CIVICUS) “It has three basic pillars: association, decentralization of the state, and delegation of the exercise of some of its functions to relatively independent entities.” (Vaclav Havel) “It refers to that sphere of voluntary associations and informal networks in which individuals and groups engage in activities of public consequence. It is distinguished from the public activities of government because it is voluntary, and from the private activities of markets because it seeks common ground and public goods. It is often described as the third sector. For democratic societies, it provides an essential link between citizens and the state.” (Civic Practices Network)

1.3 Working Definition, Components and Role As we have already seen, various social and political scientists, philosophers, and organizations have tried to define civil society in their personalized contexts. However, we need to evolve a working definition of this concept exclusively tailored to serve the purposes of this document. It goes as follows:

“It is a panoply of organizations and individuals that engage in public life. Those acting from a social justice perspective engage in public life to help people, groups and governing institutions meet their mutual responsibilities to the society; to check and balance the power of the state and market; and to work towards making real a vision of a just, decent society.”

Civil society includes, among others, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Community-Based Organizations (CBOs), women’s groups, philanthropic and

9

religious organizations, professional associations, civic organizations, community gathering places, rural organizations, poor people’s groups, youth groups, farmers associations, labor unions, and both ordinary and elite individuals. These are illustrative examples and in no way limit the institutional possibilities. Taken as a whole, it represents a diversity of identities, issues and perspectives. It can draw strength from its pluralism and diversity, even though it cannot represent or speak for the interests of all people all of the time, or even some of the time. Overall, civil society excludes members of the state apparatus (the military, police, bureaucracy, elected officials, etc.), political parties, corporations and donor agencies. However, there is space for individuals from these institutions to engage in public roles that are separate from their work affiliations. Civil society’s strength depends largely on its genuine autonomy from the state. CSOs and their leadership must be independent of government authorities even as they work to develop professional and public relationships with public officials at all levels of government. A civil society includes a public process where policies, legislation and regulations are crafted, implemented and revised. Participation in this process is open and/or representative. Accountability, likewise, is achieved and sought through this process. And, within this process, debate and disagreement as well as compromise and negotiation are accepted. Civil society is essentially a citizens’ domain, well captured in Marc Nerfin’s formulation Neither Prince nor Merchant: Citizen. He distinguishes the citizen from the prince and the merchant. Implicit in this symbolic formulation is the fundamental characteristic of civil society: its relative autonomy from the state and the market. The prince, the merchant and the citizen constitute three different sets of institutions, each of which has distinct motivations and structural preferences as shown in the following: Institution Primary Concern Does Through Represents Operates State Sector

Preservation of social order

Legitimate authority and coercive sanction from society

Interests of the majority (or dominant groups)

In the realm of the political system

Market Sector

Production of goods and services

Mechanisms of negotiated economic exchange and profit maximization

Individual self-interest

In the realm of the market

Associating or Citizens’ Sector

Articulation and actualization of a particular social vision

Shared normative values of its patrons, members and clients

Interest of those who consider their interest is marginalized

In the realm of the civil society

10

1.4 Shift of Focus on Civil Society and its Key Manifestations In the present context, three tendencies came together at one moment in history and contributed to the emergence of civil society: overthrow of authoritarian regimes; acceptance of democracy as the only form of political organization of society; and triumph of the market. As a result of these and other factors like the growth of communications technology, ordinary people are recognizing their responsibility to help resolve issues of local, national and international concern. This marks a shift in consciousness away from dependency on governments and other elites towards the insight that interdependence is the keynote of all life, implying that it is only through the enlightened thinking and actions of all that global crises can be faced and resolved. The growing number who have decided to live by this insight are the spearhead of a new civilization which is based on that which has never yet before truly existed – right human relations. Although they still represent a small fraction of the global population, they wield a force for good out of proportion to their numbers. Furthermore, their numbers are increasing. Dramatic evidence for this is provided by the growth in the number of NGOs, one of the principal channels through which this new responsible living manifests. One of the most important aspects of choosing to work within an NGO or other CSOs is the fact that it is a definite opportunity to work in a group, rather than as a separated individual. Group work makes it easier to leave behind the selfish concerns of the individual, so freeing more energy to realize the service objectives of the group. The amazing growth of this tendency to work cooperatively in groups suggests that a fundamental change is taking place in human consciousness: we are perhaps beginning to unfold the capacity for group consciousness, in which the best elements of all the individual minds and hearts involved are united in constructive effort. A group of this sort thus represents a true unity-in-diversity: a unity focused by a common vision and the principles through which that vision is realized, and a diversity of expertise within each individual's field of responsibility. Living up to such a new ideal is not easy, but the reward is a capacity to serve others far greater than would be possible for the individuals alone. And on a wider scale, the ability to create fluid alliances which recognize a shared purpose is one which groups themselves are increasingly demonstrating. A major example of this occurred at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, when around 15,000 NGOs came together at the Global Forum, which ran in parallel to the Summit. At all of the subsequent major United Nations (UN) conferences of the 1990s there have been parallel NGO Forums, where ordinary citizens were able to discuss the issues which their political leaders were also debating.

11

Without doubt, the fact that so many concerned people were focusing on these major global problems simultaneously with their elected representatives must have helped to enlighten the mental atmosphere of the official discussions. Further opportunity to clarify the issues came from the addresses which individuals representing major groupings of CSOs made at the official conferences. The positive contribution of NGOs to these conferences has been openly acknowledged by the UN, as has their role in helping to implement the measures contained in the important conference documents. The UN is not the only international body which has attracted civil society to meet in parallel to its conferences. While the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting was going on in Edinburgh in 1997, the Assembly Rooms in the heart of the city staged exhibitions, conferences, workshops and cultural performances by some 140 organizations under the auspices of the Royal Commonwealth Society. The success of this gathering of Commonwealth civil society led to similar events in future years. The meeting of Heads of Government of the G-7 that includes Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the US (G-8 since Russia’s admission) has been accompanied since 1988 by a parallel meeting for citizens' groups. Founded by The Other Economic Summit UK (now the New Economics Foundation), this meeting provides a forum where civil society can meet to reflect on approaches to the world economy which ensure the safeguarding of the environment and human rights. At the 1998 meeting in Birmingham, called The People's Summit, a special focus was placed on debt relief for the world's poorest nations. This was due in large measure to the Jubilee 2000 Coalition, comprising around 30 CSOs, which campaigned for a debt-free start to the next millennium for a billion people. The Jubilee 2000 Coalition represented a slightly different kind of union of groups within civil society, one which was brought together not so much for a specific event as by the shared recognition of the need to campaign for a specific cause. Another example is the Third World Network, which is involved in bringing about a greater articulation of the needs, aspirations and rights of people in the Third World; a fair distribution of global resources; and forms of development which are humane, in harmony with nature and fulfill people's needs. We could go on enumerating the various types of alliances, groupings and coalitions which exist – there has, for example, been no reference to the communities of NGOs to be found on the internet. But the key point is that, no matter how tenuous the outer links between groups, these alliances are expressions of an underlying subjective unity: groups, just as much as individuals, are increasingly identifying with each others' vision of a future world in which goodwill and right relations are universal, and are responding by synthesizing and integrating their constructive activities.

12

CHAPTER 2 STATE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN

2.1 Overview In Pakistan the contemporary development discourse, academic discussions and journalistic writings tend to employ civil society as an umbrella term for a range of non-state and non-market citizens’ organizations and initiatives, networks and alliances operating in a broad spectrum of social, economic and cultural fields. These include formal institutions such as political parties, NGOs, trade unions, professional associations, philanthropies, academia, independent and quasi-independent pressure groups, think tanks, and traditional, informal formations such as faith-based organizations, shrines, seminaries, neighborhood associations, burial societies, jirgas (councils of elders) and savings groups. Notwithstanding a vibrant history of citizen action in the public sphere in this part of the world, the term civil society has been in vogue only for the past decade or so. It is yet to gain currency in popular parlance. The term has as yet no equivalent in any of the country’s many vernacular languages. Similarly, there is a lack of research material or studies on the concept and development of civil society in Pakistan and its interaction with the state. Pakistan’s civil society is characterized by hybrid forms, multiple inheritances and the unresolved struggle between the practices and values of pre-capitalist society and new modes of social life, between authoritarian legacies and democratic aspirations. Its cultural manifestations appear as a collection of incoherent voices, conflicting worldviews and opposing interests. While some social forms such as councils of elders, neighborhood associations and shrines continue from previous phases of society, many new groups have been created organically through the development of capitalism. Such are the dynamics of an evolving civil society, caught between the throes of a dying social order and the birth pangs of a new one. There remains a dearth of reliable and updated information on Pakistan’s civil society. The limited work that has been done includes a three-year international study, initiated in May 2000 by NGO Resource Center (NGORC), covering a large spectrum of civil society in Pakistan. Another critical plug-in-the-hole was the CIVICUS Index on Civil Society Project in Pakistan. Conducted in 2001 by NGORC, this research filled a major gap in the existing literature on civil society that seems to be lacking an all-encompassing and cross-sectoral analysis. This research showed that civil society in Pakistan enjoyed a moderately “good health”, especially with regard to its structure and values. The dimensions that

13

received a less positive rating were space and impact. It is interesting to note that both of these dimensions not only look at civil society, but also at some external factors and pre-conditions, especially the relationship to the state a) as a factor of an enabling environment for civil society (space) and b) as a reference point on which civil society is attempting to exert its influence (impact). This analysis suggests that the internal characteristics of civil society are to be assessed as slightly more positive than its external environment and its ability to influence it. 2.2 Structure It is difficult to gauge the canvas of civil society in Pakistan as no comprehensive database has been maintained on a regular basis. Although several initiatives have been launched during the 1990s to collect data on various dimensions of the civil society, no comprehensive analysis has been undertaken so far. The available data, mostly focusing on NGOs, is sketchy and sector- or area-specific. Other components of civil society, particularly the informal sub-sectors, are yet to get the critical attention they deserve. There is no consolidated data available on the number, funding sources and resources of such traditional civil society actors as madrassas (seminaries), jirgas and panchayats (council of elders), savings groups, burial societies, neighborhood associations and shrines. 2.2.1 Mapping Civil Society Having reviewed a number of databases and surveys, it is estimated that there are around 10,000 to 12,000 active and registered NGOs in Pakistan, the bulk of them (59%) in Punjab followed by Sindh and the NWFP. If non-registered organizations are added to those registered under the six laws, the number, according to reliable government sources, could be anywhere around 60,000. As for trade unions, the number is estimated to be around 8,000, with a total membership of around one million (5% of the country’s employed labor force). According to sources from All Pakistan Trade Union Federation (APTUF), this is mainly due to the restrictive nature of the Industrial Relations Ordinance (1969) and the Essential Services Act which debar entire categories of employees from forming their unions. For example, temporary workers (workers in the informal sector and agriculture) do not form part of trade unions. It is believed that the number of trade unions and their members have actually been on the decline due to privatization, retrenchment of the public sector employees and closure of some industrial units. Of the total registered unions, only 2,000 have the right to collective bargaining (negotiating with employers on behalf of workers). Mapping the NGO sector in Pakistan makes for a complicated task partly due to the multiplicity of registration laws. There are six different laws under which organizations can be registered: the Societies Act (1860), the Trust Act (1882),

14

the Charitable Endowments Act (1890), the Co-operative Act (1925), the Voluntary Social Welfare Agencies (Registration and Control) Ordinance (1961) and Companies Ordinance (1984). There is no system whereby non-functional NGOs are struck off the registration records. Consequently, many NGOs that have become defunct continue to be listed and present a false picture. 2.2.2 Regional Distribution A vast majority of civil society knowledge bearers also hold that CSOs are not spread across the country in a balanced way. Observers suggest that class structure constitutes a major impediment to urban-based CSOs that might wish to operate in the countryside as well as to the local rural initiatives, as the traditional elites still hold sway over the rural society and economy. The paucity of modern NGOs in the NWFP and Balochistan is attributed to logistical difficulties, widespread illiteracy, limitations on women’s mobility and the tribal/feudal system that frowns upon efforts for social change. Because Pakistani NGOs are predominantly urban, they do not genuinely represent more than 65% of the rural-based population. A UNDP study conducted in 1991 and titled NGOs Working for Others: A Contribution to Human Development identified 4,833 NGOs. Of these, 2,714 were located in the Punjab, 1,742 in Sindh, 213 in Balochistan and 163 in the NWFP. The survey also revealed that 70% of organizations were urban-based. A more recent survey of intermediary NGOs reveals that 18% of intermediary organizations are exclusively urban-based, 21% exclusively rural-based and the remaining operate in both urban and rural areas. It must be pointed out that folk sub-sectors are present across rural Pakistan; however, there is insufficient information available on their size, number and regional distribution. 2.2.3 Thematic Focus In terms of thematic focus, education (including basic, primary, adult and informal) represents 56% of the total, with health and women’s development accounting for 39% each. Other areas of focus include early childhood development (15.2%), sports promotion and recreation (12.3%), and community development (12%). Intermediary NGOs and support organizations are also most actively engaged in education (69%) and women’s issues (56%). 2.2.4 Human and Financial Resources It is difficult to estimate the total funds administered by the Pakistani CSOs, as only a few of them report regularly and when they do it is usually in terms of individual project funds. No attempt has been made as yet to define and regularly update the quantum of funds from the main sources: government, institutional donors and private donations. The sketchy information that is available suggests that most CSOs have multiple sources of finance. Professional associations,

15

trade unions and employers’ unions rely mostly on membership fee to finance their activities. The impression that CSOs in Pakistan are heavily dependent on foreign funds may hold true for large development-oriented and advocacy organizations. However, civil society at large relies on indigenous funding, both private and public. Aga Khan Development Network’s report titled Philanthropy in Pakistan: Initiative on Indigenous Philanthropy brought to light the high level of individual giving in Pakistan. “In 1998 alone,” the report stated, “Pakistanis gave about Rs. 41 billion in cash and kind, and another estimated Rs. 29 million in time.” NGOs in Pakistan range from those that are completely voluntary, and work with small budgets contributed by the volunteers themselves, to those that have well-paid full-time professional staff members. The majority, however, lie somewhere in the middle. The 1991 UNDP study estimated that 89.5% of the people engaged with the NGOs were volunteers and 10.5% were paid employees. It is also estimated that the citizens’ sector employs roughly around 250,000 people. 2.2.5 Membership Base The 1991 UNDP study NGOs Working for Others: A Contribution to Human Development also found that the majority of NGOs had a small membership base: one-third had fewer than 50 individual members, 17% had 50 to 99 members, 20% had 100 to 149 members, while only 5% of the total had more than 450 members. However, there are no reliable figures available on the membership base of CBOs and faith-based organizations. 2.2.6 Networking/Umbrella Bodies Mutual coordination among Pakistani NGOs has been weak in the past. However, this is beginning to change. Following government measures to control the scope and space available to NGOs, in 1995-96, a large number of organizations from across the country joined hands to form Pakistan NGO Forum (PNF). Today, it provides a national platform to over 2,500 organizations that are members of four provincial forums plus Rawalpindi-Islamabad NGO coalitions. There are also a number of coordination bodies of NGOs that network sectorally. Examples include the Advocacy Development Network (ADN), Coordination Council for Child Welfare, Women in Development (WID) networks, Rural Support Network (RSPN), Pakistan Reproductive Health Network (PRHN), Pakistan Education Network (PEN), Micro-Finance Group (MFG) Pakistan and the Environmental NGOs Network. NGOs are beginning to strengthen themselves through local, regional, national and international networks upon whom they draw for support and improvement of skills. There are more than 100 trade union federations in the country, most of them industry-specific. The largest cross-sector umbrella body of trade unions, the Pakistan Workers’ Confederation, is said to be the representative of around 70%

16

of organized workers in the country. Other apex bodies include APTUF, Muttahida Labor Federation (MLF), All Pakistan Federation of Labor (APFOL), All Pakistan Trade Unions Congress and Pakistan National Federation of Trade Unions, each one of them affiliated with a major political party. However, there is a lack of information about the networking in civil society. It would seem that the existing umbrella bodies need to become more visible and pro-active in the society. The ability of ‘the CSO umbrella body’ to promote the common interests of the sector and encourage membership and participation can also be questioned. It would be appropriate to say that the coordination between CSOs is very weak and they largely operate in an isolated manner. To summarize, it can be concluded that whereas intermediary NGOs in Pakistan have multiple funding sources, CBOs rely mostly on indigenous resources. Dependence on foreign donors is an issue for larger CSOs and it has a bearing on their sustainability and credibility. There appears to be a need for CSOs to increase their membership base and improve alliances and networking through the establishment of effective and representative umbrella bodies. 2.3 Space Civil society in Pakistan has borne the brunt of repeated military interventions in the country’s polity. The state repression came in many forms including bans on CSOs, arrest of civil society leaders and political pressure. While the situation steadily improved with the restoration of democracy in the late 1980s, a truly facilitative and enabling environment for civil society remained a distant dream. After a quasi-democratic interlude, the country is again under military rule even though this time round, the government has not imposed the kinds of restrictions that many feared it would. Certain socio-cultural norms and attitudes continue to impact on the strengthening of civil society. 2.3.1 The Right of Association Freedom of association is guaranteed under Article 17 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. However, this fundamental right has often been usurped, curtailed and subjected to restrictions in the name of the national interest. This has taken the form of frequent bans on public demonstrations and assemblies, arrest of civil society leaders and public vilification. In the face of the hostile attitude adopted by certain religious groups, the state has often been wanting in its responsibility of ensuring the right of citizens to association. The state’s attitude towards NGOs has been mixed and ambiguous. While it appreciates the services that the NGOs provide, it also perceives them as a competitor for donor funding. The government’s concerns with the operation of NGOs essentially hinge around issues of sovereignty, funding, monitoring and supervision. The chequered history of the relations between the state and civil society shows that while the former is relatively comfortable with the service

17

delivery and charity role of NGOs, it is the advocacy work that it finds unsettling and provocative. Traditionally, the state has refrained from interfering with the activities of informal CSOs such as madrassas, shrines and jirgas. Trade unions have been subjected to state suppression for their perceived role in the disruption of industry. The labor laws in Pakistan apply only to workplaces employing more than 50 workers. Therefore, the right to form a union, a constitutional provision, is denied to a large proportion of the workforce. Poor working conditions, poor health and safety hazards, long working hours, poor wages – all of these co-exist in small-scale industries where workers are not allowed to practice collective bargaining. 2.3.2 General Attitude of Government Agencies It is generally believed that there is no clear-cut, comprehensive or cohesive government policy on CSOs. In other words, there are no operating guidelines to establish the parameters within which the government and CSOs could work. Additionally, the government agencies dealing with CSOs are said to be lax. 2.3.3 Fiscal Framework In line with international practices, the fiscal framework in Pakistan allows for a range of tax incentives and exemptions to CSOs. However, a seminal study on the subject titled A Study of the Fiscal Framework for the NGO Sector in Pakistan pointed out that while the regulations might be in place they are open to the interpretation of the officials. The study also noted that the discretionary powers of the officials often served as a means of extortion or the creation of obstacles. It can be said that the existing tax legislation is not necessarily problematic, but is complex to understand. It would be pertinent to point out here that in 1998-99, the government adopted two amendments in the fiscal bill proposed by NGOs, thereby increasing the upper limit on corporate donations from 10 to 15% and removing entirely the cap on donations set at Rs 2.5 million. 2.3.4 The Legal Framework A number of studies have concluded that the legal regime within which CSOs operate is confusing and outmoded. The complex language used in the laws severely restricts public understanding of the legal regime. Consequently, most organizations opting for registration are at a loss as to what the law entails and what exactly is expected of them. It has also been pointed out that the government oversight of the citizens’ sector within the prevalent framework remains minimal due to indifference and capacity constraints. It may be pointed out that the CSO experiences with registration vary from sector to sector depending upon the nature of work and the corresponding registration act. For example, an organization planning to venture out into advocacy may run into problems while a service delivery-oriented one may get registered easily.

18

The laws governing trade union activities are considered obsolete and restrictive by many. Existing labor laws do not cover either the agricultural sector or the informal sector, where the largest percentage of the work force is employed. The government has extensive powers to legally intervene in the internal affairs of the unions. This makes legal strikes impossible. Workers employed in hospitals, educational institutions, railways (open line), the radio corporation, the Security Printing Press, the Defense Housing Societies, agriculture, export processing zones, ordinance factories, Federal and Provincial Government Service as well as in the informal sectors have no real right to unionize and bargain collectively. However, as a way around this, employees of many such organizations have formed Welfare Associations that appear to have assumed de facto bargaining powers. The government has imposed the Essential Services Ordinance on public sector workers. This means that though they have the formal right to form a union and to collective bargain, they have no right to hold strikes and the government has the authority to ban their trade union activities at any time. The previous government also made amendments to the Banking Ordinance of 1986, and section 27B now states that no worker is entitled to become a member or officer of a trade union, if he or she is retrenched from the service. Trade unionism, it has been argued, has remained weak and factionalized due to the government policies of interference, co-option of leaders and setting up of rival unions to break the strength of the more autonomous unions. 2.3.5 Open Hostility The NGO-state relations turned overtly hostile in 1996 when the then government proposed a bill in the Senate called the Social Welfare Agencies (Registration and Regulation) Act. PNF and its coalescing units rejected the bill as they found it to be a legitimizing tool for extraordinary interventions in CSO affairs. The bill also proposed to eliminate civic education as a permissible CSO activity, thus precluding the advocacy role of CSOs. While the bill was never made law, it did engender a strong sense of vulnerability among CSOs. In 1998-99, the then government launched a campaign against CSOs, de-registering as many as 2,500 of them in Punjab, Sindh and the NWFP. The action came in the wake of the protests staged by NGOs against a proposed religious legislation (Shariat Bill) and the nuclear tests conducted in May 1998. Many CSOs, particularly in Punjab, also complained of being intimidated by the personnel of intelligence agencies. 2.3.6 Links to Government The instances of active government-CSO collaboration are few and far between. Again, certain sub-sectors, especially service delivery NGOs and religious organizations, have been more fortunate than advocacy and human rights

19

groups. Interestingly, certain religious groups have played an active role with their leaders sitting on government committees like the Islamic Ideology Council. The foremost example of NGO-government linkage is Pakistan’s National Conservation Strategy (NCS), developed in collaboration with IUCN: the World Conservation Union and approved by the federal cabinet on 1 March 1992. Pakistan is one of the few countries where sustainable development has become an official policy. NCS has also been dubbed as one of the most participatory planning exercises ever done in Pakistan, where normally National Five Year Plans and public policies are formulated by the bureaucratic and professional elite without much involvement of non-officials. Most of the rural support programs being implemented in the country also owe their success to citizens-government collaboration. NGOs were also given a role in the implementation of the Social Action Program (SAP) launched in 1992 and more recently in the Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Program (PPAF). 2.3.7 Government-CSO Partnership: Current Scenario Lately, the recognition within the government of the growing importance of CSOs as partners in development has been rising. This is borne out by the appointment of seasoned CSO activists on the federal cabinet, reliance on NGOs for the implementation of the official poverty alleviation and devolution plans, and supportive statements frequently emanating from the state. The government’s Three Year Poverty Reduction Program, brought out in February 2001, states: “NGOs and CBOs in general, and civil society at large, are playing a very significant role in promoting individual welfare and collective development through a variety of interventions. Recently, some NGOs have played an unprecedented role in imparting political education, and encouraging and helping people, particularly women, to participate in the local elections.” 2.3.8 Socio-Religious Pressure Certain sub-sectors of civil society had to face increasing hostility at societal level in the recent past. Throughout 2000, NGOs were subjected to repeated verbal assaults by religious leaders. The attacks came despite the support extended by the government ministers to NGOs calling for their inclusion in advisory panels and in undertaking work at the grassroots level. Religious extremists continue to accuse development and advocacy-oriented NGOs of working against national ideology by spreading liberal and secular values. In August 2000, Khewendo Kor, an NGO active in girls’ education in Dir (NWFP), reported that it had been combating continued threats from local religious leaders. A number of other NGOs such as Sungi Development Foundation, Pattan Development Organization and Sangat also reported having received threats from religious organizations. However, one positive indicator is that CSOs in Pakistan are not pressurized to join political groupings.

20

2.3.9 Socio-Cultural Norms Volunteering and public spiritedness have traditionally been the hallmark of Pakistani civil society. According to Philanthropy in Pakistan: Initiative on Indigenous Philanthropy, 58% of Pakistanis give their time to individuals and organizations in need. Of those volunteering time to organizations, a substantial majority (78%) give their time to religious organizations. It has been observed that Pakistanis value volunteering highly as a civic virtue. This climate of giving – time and money – lends itself to establishing space that is enabling for CSOs. In conclusion, it may be said that the space dimension of civil society in Pakistan points towards the need for improved linkages with the government and corporate sectors. Although the fiscal framework is allowing, the legal framework needs revision. Hostile societal pressures prevail although socio-cultural norms provide for an enabling environment. 2.4 Values While civil society is far from homogenous in terms of values, the majority of them do have a common vision and goals to pursue. There is, however, a dichotomy between the values held by modern CSOs and traditional or folk sub-sectors in terms of vision and values. 2.4.1 Tradition of Charity Volunteerism has traditionally been a deep-rooted impulse, encouraged primarily by the religious obligation of helping the needy. During the colonial period, prominent philanthropists established educational and healthcare charities that were open to all regardless of caste, creed or color. They left behind a legacy that was to guide and inspire many a future philanthropist and volunteer. Charity organizations that were set up in Pakistan after Partition drew on the historical tradition of providing relief to the needy. While such charity organizations have rendered invaluable services to the poorest of the poor, they have remained dominated by their founding fathers. They are characterized by informal structures, and a lack of internal democracy and accountability. 2.4.2 Promoting Human Rights and Tolerance Human rights groups functioned in Pakistan throughout the darkest years of political and social repression. These organizations have performed the role of defending and promoting human rights and social justice, often in the face of state-sponsored bigotry and fanaticism. They have consistently opposed state legislation that discriminated against women and minorities. CSOs have repeatedly exposed serious human rights violations such as extra-judicial killings, torture by state agencies, honor killings and bonded labor sanctified by centuries-old feudal and tribal systems. Amid the rising crescendo of jingoism, citizens’ groups such as Pakistan Peace Coalition (PPC), Joint

21

Action Committee (JAC), Pakistan-India People’s Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) and the Liberal Forum have openly advocated non-proliferation and détente between India and Pakistan. Barring faith-based and ethnic organizations, CSOs are generally secular in nature in that their membership is open to people belonging to every religion and their services are available to all regardless of caste, creed or sect. They have enjoyed the support of the English press in articulating their agenda and getting their points of view across to the government and the public. However, given the sheer weight and number of faith-based and ethnic organizations, they may overshadow the positive contributions of CSOs in this regard. This, and the fact that enough CSOs have not specifically focused on this key area, could possibly be the reason why CSOs are not considered to be playing an important role in promoting harmonious relations amid the multiplicity of religions, castes, ethnicities and cultures. 2.4.3 Promoting Sustainable Development Development-oriented NGOs that sprang up in the country addressed the problems faced by the millions of citizens that had been bypassed by economic development. While the impact of citizens’ initiatives for development and poverty eradication might be debated, they have consistently addressed the needs of marginalized communities in the cities as well as the rural areas. Many of them have opposed the diversion of scarce state resources towards conventional and nuclear defense regimes at the expense of human development. The fact that such CSOs are still few in number and their impact is limited are some possible reasons for the fact that most people are divided in their opinion about the role of CSOs in promoting sustainable development. 2.4.4 Violence and Militancy: The Other Extreme A sub-set of CSOs comprising religious seminaries, however, has invariably backed jingoistic and chauvinistic ideologies. Run mostly by religo-political parties, many of these seminaries have served as training centers for militants. The curriculum they teach tends to inculcate male chauvinism, intolerance and violence as desired values in young minds. Their worldview is clearly at cross purposes with the goals of social development, gender equality and social justice espoused by other CSOs. Similarly, jirgas in the NWFP and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) often condone violence, honor killings and gender discrimination in the name of familial honor and traditions. Violence is also prevalent among student wings of political and ethnic groups of all denominations. While some observers blame political parties for infusing the culture of violence into universities, others are of the view that campus unrest is first and foremost

22

attributable to raging student frustration with the deeply unsatisfactory nature of the educational experience and with the often dubious prospects of suitable employment thereafter. The intrusion of partisan politics into academic life, the argument goes, is only an exacerbating factor. 2.4.5 Other Folk Sub-Sectors Among the informal CSOs, sufi shrines and khanqas have historically been the symbols of tolerance, non-violence and inter-faith harmony. Unlike the dogmatic belief, which lends itself to sectarianism and intolerance, mystic Islam holds that there are as many ways to God as human beings. In its heyday, mysticism in the subcontinent, as elsewhere in the world, gave birth to a whole range of poetry, allegory and music that was an amalgam of the unorthodox Islam and the indigenous culture. Sufi saints have been looked upon as models of piety and spiritual excellence. Some of these saints gained greater popularity after their death, with the result that their shrines emerged as centers of pilgrimage for people of all creeds and sects. Through the years, however, many sufi shrines in Pakistan have lost their essence to become hotbeds of drug addiction, quackery and prostitution. A few of them still continue to provide genuine alternative space for faith, devotion and cultural integration; thus playing an important socio-religious role. 2.4.6 Gender Equity Studies have pointed out the need for trade unions to involve women workers and to address their concerns and problems. Hitherto, there have been very few instances where issues pertaining to women workers have been of major concern to unions. Additionally, it has been pointed out that women have limited opportunity to exercise leadership in trade unions. This is partly due to the tradition of segregation and social restrictions on women’s mobility. Much like trade unions, professional associations, employers’ unions and student organizations also continue to be male-dominated. The under-representation of women in these organizations speaks volumes about their subjugated status in the Pakistani society. 2.4.7 Accountability and Transparency The increasing role of CSOs in the social sector has also given rise to greater responsibilities and public expectations. According to one study, with a few exceptions, NGOs and trade unions (as well as informal CSOs) do not have well-defined governance, transparency and accountability structures. NGOs are found wanting in terms of internal democracy and participatory decision-making. While professional associations, trade unions and employers’ unions regularly hold elections to select office bearers, a small coterie of influential people usually monopolizes the decision-making process within these organizations. Once in office, the representatives seldom, if ever, consult the stakeholders.

23

CBOs are usually set up by individuals who are relatively better off and better educated, and wield a certain amount of influence. This position generally results in their having total control of the organization with very limited democratic participation. Larger NGOs in Pakistan have remained caught up increasingly in the world of foreign aid, which pushed them towards certain forms of evaluation and accountability at the expense of others. When most funding is obtained exclusively from foreign agencies, there is little incentive for organizations to establish their credibility either to government or to society-at-large. The findings from detailed monitoring of organizational finance and performance by foreign donor agencies are not publicly available, and therefore do little to enhance the local credibility of these organizations. However, with most donors emphasizing the need for participatory approaches to development, many CSOs have made efforts to include communities in planning, implementation and monitoring processes. Many emerging CSOs are following suit. 2.4.8 Self-Regulation The government actions against NGOs referred to earlier were also legitimized by concerns about lack of transparency and accountability. While the government’s arbitrary move disquieted civil society leaders, it also highlighted the need for organizations to be pro-active about accountability issues. Consequently, PNF set up a committee to evolve guidelines for the NGO community so that the highest standards of accountability, transparency and good practices can be observed. PNF maintains that this was also done to demonstrate that NGOs/CBOs not only teach others about principles of sharing, partnership, transparency and accountability but also apply them to their organizational and programmatic domains. The PNF Executive Body and representatives of its coalescing units developed a code of conduct in July 2000 after a painstaking consultative process. This code intends to establish self-regulatory practices and norms for the member NGOs of PNF in relation to the people for whom they work, their development partners as well as their own staff and members. It could well be the first stepping-stone on the path to viable citizens’ sector self-regulatory framework. Its enforcement would be a powerful statement to donors, beneficiaries, government and the society at large that citizens’ organizations have high standards and are willing to take meaningful steps to promote internal democracy and accountability. In conclusion, it may be said that public spiritedness and volunteerism are values that underpin civil society in Pakistan. Fundamental human rights are defended by CSOs as a rule. Concern for gender equity varies from organization to organization and sector to sector. The majority of CSOs appear to be lacking in well-defined/effective governance, transparency and accountability structures. However, with effective self-regulation mechanisms in place, the first steps towards internal democracy and accountability have finally been taken.

24

2.5 Impact The overall impact of the civil society initiatives can be gauged from the fact that CSOs in Pakistan are now accepted as partners in social and economic development. Once an indistinct voice at the edge, civil society today is a force to reckon with in the national arena. Functioning under resource constraints and in an unfavorable environment as they do, CSOs’ contributions to the country are indeed impressive as demonstrated in the following: 2.5.1 Public Policy As mentioned earlier, civil society in Pakistan has evolved under the shadow of frequent military interventions, and a debt-ridden and elitist state system. That the ideals of people-centered development, human rights, gender equality and social justice are slowly but steadily creeping into public policy frameworks has much to do with the efforts that civil society has made over the past five decades. The emergence of development-oriented and advocacy CSOs in the 1990s was essentially a response to the government’s misguided priorities and poor planning as well as resource constraints because of ever-burgeoning defense and debt-servicing expenditures. By showing ability to succeed where the government has had difficulties, CSOs have, to an extent, helped to change national perceptions and policies towards development. The success stories have also contributed to a shift in donor policies towards CSOs as a more effective vehicle for supporting development initiatives. However, the role of CSOs, particularly development NGOs and advocacy groups, in policy-making and monitoring of the government has apparently remained minimal. Here again, it must be pointed out that the faith-based organizations have had a significant influence on policy drafting and generation. These are some times co-opted by the state in order to capitalize on religious sentiments and to legitimize their rule in the name of religion; and some times the street power wielded by such groups forces the government to accommodate their demands. 2.5.2 Effectiveness of CSOs In rural areas, initiatives such as the Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP) have made a tremendous impact through micro-credit, education and income generation. In the midst of government’s failure to deliver assistance to small farmers, growing disparities and deteriorating human conditions have been addressed by various CSOs. AKRSP, for example, has formed more than 2,300 village organizations and over 1,450 women’s organizations; Rs. 1450 million has been disbursed in loans to more than 600,000 villagers. The AKRSP model was replicated by each of the four provinces in addition to the National Rural Support Program (NRSP) at the

25

national level. According to one estimate, by 2000, these rural support programs had in turn formed more than 20,000 village-based organizations across Pakistan, and also a rural support network to share experiences and provide support to further their poverty reduction program. The success of the model can partly be gauged by the fact that the government is becoming increasingly open to accepting the flow of funds to CSOs, which have demonstrated effective strategies for rural development and have worked in complementary ways with government departments. Having said that, one must add that the centuries-old feudal and tribal systems still reign supreme in many of the country’s rural areas, and offer the most serious obstacle to the emancipation and development of the rural population. Despite some lobbying, civil society is yet to catalyze a shift in the agrarian power formation away from a handful of landlords towards the poor farmers and peasants. The feudal and tribal systems result in the total subjugation of the rural population in economic, political and social terms. Some CSOs have also come in for criticism for being insensitive to the needs and aspirations of local people. 2.5.3 Creating Awareness Some NGOs in Pakistan have played an important role in creating awareness on issues such as human and legal rights, women’s role in development, and over-population. For women and minorities that have borne the brunt of religious bigotry and social repression, civil society came as a silver lining in dark clouds. Advocacy groups have consistently campaigned for repealing discriminatory laws and reforming the electoral process. Civil society lobbying successfully blocked an attempt by the second Nawaz Sharif Government to introduce religious coding of the national identity cards. Civil Society’s efforts gave an impetus to the government’s slowly growing commitments towards greater gender equality, culminating in Pakistan ratifying the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Oppression against Women in 1996. The efforts of human rights advocates have led judicial institutions to consider the plight of rape victims and take their claims seriously. They have, thus, become more responsive to citizens than in the past. Today, the number of women organizing at grassroots level and establishing linkages with other institutions is remarkable, even though their impact at wider societal level is not so visible. However, women across Pakistan still continue to fight against primitive social customs and discrimination. Civil society’s efforts in this regard entail a slow process, as deep-rooted societal norms cannot be altered overnight. 2.5.4 Successful Lobbying Similarly, child rights’ organizations have played a key role in reducing child labor in Pakistan’s football stitching industry. As a result of years of active NGO

26

lobbying, a partners’ agreement to eliminate child labor in the football industry was signed in 1997 by the Sialkot Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCI), the International Labor Union and UNICEF. The resulting project, based on a multi-pronged approach of providing education to children displaced from the football stitching industry and giving credit to their families, was an immense success and went on to win the government’s support. Recently, civil society lobbying and networking catalyzed active women’s participation in the local elections. Aurat Foundation, a major advocacy organization, mobilized women to exercise their right to franchise and canvass on the seats reserved for them. In collaboration with government agencies, the organization held meetings with local communities and disseminated information about the devolution plan. That a substantial number of women turned out at the ballot and were elected to the union councils can partly be attributed to civil society’s mobilization and awareness-raising campaigns. 2.5.5 International Recognition These success stories have won acclaim at home and abroad. Eight Pakistani leaders – the late Akhtar Hameed Khan, Abdul Sattar Edhi, Bilquis Edhi, Dr. Adeeb Rizvi, Tasneem Siddiqui, Shoaib Sultan Khan, Asma Jehangir and I. A. Rehman – have been awarded the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Award. There are many other CSO activists who enjoy international recognition as a result of their contribution to human development. 2.5.6 Portrayal in Media An NGORC study titled Press Coverage of Citizens’ Sector in Pakistan found a sharp dichotomy between the English press and the Urdu press, with the latter being generally negative towards CSOs. The most common allegations raised against CSOs were adherence to foreign agendas, corruption, promotion of Western values and lack of accountability. The perception that CSOs do not have too positive a profile can partly be attributed to lack of mutual understanding between media and civil society. It can be argued that NGOs need to become more pro-active and professional about sharing information with the media. 2.5.7 Some Setbacks Notwithstanding significant breakthroughs they have made, civil society’s development initiatives have some times also met with failure. Those CSOs that have remained dependent on foreign donors to sustain their projects have often seen themselves having to abruptly close down operations due to the unexpected withdrawal of funding or at the culmination of the project period. This dependence often translates into programs that are task-oriented, unsuited to local conditions and bureaucratized. Such CSOs are forced to concentrate more on immediate activities than on long-term planning, human resource development, institutional strengthening and building a sound resource base.

27

Community-based initiatives may fall short of targets because of a lack of focus and clear organizational structure. With bold dreams and unrealistic objectives, they may pull in different directions and thus not achieve all their goals. They seem to be in need of clear vision, focused objectives, well-defined strategy, managerial and financial systems, planning and implementation skills, resource mobilization skills, and linkages with the surrounding systems. Trade unions, too, are hemmed in by capacity constraints. They have thus far primarily participated in improving access to labor courts. They have few organized and planned procedures for regular contact with the government. Technical advice and training in situational analysis and devising strategies are weak points that must be developed. This would be an important step towards building their capacity to put forward alternative policies in their areas of concern. CIDA-Pakistan Program conducted a social sector review in 1996 which revealed that there were fewer than 100 effective development NGOs, but thousands of generally weak CBOs in the country. Another recent study by NGORC titled Directory of Intermediary NGOs in Pakistan confirmed these earlier findings by identifying about 150 effective intermediary NGOs. The lack of coordination in the sector often leads to duplication and the concomitant wastage of resources. Cross-learning among organizations working in different sectors and based in different parts of the country is still weak. Studies have identified formation of strategic linkages with the government and business as one possible solution to the question of impact. Finally, it must be added that many civil society initiatives are well-geared towards long-term human development although their results may not be visible in the short-term, whereas CBOs still need some clarity in their long-term plans. Changes in attitudes, levels of awareness and social consciousness are hard to quantify – thus much of civil society's impact invariably escapes public notice. These facts bring into sharp focus the need for constructive linkages between civil society and the state, especially in terms of policy formulation and the monitoring of government policies. The role of development and advocacy CSOs in this regard has remained minimal. For a lasting change on this front, the possibility of establishing institutional mechanisms should be explored. Additionally, greater collaboration among CSOs is a sine qua non for impact maximization. They also need to become better communicators of their work; and reach out to the public through both media and informal channels, so that their role in development is accorded the due recognition.

28

CHAPTER 3 STRENGTHENING CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN

3.1 Major Challenges to Civil Society in Pakistan There are a number of factors that can thwart the progress of a civil society and create hurdles in the way of its fully vibrant expression. They may range from non-conducive environment to lack of requisite skills and capabilities. In the case of Pakistan, unfortunately, both these factors abound along with a host of others. The first is an outcome of impediments to democracy in the country. Any attempt to bring about a change has been traditionally, and is being still, construed as ant-government and anti-state. Though there have been martial laws for more than half of the country’s history, the democratic governments did not do much either to improve this situation. The second factor is also inter-linked with the first one. We do not have high-calibre experts and scholars who could conceive change because we lack proper institutions. The absence of democracy also hampers the process of institution-building, vital to the progress of any country. In comparison, our neighbor India has hundreds of world-class institutions, most of them run by the government, in diverse areas. The present situation of our country is as demanding and as challenging as it could be. The environment is apparently conducive for CSOs, as the Musharraf Government has taken a few bold steps with regard to women representation in assemblies and the issue of joint electorate. But, on a deeper analysis, one is left with no choice but to believe that this is a mere eye-wash, aimed more at appeasing the outside world. The reason to believe this is largely that aspirations of common man have no say in the decision-making process. There is no public or civilian involvement at all at any level in the government functioning, and the military is spreading its tentacles at a horrendous rate. It has already successfully ‘taken the charge’ of almost all the semi-government and government departments and institutions, ranging from Pakistan Telecommunications Authority to Punjab See Corporation. One fails to understand the logic behind hiring both serving and retired military officers in civil departments when they have neither the expertise nor the relevant experience. Secondly, what about the professionals who are much more qualified for these posts? In this scenario, one does not need much thought to arrive at the conclusion that it is nothing but a fight over the scarce resources of the country. The misuse of government resources by the nexus of civil-military bureaucracy costs billions to the exchequer and the brunt has to be faced by those who are

29

already struggling for their survival. That is exactly the reason why the percentage of people living below the poverty line is increasing despite all the tall claims of increased foreign reserves and growth. More and more people are being rendered jobless without any suitable alternative to add to the already high number of unemployed in the country. To conclude, civil society in Pakistan is faced with a number of issues: provision of sustainable livelihoods; land and irrigation reforms; and repeal of anti-women and anti-minorities laws. The government is far from addressing these, and it is suspected that the government is making use of religious parties becoming a major stakeholder to perpetuate the status quo. This situation provides civil society with a historic opportunity to come forward and play its role for the revival of true democracy in the country. There are diverse voices opposing the unconstitutional amendments introduced by military dictator General Musharraf, but they need to gel together for tangible outcomes. Now, we move on to see what have been South Asia Partnership-Pakistan’s (SAP-PK’s) role, approach and achievements with regard to strengthening civil society; and what have been some of its salient programmatic interventions that have contributed to emergence of strong civil society in Pakistan: 3.2 SAP-PK’s Approach SAP-PK fully realizes that unless there was a collective expression of the civil society, the values it is striving for would remain an elusive goal. A vibrant civil society offers a solution to most of our problems, as they call for a collective struggle. In order to find a way for ourselves in this era of globalization, the Third Sector has to come forward and play its role in a meaningful manner. This is exactly why now SAP-PK has pinned all its hopes on strengthening civil society and its institutions. Even if it does not solve all the problems, its presence as a potent force reduces the possibility of any exploitation by the government or the market. It, at least, provides a space to all those who have always remained unheard in the decision-making processes. Having firm belief in the potential of civil society to bring about a positive change in the society, SAP-PK has always supported efforts that contribute towards its strengthening or collective expression. At the same time, these engagements with diverse civil society groups, political activists and development workers have helped the organization expand its vision and outreach. Since the beginning of the PNSP Phase-II in 1996, SAP-PK began developing new relationships with organized groups of lawyers, farmers/peasants, fisher folk, journalists, laborers/workers, academicians, elected representatives, etc. Efforts were made to advance a shared vision on important issues among them, so that they could directly interact with the authorities regarding their concerns.

30

3.3 SAP-PK’s Role SAP-PK believes in all earnest that – despite the challenges the country is faced with – a vibrant, cohesive and engaged civil society could solve the problems caused by increasing globalization; weak democratic institutions; lack of access to social services; and religious, ethnic and sectarian extremism. During the last two decades, SAP-PK and many other organizations have made significant contributions towards the emergence of a strong civil society. As an umbrella organization of about 2,500 civil society organizations and groups, SAP-PK has been providing strategic inputs to them at various levels. Initially, the organization focused on developing the capacities of community-based groups in rural areas through training, financial and technical assistance, and advocacy. With time, SAP-PK and other like-minded organizations have been able to craft a common agenda on issues like democratic development, gender equality and human rights. To promote this agenda, they have also developed a critical mass of organizations, social activists and human rights’ workers working for and advocating on behalf of the poorest of the poor, especially women and minorities. SAP-PK’s presence in all the districts of the country, through the CSOs it has developed and nurtured, does on to demonstrate the role it has played with regard to strengthening civil society in Pakistan. This geographic coverage also provides it with a unique opportunity to simultaneously engage citizens from all over the country in debates around key social, political and economic issues. 3.4 SAP-PK’s Achievements Under the CIDA-funded PNSP Phase-II (1996 to 2003), SAP-PK developed the capacities of emerging community-based groups from all over Pakistan and organized them into effective networks influencing social development in the country. Employing the strategies of training, financial and technical assistance, and advocacy, SAP-PK has been able to achieve the following results: About 900 groups of women, farmers/peasants and laborers/workers are

contributing to effective delivery of social services at local level; Over 2,500 community and civil society groups are advocating for their

rights in a coordinated and organized manner; More than 200 long-term community development projects have been

supported, as a result of which sustainable development practices are being demonstrated in these communities;

Linkages between the civil societies in Canada and Pakistan provided the basis for greater comprehension of the role of effective citizenship and organized civil society; and

Civil society, as a whole, is starting to emerge as a cohesive force to be reckoned with.

31

3.5 SAP-PK’s Range of Partners Here, it would not be out of place to do mapping of SAP-PK’s partners. Because of space constraints, only the broad categories have been defined. However, ample care has been taken to ensure that all levels are covered, especially considering the fact that the organization believes in a participatory approach to development – it tries to evolve relationship of a partner with both donor agencies and emerging community-based groups. Donor Agencies: SAP-PK’s major partners in this category include Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the European Union (EU), The Asia Foundation (TAF), United Nations Development Program (UNDP), ActionAid-Pakistan (AA-PK), Oxfam-Pakistan, Church World Service (CWS), Department for International Development (DFID)-UK and Heinrich-Boll Foundation (HBF). Support Organizations: There are organizations like SAP-PK that also aim at strengthening CBOs/NGOs, their networks and other CSOs. The important ones include Aurat Foundation, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), NGO Resource Center (NGORC), Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research (PILER), Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund (PPAF), Strengthening Participatory Organizations (SPO), Sungi Development Foundation, Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), Trust for Voluntary Organizations (TVO), Institute for Development Studies and Practices (IDSP), Shirkat Gah and Simorgh. Networks/Forums: SAP-PK is a member of many provincial, national and sectoral networks. In fact, the organization has played a key role in the formation of the important ones like Pakistan NGO Forum (PNF) and Punjab NGO Coordinating Council (PNCC). It has also established Ghareeb Kissan Tehreek (GKT) and Sindh Hari Abadgar Network (SHAN) in Punjab and Sindh respectively; both having a membership of thousands of male and female farmers/peasants. SAP-PK is also a member of a number of other campaigns and networks like Legislative Watch Group for Women’s Rights (LWGWR), Micro-Finance Group (MFG) Pakistan and Pakistan Water Partnership Network (PWPN). Community-Based Organizations: The real rays of hope for SAP-PK are its partners at the grassroots level – the Community-Based Organizations (CBOs). The organization’s efforts primarily focus on them and it has their biggest network in the country with representation from all the four provinces. With time, some of them have grown into NGOs and are successfully implementing their programs. Other Civil Society Organizations: Over the years, SAP-PK has developed linkages and working relationship with many groups and organizations other than CBOs/NGOs. The partners falling under this category include media groups, teachers’ associations, farmer groups, bar councils, fisher folk groups, trade unions and other groups of concerned citizens. Apart from them, some individuals – mostly academics – are also partners of the organization in the sense they regularly participate in its activities and receive its publications.

32

Regional and International Organizations and Networks: The list of SAP-PK’s partners also includes many regional and international organizations and networks. It is a member of South Asia Partnership Network and has always been at the forefront of regional initiatives. It has also been actively involved with CIVICUS, International Union for the Conversation of Nature (IUCN), NGO Working Group on the World Bank (NWGWB), South Asia Small Arms Network (SASA-Net), Society for Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA), PROSHIKA, The Commonwealth Foundation, etc. 3.6 SAP-PK’s Salient Programmatic Interventions SAP-PK’s nature of partnership with other groups and organizations for a vibrant and strong civil society has been varied and diverse. In the following, we take a brief overview of some of the organization’s salient programmatic interventions aimed at strengthening civil society in Pakistan: 3.6.1 Resource Development Program (RDP) SAP-PK considers capacity building, defined as an ongoing process of enabling people to realize their full human potential, an important means of strengthening civil society. Considering CBOs the best vehicles to address community needs and problems, the organization builds their capacity in development-related areas through its various training interventions. The related activities are mainly conducted by Capacity Building Division (CBD) of SAP-PK and Resource Development Program (RDP) is unarguably the most important one among them. The philosophy of RDP training is rooted in the fact that fundamental institutional reforms demand a change in the existing control over the means of production and access to key services. This does not only mean equal distribution of wealth, but equity in every chance and equitable development of the country’s resources, especially its people. Believing in the potential of the marginalized sections of the society, SAP-PK considers this human resource vital and seeks to develop it. RDP was initiated in 1991 with the realization that if hidden potential of CBOs were utilized fully, the process of change could be kept in the right direction as well as catalyzed systematically. So, its fundamental thrust has always been on building the capacity of CBOs to plan, coordinate and execute development projects, and enabling them to become viable and sustainable vehicles for social change. The specific objectives of RDP are to: empower participants to undertake social, economic and political

analyses, aimed at defining the development needs of their communities; enable communities to move towards an optimum realization of their

human potential by teaching participants how to channelize local human and material resources through participatory development activities; and

ensure that successful community development initiatives reach beyond local parameters to help at the macro level.

33

The one-year RDP is conducted in two provinces every year, thus all the four provinces of the country are covered in a two-year cycle. The process starts with identification of potential CBOs for the training. The CBD team visits short-listed organizations to meet their members and communities before finalizing their names. After formal selection of about 20 organizations each from both the provinces, they are asked to nominate two members (one male and one female) to attend the series of eight workshops. The training is conducted separately in both the provinces, but its content is exactly the same. Follow-up visits are also conducted after three of the eight workshops in order to ascertain whether the participants had shared the acquired knowledge with other members of their organization and community or not, and to what extent was it reflected in the work of their organizations. Additionally, meetings are held with executive bodies of participating CBOs as well as local communities to gauge the impact of RDP. In case of need, important issues discussed in the preceding workshop are also reiterated for better understanding. In the following is a brief introduction to the eight workshops offered during RDP in sequential order: 2-day Mutual Acquaintance Workshop introduces participants to each

other, SAP-PK and RDP. 4-day Development Orientation Workshop develops skills among

participants to design a baseline survey of their communities. 6-day Capacity Building Workshop enables participants to integrate

development concepts in their work and critically review their understanding of development approaches.

3-day Gender and Development Workshop helps participants understand gender and its related themes, and foster a gender sensitive approach in their organizational structure and program interventions.

4-day CBO Management Workshop enables participants to develop long-term community development programs, refine and rebuild their organizational structures, demonstrate their communication skills, and increase participation of people in development initiatives.

3-day Advocacy and Networking Workshop helps participants understand the nature of advocacy issues, especially in relation to the UN Charter for Human Rights and the Constitution of Pakistan, and exposes them to various means of networking with other organizations.

3-day Financial Management Workshop imparts detailed orientation to participants on key subjects of financial management like budget, record keeping, accounting, trial balance, balance sheet, etc.

3-day Inter-provincial Workshop redeems the spirit of socio-political activism by bringing together trained participants from both the provinces for reflection on RDP.

34

To date, nine phases of RDP have been conducted successfully with 553 participants (346 males, 207 females) of 319 CBOs from almost all the districts of the country. The details are: Sindh (Years: 1991-92, 1993-94, 1996-97, 1998-2000 and 2002-03; Organizations: 107; Participants: 180, 118 males and 62 females); Punjab (Years: 1991-92, 1993-94, 1996-97, 1998-2000 and 2002-03; Organizations: 83; Participants: 155, 89 males and 66 females); NWFP (Years: 1992-93, 1995-96, 1997-98 and 2001; Organizations: 62; Participants: 116, 70 males and 46 females); and Balochistan (Years: 1992-93, 1995-96, 1997-98 and 2001; Organizations: 167; Participants: 102, 69 males and 33 females). A lot of changes have been introduced to the format of RDP over the years. On the one hand, emerging concepts like globalization, small arms, poverty eradication, civil society, good governance, etc. have been added to the training content; while, on the other hand, an attempt has been made to diversify participation in these events by also involving civil society groups other than CBOs and NGOs. These changes have positively contributed to strengthening civil society in Pakistan. 3.6.2 Provincial Coordinating Councils (CCs) The provincial Coordinating Councils (CCs) are a bi-product of SAP-PK’s RDP. As a result of one year’s association during the training package, the participating CBOs tend to develop an esprit de corps. So, their desire to maintain contacts with SAP-PK and their fellow CBOs after its culmination is quite natural. The four provincial CCs serve this purpose as all RDP-graduate CBOs become their members automatically. Their names and years of inception are: Bhitshah Declaration Coordinating Council (BDCC), Sindh: 1992; Sarhad Coordinating Council (SCC), NWFP: 1993; Network for Community Empowerment (NCE), Punjab: 1994; and Balochistan Coordinating Council (BCC), Balochistan: 1995. Through the provincial CCs, SAP-PK aims to strengthen and organize CBOs and their networks at provincial level to bring about a socio-economic change. Their specific objectives are to: enable member organizations and groups to learn program designing,

implementation and monitoring as well as group formation; promote liaison among member CBOs, so that they could share

experiences to devise new community-based paradigms of development; design and implement sustainable and self-reliant programs; and identify emerging issues and muster support to address them through

consensus. The areas of operation of the four provincial CCs include networking, group formation, capacity building, lobbying and advocacy, social and legal activism, publications and information dissemination, field operations and social

35

mobilization, women’s empowerment, strengthening civil scoiety, educating media, and conducting research. They also facilitate dialogues on provincial problems and issues, and form opinion for collective action on advocacy issues. Although the CCs have emerged as effective provincial forums for community development groups to interact and build the capacity of their members, they have not been very successful in meeting the demand and needs of their member organizations. A major reason behind this is that the CCs are still grabbling with the issue of institutional sustainability. 3.6.3 Small Capacity Building Inputs Program (SCBIP) Historically, SAP-PK imparts special inputs, mostly technical training, on specific themes to its partner CBOs with the aim of solving their immediate community problems. However, in the recent past, a need was felt to cater to the emerging needs of NGOs, CBO networks and other CSOs. Accordingly, all such activities were re-designed and since then have been organized under the banner of SCBIP. The objectives of this program are to: impart a detailed orientation on important emerging issues to participants

with an expectation that they would incorporate the acquired knowledge in their work as well as that of their organizations;

facilitate organizations in making their work in line with the donors’ priority areas and help them in taking the debate around these themes to their communities; and

help mid-managers and CSO representatives in understanding new concepts, so as to enable them to undertake the related work effectively.

Launched in 2001, SCBIP is a need-based program. As such, the workshops and courses organized under it are not limited to any specific topic or training design. Since the primary aim is to fulfill the specific needs of the participating organizations, the topics of the workshops are finalized respecting their particular desires. Banking on the Program’s flexibility, a few workshops have also been organized in critical areas that are not covered by any other program of SAP-PK. Under SCBIP, the organization offers training to CBOs, NGOs, networks and other CSOs in the following areas: Organizational and Programmatic Development: Participatory Monitoring

and Evaluation; Community Mobilization; Development Orientation; Program Planning and Management; Leadership Skills; and Networking.

Cross-Cutting Themes: Globalization; Sustainable Development; Civil Society; Poverty Eradication; Peace and Regional Cooperation; and Gender and Development (GAD).

Management, Planning and Human Resource Development (HRD): Resource Generation; Accounting and Budgeting; and Results-Based Planning, Implementation and Reporting.

36

Sectoral and Technical Themes: Proposal Development; Micro-Credit, Micro-Entrepreneur and Rural Marketing; Theater and Poster Making; Financial Management; Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA); Reproductive Health; and Non-Formal Education.

The SCBI successfully proceeded towards achieving its premier objective of strengthening civil society through capacity building of CBOs, mid-level NGOs and other CSOs during the year. The Program not only helped SAP-PK develop links with a large number of CBOs from all over the country, but also facilitated the participating organizations in expanding their contacts and forming networks for raising collective voice on important issues. 3.6.4 Local Research Program (LRP) Development is best promoted by free and critical debate informed by quality action research conducted in a participatory manner. Recognizing this fact, SAP-PK is trying to advance the concept of research as a public good. The organization also understands that in order to better equip citizens of the country to solve their problems and ensure their genuine participation in the decision-making process, there is a need to raise awareness among them. This is not an easy task in a country like Pakistan where successive governments have intentionally concealed facts from the people in order to keep them uninformed. In this context, it is important to conduct quality action research with the help of common and voiceless people, who are theoretically the ultimate beneficiaries of most research initiatives. In other words, these people should be directly involved at all levels of an interactive research process. Ideally, they should be conducting research on their own, verifying its findings, redefining and re-identifying key issues relevant to them, and then putting forward their views before the policy-makers. The new consciousness gained by these people, it can be expected, would help them in understanding their real issues as opposed to those projected by governments to meet their own ends. The need for participatory action research also stems out of a concern shared by all forward-looking NGOs, who are often accused of only criticizing governments without offering suitable and viable alternatives. Any research program which regards people’s perceptions and involves them at all its levels is bound to generate discussion and debate that will ultimately result in people-centered alternatives to all contentious issues. Additionally, such an arrangement would help establish an infrastructure of real information at the local level. The fact that such an infrastructure does not exist in Pakistan, which as a result leads to partisan decision-making banking on estimates in the absence of facts, stresses its need all the more. Let us also talk about another dimension of this issue. Research is necessary for knowledge and knowledge is needed by all of us, especially by those who are

37

voiceless and marginalized so that they could improve their situation. But, we have been conditioned in a way that research is something done by experts in universities and laboratories. It is something that produces big books and learned speeches. This belief makes us fear research and anything associated with it. This is the mystification of research. On the other hand, we have come to believe that academic studies will take us nowhere unless participatory action research is conducted at the local level. SAP-PK believes that common people, even poor rural women, already do some research, and can be encouraged to do more research in order to survive and improve their lot. This concept of participatory action research is premised on involving these common people in an analysis of their own situation, and imparting them skills and confidence to bring about a positive change. Another major concern of SAP-PK has been to link micro-level issues of the people with the macro ones. It believes that a healthy civil society cannot function smoothly unless voices of common people reach the decision-makers. The Development Support Communication (DSC) Division of the organization has been arranging dialogues at various levels and publishing information material on a wide range of issues to achieve this objective. More recently, the focus has shifted to participatory action research. The research initiated by SAP-PK in the past centered on key issues, but it was not reflective of people’s aspirations per se. Realizing this, the organization change its strategy and decided to ascertain views of common people about key issues confronting them through their direct involvement in its research programs. Although this involved a task as tedious as introducing a new paradigm – helping people to understand their problems and then conveying their views about their solution to those who matter – the expected outcomes were far alluring for a development organization like SAP-PK to resist. The organization’s Local Research Program (LRP) takes accounts of all the above-mentioned factors. The DSC Division of SAP-PK is facilitating this process through its partner research groups in 15 districts of Punjab for the pilot phase of the Program. After orientation on research techniques and methodologies, these groups conduct both qualitative and quantitative research in their communities. Regular interaction is maintained with them through filed visits aimed at providing any required assistance on the spot. The specific goal of LRP is to impart research skills to social activists and organizations working at the grassroots levels with the ultimate objective of developing comprehensive District Profiles through participatory action research. It is hoped that these documents would become the bases of people-centered development – the prioritization of problems and needs done by the people themselves would help both governments as well as donor agencies to initiate development programs that are in line with the people’s wishes and aspirations.

38

The specific objectives of LRP are to: form 15 research groups in Punjab, one in each district with two research

associates, and enable them to initiate and conduct research; hold bi-annual training workshops for research associates in order to

inform them about latest research techniques and methodologies; form resource centers and reference libraries at district level for provision

of real and authentic information to interested people; develop linkages with local intelligentsia and academia to preserve

indigenous knowledge through its documentation; and publish and disseminate findings of the research in the form of District

Profiles after verification of the data compiled by research associates. For the pilot phase of LRP, research groups were formed in 15 districts of Punjab: Bahawalnagar, Bahawalpur, Dera Ghazi Khan, Faisalabad, Gujaranwala, Kasur, Khanewal, Multan, Muzzafargarh, Pakpattan, Rahim Yar Khan, Rajanpur, Sialkot, Toba Tek Singh and Vehari. The selected groups agreed to voluntarily facilitate and carry out research in their respective districts. Based on the experience of trainings, field visits and meetings, as well as regular interaction with the district research groups, the DSC Division prepared a format for District Profiles. It was subsequently refined and finalized on the basis of data submitted by the partner research groups. So far, profile of Rahim Yar Khan District has been published while three others are in the pipeline. 3.6.5 Inputs to Media and Other CSOs Considering the importance of media in this information age and its increasing role as a component of civil society, SAP-PK has shifted its focus considerably to target journalists as primary stakeholders of its interventions. As a result of improved interaction with the media, the organization’s activities were reported in the press in a much more serious manner than before. At another level, the frequency of contact with media also helped in dispelling negative views of journalists about NGOs in general and SAP-PK in particular. A very important feature of all the related initiatives was that most of their participants hailed from the vernacular press. Recently, SAP-PK has also made a deliberate attempt to enhance linkages with civil society groups and organizations outside the development world. In this regard, orientation meetings and workshops have been organized for professional associations like Punjab Professors and Lecturers’ Association (PPLA), National Progressive Educational Society (NPES), etc.; bodies and groups of journalists like Lahore Press Club (LPC), Punjab Union of Journalists (PUJ), Media Foundation, Lahore Association of Women Journalists (LAWJ); Journalists’ Resource Center (JRC), etc.; and cultural groups like Lok Sanaihya.

39

The nature of support provided to media and other CSOs by SAP-PK ranges from a single-session dialogue on a particular theme to a full-fledged development orientation workshop. This not only helps the organization spread its outreach across a diverse section of the civil society but also leads to better reflection of its work in the media. In fact, this is a process of bringing more and more people on your side by sharing your vision with them. 3.6.6 Democratic Rights and Citizens’ Education Program (DRCEP) SAP-PK launched Democratic Rights and Citizens’ Education Program (DRCEP) with the active support of five other national-level NGOs – Sungi Development Foundation, Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research (PILER), Institute for Development Studies and Practices (IDSP), Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) and Interactive Resource Center (IRC) – in September 2000, a month after the military regime officially announced the schedule of local government elections. The stated goals of the Program were to: promote political education among people to exercise their democratic

rights, so that their participation in the political structure and election process could be increased;

promote the concept of good governance through a process of democratic and electoral education of citizens, especially the disadvantaged groups like women, minorities, laborers/workers and peasants/farmers; and

revive the confidence of people in the political and electoral processes. The DRCEP aimed at achieving these goals by working for the following objectives: Build the capacity of a core group of social and political activists to

undertake democratic education of Pakistani citizens in general and voters in particular.

Create a group of politically sensitive and motivated people active in local, provincial and national level political processes.

Public sensitization and voters’ education on the devolution plan at the national level.

Enhance awareness among citizens/voters/candidates on basic local government functions.

Create constructive and positive civic engagements among people, interest groups, political forces and CSOs.

Create a new body of knowledge on local government functions and practices.

The following program strategies were adopted to achieve these objectives: Public Education and Mobilization: Educating voters on their electoral and

democratic rights; building a conceptual background on the nature and

40

role of local government systems and structures; and facilitating people to play an effective role in electoral and post-election monitoring.

Support to the Electoral Process: Facilitating candidates/voters from all walks of life without political, social, religious, gender or other prejudices.

Training of Candidates: Enhancing candidates’ understanding of the political significance, history, roles and nature of local government.

Networking and Advocacy: Trigger and optimally use the coalitions and networks developed by CBOs/NGOs to achieve the Program objectives.

Research and Dialogues among Stakeholders: Developing, printing and disseminating issue-based material based on analysis and research.

Documentation: Conducting action research by documenting the process and key features of the local government elections; developing case studies; and monitoring impacts along the way.

The primary stakeholders of DRCEP included women, minorities, peasants/ farmers, laborers/workers, youth and citizens; while political and social activists, CBOs/NGOs, networks and coalitions, academicians, political groups, media, and other CSOs were identified as the secondary stakeholders. It is important to mention that the Program was situated firmly within the larger framework of democratization of society. With the military regime’s decision to hold local government elections, SAP-PK and its partners saw this as an opportunity to influence the devolution process. The DRCEP, therefore, focused exclusively on local government elections. The strategic framework of the Program, thus, was democratization of society, concentrating on local government elections. Another clear strategic focus, implicit in the objectives, was to contribute to the capacity building of CSOs, so as to enable them to participate actively in decentralization of state and society. SAP-PK assumed the responsibilities as the Central Secretariat and Coordinator, Punjab for DRCEP, which was implemented in 87 districts of the country through the available infrastructure of CBOs/NGOs and other CSOs. The organization formed focal groups in all the 34 districts of Punjab in order to better undertake the activities planned under the Program. A series of public and district forums, interactive theater, and other educational and mobilization activities were organized in collaboration with the district partners. Material on basic democratic and electoral issues was also widely distributed among voters and general public. A large number of voters were imparted awareness through various activities organized under DRCEP. SAP-PK and its partners also helped candidates aspiring to contest local government elections on the seats reserved for women, minorities, peasants/farmers and laborers/workers.

41

However, the principle achievement of the Program was the involvement of civil society in democratization and electoral politics and, more importantly, in creating space in the electoral arena for marginalized and disadvantaged groups. Another important outcome was that many partners of SAP-PK contested and won the local government elections. After the successful implementation of DRCEP’s Phase-I from September 2000 to December 2001, the national coalition partners designed its second phase starting July 2002. In keeping with the modified objectives, the Program was also renamed Democratic Rights and Citizens’ Empowerment Program (DRCEP). The main objective of this four-month pre-election phase (July to October 2002) was to enhance the effectiveness of CSOs to protect citizen’s democratic rights and critically engage with the state. The activities under DRCEP’s Phase-II started with a National Partners Meeting. The participants reviewed activities of the Phase-I, as well as critically analyzed its achievements and failures. Next, a National Orientation Workshop was organized for the district focal points. Later, similar workshops were organized for other members of the focal groups in all the districts to orient them on the purposes, methodology and themes of DRCEP’s Phase-II. These events helped in creating a shared vision and common understanding among partners on the philosophy and approaches of the Program. The formats for the pre-election public forums and election monitoring were finalized during a National Orientation Workshop on Public Forums and Election Monitoring. It was decided that election monitoring would be conducted in all the working districts of DRCEP and election monitors would have to submit their reports to the secretariat established at the SAP-PK office within 48 hours. The regular activities under DRCEP’s Phase-II started with a series of Public Forums. These events were organized at district level as a strategy to bring the basic issues of state and society before the leaders and workers of political parties gathered with other representatives of society. During these forums, comments were invited from the participants on the issue of democratization, especially in the context of the political situation that had emerged after the announcement of the general elections by Musharraf regime. These public forums were held on themes like history and problems of the electoral process, root causes of the failure of parliamentary democracy, and reasons behind deprivation of people in Pakistan. An attempt was also made to assess how the state institutions had, either directly or indirectly, dominated the decision-making process throughout the history of the country. The participants of these forums also discussed why democracy could not evolve into the familial, social and political structures of the society.

42

Finally, these forums urged the leadership of political parties to critically evaluate their role in establishing democracy and do self-analysis. They also stressed the need for a broader alliance among different sections of the society to strengthen democracy and democratic institutions. The leadership of almost all major political parties, interest groups and CSOs participated in these public forums, held in 32 districts of all the four provinces of the country. The responses were documented, compiled and shared with other interested groups. The important outcomes of the public forums can be summarized as follows: The Musharraf regime is taking immoral and illegal steps to deprive the

mainstream political parties and their leadership of their right to take part in the elections. The state machinery is being used to support the king’s party and suppress its opponents. In short, the regime is resorting to the worst kind of pre-poll rigging.

Democracy is the best system for our country. The tendency of military dictatorships to depoliticize the society by creating division on ethnic, religious and sectarian lines is the basic problem.

Pakistan should be a democratic, secular and peaceful country where all the citizens – irrespective of their cast, religion, sect, gender or other individual or social identities – are treated equally, and their rights are protected under the Constitution.

Only people, through their elected representatives, have the right to rule the country. The Legal Framework Order (LFO), proposed by the military regime, is an attempt by the military to grab the people’s right to govern.

At the end of the series of district public forums, attended by more than 5,000 people in all, a National Forum was organized for the representatives of political parties, media, CBOs/NGOs, trade unions, bar councils, human rights’ groups, peace networks, DRCEP district focal points and other CSOs. The theme of this forum was Democracy and Related Issues. The emphasis was on democracy within the political parties, and participation of people in policy- and decision-making to promote democracy in Pakistan. Four Provincial Round-Table Conferences were organized with the political leaders and civil society representatives to initiate a broad-based dialogue. These conferences critically evaluated the role of political parties in restoring and establishing democracy, and supporting democratic institutions. Later, a National Round-Table Conference was organized to discuss issues like manifestoes of political parties and election code of conduct. Leaders of political parties, civil society representatives, and prominent lawyers and journalists participated in this conference, and presented their point of view on prevailing political situation. To conclude the pre-election activities in a befitting manner, a Jamhoor Mela (Democracy Festival) was organized on the theme of Peace, Tolerance and Social Harmony. A large number of people from all walks of life participated in

43

this event including the members of district focal groups, journalists, political activists, lawyers, women, minorities, etc. Folk singers from various parts of the country performed on this occasion. Election monitoring was an integral part of the Phase-II of DRCEP. The need to monitor the October general elections stemmed from the bitter experiences of earlier elections, which were marred by worst forms of rigging at the behest of the establishment and agencies. It was realized that the gradual decrease in the voter turnout reflected that the masses were being disenchanted with the electoral process because they had been continually deprived of their right to freely choose their representatives. For this purpose, a Training Workshop was organized on Election Monitoring Skills for 144 civil society activists from 72 districts of the country. The participants were given detailed orientation on rigging patterns in the electoral history of Pakistan. Most of them were apprehensive of the acts of local and provincial authorities that could be termed as pre-poll rigging. Likewise, partiality in the application of disqualification law, election code of conduct and condition of graduation for contestants was pointed out. There was a consensus among the participants that the military regime was using its resources and authority to strengthen its favorites and weaken its opponents. As a strategy, all the participants were assigned to further train 10 people and form a team to monitor 30 polling stations (180 polling booths) in their district. Thus, the monitoring team swelled to 720 people. Election-Day Monitoring was conducted in 72 districts of the country. On the basis of data received from 2,160 polling stations, an independent report was prepared and disseminated widely. 4.6.7 Development Dialogue Series The DSC Division of SAP-PK contributes towards emergence of a viable civil society in Pakistan by helping marginalized sections of the society in raising their voice on issues that directly affect their lives, and imparting them adequate training so that they could design their own advocacy campaigns, and initiate informed debate on issues through dialogues and publications. An important activity in this regard is the Development Dialogue Series, which was initiated taking into account the fact that development workers could only bring about a positive change in the system if they possessed a comprehensive knowledge of the cultural, historical, social and economic realities of the people. The main objective of these dialogues is to help the participants link their micro issues with the macro ones. In the recent past, a number of changes have been introduced to the format of the Development Dialogue Series. Historically, this year-long exercise comprised of four dialogues (two provincial, one inter-provincial and finally one national) on separate themes: the first two had some specific relation with problems faced by

44

the people of that province; the third one provided an opportunity for debate on the solution to problems shared by more than one province; and the fourth one on the most important issue facing the country at that particular point of time. However, in 2000-2001, it was decided that the Development Dialogue Series would be conducted around a single theme for more tangible results and better impact; and Peace and Tolerance was selected as the ‘theme-of-the-year’. It is to date one of the most concrete outputs of the organization around this theme. During these dialogues, representatives of CBOs, mid-level NGOs and other CSOs were imparted thorough orientation on the issue in a participatory manner. The first one in the Series, NWFP Development Dialogue, was organized on the theme of Religious Harmony and Intolerance. Next, Punjab Development Dialogue was conducted on the theme of Sectarianism: Problems and Solution. After this, Inter-Provincial Development Dialogue was organized for participants from Punjab and the NWFP on the theme of Culture of Intolerance. Finally, National Development Dialogue was organized on the Arms’ Culture in Pakistan for participants from all the four provinces of the country. These events not only promoted better understanding of the issue among the participants, but also provided them with an opportunity to share their perspectives on different dimensions of peace and intolerance. A very skilled and qualified team of resource persons facilitated these dialogues. A follow-up of the Inter-Provincial Development Dialogue was also conducted on the theme of Sectarianism and Women in Pakistan at Rahim Yar Khan (Punjab). In 2002, Good Governance was selected as the ‘theme-of-the-year’ for the Development Dialogue Series. It was also decided to shift its focus from activism-oriented approach to a balanced mix of activism- and academic-oriented approaches. The idea behind this was to develop the conceptual clarity of SAP-PK’s staff and partners on emerging issues in order to help them better undertake policy-level advocacy campaigns. This year also witnessed many other changes in the Development Dialogue Series: first, their nature changed to a great extent as they became more of thematic and academic courses; and second, they trickled-down to the district level. While the duration of Provincial, Inter-Provincial and National Development Dialogues ranges from two to three days, the District Development Dialogues are single-session events, and basic information on the issue is shared during them. Some of the other positive developments in this connection were that very elaborate resource material was shared with the participants of all the dialogues. Additionally, material like introductory flyers on the same themes in Urdu was also printed for the communities these participants sought to represent. This move also had link with the stated desire of increasing the outreach of SAP-PK’s activities to sections of civil society other than NGOs/CBOs and their networks.

45

3.6.8 Democracy and Human Rights Program (DHRP) This Program was designed with the understanding that the democratization of state and society was the basic and foremost task for civil society in order to realize the ultimate goal of a peaceful and secular society. Its general objectives were to contribute to re-establish people’s confidence in democratic institutions and electoral processes; and increase people’s participation in the October 2002 General Elections at provincial and national levels. A consortium of NGOs, under the leadership of SAP-PK, implemented this Program of one-year duration (starting February 2002) with the financial support of the European Commission (EC). The three target groups identified for DHRP included media and journalists, political parties and candidates, and minorities; while two cross-cutting issues, women and young people, were mainstreamed in all the activities being undertaken within its context. The decision to work with these target groups was based on the realization that their interactive efforts could play an important role in bringing about the desired change. The above-mentioned general objectives were achieved via the following specific objectives related to the three target groups: Media and Journalists: Increase journalists’ understanding of their role in a democracy and, more

specifically, during the election process. Promote quality reporting on political campaigns and public awareness

activities related to the national and provincial assembly elections. Develop technical skills of journalists, especially those working at the

district level, to report on political campaigns. Help the media monitor election and public awareness campaigns, and

post-election period. Political Parties and Candidates: Sensitize political parties and candidates on democratic principles. Increase awareness of political parties’ candidates and leaders on role

and practices of political parties. Sensitize political parties about election rules and procedures. Promote the elaboration of political parties’ code of conduct. Increase public understanding of political parties’ manifestoes.

Minorities: Increase minorities’ awareness of democratic values, government

institutions and election regulations. Promote minorities’ participation in the 2002 General Elections.

46

Sensitize political party leaders and elected parliamentarians about the needs, rights and duties of minorities.

Now we take a brief overview of some of the major activities conducted under DHRP and the philosophy behind them: MEDIA AND JOURNALISTS Most of the grave violations of human rights and political violence occur in rural and semi-urban areas without ever coming to surface. In addition, most of the inhumane traditions like honor killing are practiced in such areas with the tacit protection and support of local political and state structures. Media was included as one of three targets groups under DHRP with the belief that an aware and committed local journalist can reduce the occurrence and intensity of such practices and crimes by bringing them to the surface. Hence, the activities related to media and journalists under DHRP were designed specifically to impart awareness to and organize the journalists working at the district level. This policy decision had been taken with the realization that the district correspondents and reporters of national newspapers and magazines are capable of playing highly positive and constructive role towards the democratization of the state and society. Inter Press Communication (IPC), a Karachi-based media group, conducted the training activities under this component of DHRP in collaboration with SAP-PK. The main objectives of these activities were to strengthen responsive media; create media watchdog groups; encourage issue-based journalism; and establish effective working relationship among journalists, political parties and CSOs. The major activities under this component of the Program included the following: Two-day Training Workshops were conducted on topics like human rights and democracy for district correspondents of mainstream papers and magazines; and owners, editors and sub-editors of local publications. Many seasoned journalists were invited to these events as facilitators to narrate in detail the historic context of issues like discrimination against women and minorities, freedom of expression, etc. The training contents were designed after conducting survey on the basic needs of the working journalists, especially those working in small towns and rural areas. This need assessment also became the basis for designing resource material for the trainings. The main objectives of these events were to: apprise the participants of the human rights perspectives of the socio-

political issues they had to deal with while discharging their duties; enhance the understanding of their role in strengthening democracy

especially during the election process; and improve the quality of reporting of election campaigns of political parties.

47

In all, 244 journalists from 37 districts of all the four provinces of the country participated in the six training workshops organized in Karachi, Sukkur, Peshawar, Quetta, Lahore and Multan. The participants of these workshops were assigned to contribute articles and features to local newspapers on issues related to human rights, democracy, women and minority rights. At the end of each workshop, all the trained journalists were asked to form a Media Watch Group in their district. Now, these groups are functioning in all the 37 districts from where the journalists attended the trainings. They regularly monitor and report on human rights violations in their districts, and engage with other civil society groups and networks. The two-day training workshops for journalists also included a Media Seminar in which prominent media representatives, political leaders, lawyers, human rights activists, scholars and academics from all over the country were invited to share their thoughts and ideas. These seminars offered an opportunity to district correspondents to meet with seasoned journalists, who gave them extensive background information on different topics related to their work. The participants of these seminars also learned to relate their professional responsibilities with the struggle to protect human rights. Some of the important themes of the media seminars included: Role of Media in Strengthening Democratic Values and Practices; Failure of Democracy in Pakistan; Journalists as Watchdogs in the Society; Reporting on Women’s Issues and Human Rights in Vernacular Press; Responsible Reporting and Media Ethics; Reporting Tools and Tips, Objective Reporting, Ideal Reporting and

Qualities of a Good Reporter. During these seminars, the participants unanimously criticized the role of state in creating hurdles for the journalists. Disapproving the recently introduced Press Council Act, they appreciated the role of NGOs in initiating such debates. One of the main focuses of the media seminars was to discuss the problems and issues of the reporters and correspondents working at the district level. Most of the common issues were related to job insecurity, physical insecurity against local mafias, and lack of information and background analysis. With the objective of doing a solid and objective analysis of current socio-political scenario, a National Media Conference was organized in Karachi for representatives of media, political parties and civil society organizations. Its main aim was to forge a minimal alliance and working relationship between and among these important sectors of the society. Strengthening democracy was identified as the common objective of media, political parties and civil society.

48

The participants viewed that the absence of civil rights and democratic freedoms not only limits their role and clout in the society, but also harbors extremism, violence and corruption. It widens and deepens the sectarian, religious and ethnic hatred between the citizens. The politics, in turn, becomes a tool to accomplish the animosities and fulfill the petty interests of individuals and groups. The speakers made an attempt to situate the current socio-political issues in the historical context. They believed that all the military dictators and civilian leaders, in order to hold on to power, first of all tried to curb the freedom of expression and difference of opinion. Ironically, all this was done in the name of privacy, decency, national interest or religion. As a result, the civil society got weakened and lost the strength to defend its rights and liberties. The participants especially focused their attentions on the print media as it had witnessed covert or overt state oppression throughout the history of the country. POLITICAL PARTIES AND CANDIDATES The DHRP activities related to political parties and candidates were conducted directly by SAP-PK in collaboration with its partners at the district level. They focused mainly on having constructive dialogues with political workers and their leaderships for the promotion of genuine democratic values. Through concerted efforts, the Program tried to lobby with the major political parties of the country to do their politics following democratic principles and code of conduct. Through DHRP, an attempt was made to sensitize the political parties, their workers and candidates on different democratic principles like the importance of peaceful dialogue in conflict resolution; the culture of democracy within parties; the acceptance of young people, women and minorities in party structures, etc. Moreover, the Program aimed at increasing the awareness of workers and candidates of political parties on the ideal role and practices of political parties while in the power and/or in the opposition. For the promotion and elaboration of political parties’ code of conduct for these October 2002 general elections, and increasing public understanding of party manifestoes and programs via public debates, SAP-PK engaged with political parties on a number of political and social issues like women’s rights, minority rights, women representation at local, provincial and national levels, etc. The major activities conducted under this component of DHRP included: The first activity of this kind in the political history of Pakistan, the District Seminars provided workers and leaderships of major political parties with a platform to discuss their common problems and mutual issues. Most importantly, the workers of political parties got an opportunity to voice their concerns as well as identify their common issues. In an environment where political parties were virtually harassed by the tough disqualifying laws, this initiative provided a platform where their leaderships and workers could talk without fear and express their views candidly.

49

During these seminars, held all over the country during January and February 2003 and attended by over 3,000 people from all walks of life, debates were held on the nature of the political system best suited to Pakistan. The participants raised many important questions like who has the right to run the affairs of the country: elected representatives or non-elected institutions? Should Pakistan be a secular state or a theocracy? It was highly encouraging to note that most of the participants spoke in favor of a true democratic system where all citizens are treated equally irrespective of their religious, ethnic or sectarian backgrounds. In almost every seminar, the participants identified regional peace as the prerequisite for political stability in Pakistan. They viewed that the tension between India and Pakistan allows both the countries to spend heavily on defense at the cost of development of their masses. They believed that Pakistan had been affected more by this phenomenon, as it had resulted in frequent Martial Laws and usurpation of citizens’ fundamental rights by the state. The participants also agreed that no society could create a healthy democratic culture without first eliminating feudalistic behaviors, institutional imbalances, fundamentalism, state repression, corruption and violation of human rights. It was a consensus opinion of the participants that such seminars should not only be election-specific – rather, they should be held on an ongoing process. Some of the important outcomes of these forums were as follows: Political workers of different parties got an opportunity to question their

leaderships, express their common concerns, and share their views with civil society activists, lawyers, teachers, labor leaders, etc.;

Current political issues were thoroughly discussed in the perspective of socio-political history of Pakistan;

Different sections of the society formed networks to launch struggles for the solution of common problems;

General impression about CSOs that they avoided real political issues and tried to depoliticize the political workers was changed.

The October 2002 General Elections saw an unprecedented increase in the number of women parliamentarians. This opportunity was seen as a possible entry point for CSOs to advocate for the women’s rights. It demanded working closely with the newly-elected parliamentarians to establish practical coordination among them for the promotion of women’s rights irrespective of their party affiliations. In this perspective, Provincial Public Seminars were organized on the Role of Women Parliamentarians in Strengthening Democracy. The presence of social activists, lawyers, journalists, students, etc. during these seminars helped the facilitators to situate the issue in the larger context of state and society. The speakers and participants viewed that the issue of socio-political discrimination against women was directly related to the issue of democracy in Pakistan. Military dictators, in particular Zia-ul-Haq, deliberately

50

weakened the civil society and limited the role of women in the society. They also demanded elimination of all the discriminatory laws against women. It was a consensus opinion of the participants that credit of increased women seats in the Parliament goes to the civil society. On this occasion, the women parliamentarians committed to launch a joint campaign, irrespective of their party affiliations, in the Parliament against discriminatory laws. They also vowed to strengthen the democratic system in the country and resist every effort to curtail the powers of the elected institutions of the state. Importantly, they agreed that their practical coordination with CSOs was necessary to achieve these goals. Similar Provincial Public Seminars were also organized on the theme of Problems and Rights of Minorities in Pakistan: Role of Parliamentarians. It was an attempt to bring minority parliamentarians at one platform and discuss with them the entire socio-political scenario related to the minorities in Pakistan. Some elected representatives of mainstream political parties were also invited to these seminars with an objective to develop a meaningful working relationship between Muslim and non-Muslim parliamentarians for strengthening democracy. Besides politicians, lawyers, social activists, journalists, labor leaders, political workers and other CSO representatives also participated in these events. There was a consensus among the participants that the solution to the problems faced by the minorities lies in strengthening democracy. It was suggested that the minority parliamentarians should work with mainstream political parties and CSOs for the democratization of state and society in the country. In this regard, discriminatory laws were identified as a possible area of intervention for them. The minority parliamentarians present during these seminars urged the major political parties to lobby for the representation of the minorities in the Senate. They also demanded property rights for the minority-dominated slum areas. These seminars provided minority organizations and representatives with an opportunity to present a common Charter of Demands, for which they had worked extensively, to the parliamentarians. A series of District Public Seminars was organized on the theme of Proposed Constitutional Amendments and the Future of Parliamentary Democracy to provide the political and social activists, working at the grassroots level, with a platform to discuss the Legal Framework Order announced by the military regime in August 2002. It was probably for the first time in the country’s history that core issues like the Constitution, federation, decentralization, human rights, democracy, etc. were discussed at the district level throughout Pakistan. Most of the speakers and participants lauded these seminars as a very meaningful intervention by the civil society at a crucial juncture in the country’s political history. Despite the fact that the participants represented different, and at times opposite, ideological stances, there was a unique conformity in the views

51

expressed by political activists and leaders, social workers, lawyers, teachers, journalists, trade unionists, development activists and other sections of the civil society. There was a general consensus among them on the following: The people of this country are sovereign; The elected Parliament is superior to any other institution of the state; Only elected Parliament has the right to take any policy decision or amend

the Constitution; The political consciousness of the people should be enhanced to protect

the democratic systems and attitudes like tolerance and peace; Religious minorities should be brought in the political mainstream; and The army has only one role and that is to defend the geographic borders

of the country. It has no role to play in the governance of the country. The Provincial Public Seminars on How to Make Pakistan a True Federation provided the speakers and participants with an opportunity to discuss national issues and demand reforms in the state structures, so as to make Pakistan a true federation where most of the powers and resources are vested with the provinces. Most of them belonged to labor/trade unions, NGOs, political parties, media groups, bar associations and other sections of the civil society. The speakers recounted the events of initial years after Pakistan’s independence to trace the genesis of the problem. They recalled how a new-born state was subjected to the whims and caprices of the civil-military bureaucracy, which ultimately resulted in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. Most of the speakers cited the example of the Dhaka debacle as a proof of the fact that the integrity of a federation depends on the social and economic justice available to its citizens. The question of democracy and distribution of power among different institutions of the state was also discussed at length during these seminars. The speakers questioned the dominance of the army over other institutions of the state and its share in the annual federal budget. They also criticized the army’s role for not allowing democracy to flourish in the country by sacking elected governments time and again. Allocation of resources to provinces and National Finance Commission (NFC) also came under discussion during these seminars. In the same vein, District and Provincial Issue-based Public Seminars were organized at in the first quarter of 2003 on topics like Peace and Tolerance; Peace for All; New Labor Policy and Industrial Relations Ordinance (IRO) 2002; and Women and Democracy. In all, these seminars were attended by more than 2,500 people including elected representatives, minority leaders, women, lawyers, academicians, trade unionist and other civil society actors. The major objective of these seminars was to discuss these issues with elected representatives and devise strategies to address them.

52

In seminars on Peace for All, the speakers viewed that lawlessness, disorder and intolerance were promoted by army regimes. They said that army dictators gave protection to religious extremists in order to use them for their ulterior motives. The speakers also resolved that there should be a close contact among civil society organizations, political parties and media to highlight related issues. In seminars on Women and Democracy, the causes of the marginalization of women were discussed at length. The speakers believed that democracy could not flourish in Pakistan because the marginalized sections of the society were never engaged in the political and democratic process. Most of them expressed hope that women would play a major role in strengthening democracy after getting enhanced representation in the assemblies. Some of the speakers also lamented that women were not being treated equally in the local bodies’ institutions. They urged the female political workers to assert their right of getting party tickets on general seats. The speakers unanimously recommended that there should be a quota for women in all sectors of life, including various employment opportunities. In seminars on New Labor Policy and IRO 2002, labor leaders tried to explain the new labor policy to the audience. They strongly criticized IRO 2000 and declared it against the spirit of the 1973 Constitution. Rallies were also organized after the seminars and more than 2,000 people from all walks of life participated in them. MINORITIES DHRP’s philosophical underpinnings emphasized the need to do way with constitutional discrimination against minorities as well as elimination of all sorts of social biases against them. The separate electorate system was identified as the most appalling law against the interests of minorities. Fortunately, during the Program, the military government announced the end of the separate electorate system under the LFO and replaced it with joint electorate system. Justice and Peace Commission, a Multan-based organization, conducted the activities related to minorities in collaboration with SAP-PK. It is always difficult to measure the outcomes of the efforts directed towards behavioral change and conceptual clarity. However, it was a source of great satisfaction that the efforts made through DHRP produced some encouraging results. The most visible reflection was that the minorities actively participated in the October 2002 general elections and adopted a common Charter of Demands. The major outcomes of the activities related to minorities were as follows: Minority activists were brought on one platform to discuss their problems

in the context of larger socio-political issues. Different minority communities were integrated by providing opportunities

to minority leaders and workers to sit together and design common set of demands, principles and strategies.

53

Consensus was built among minority activists regarding human rights scenario prevailing in the country.

Political parties were convinced to bring minorities in their folds and encourage their participation by allocating party tickets to them.

After the restoration of joint electorate system in August 2002, DHRP started engaging minority community as voters and citizens. The selected minority groups were given extensive training on thematic issues concerning electoral politics and human rights. They were later assigned the task of holding pubic meetings, forums and dialogues with other citizens. As an outcome of these activities, a large percentage of minority citizens exercised their right to vote in the October 2002 general elections. In all, six Training Workshops were organized for 232 minority activists in Lahore, Multan, Karachi, Hyderabad, Peshawar and Rawalpindi. The main objective of these events was to bring minorities in the political mainstream of the country. Resource material on important themes like human rights’ situation in Pakistan, situation of minority rights in Pakistan, human rights and the Constitution of Pakistan, political situation of minorities, basic concepts of human rights, and minority, democracy and human rights was provided to the participants. Another of the activities falling under this head was the preparation of a Charter of Demands by the representatives of the religious minorities of Pakistan, which put forward a number of demands before the government as well as the political parties. It demanded of the government to: abolish all of the discriminatory laws, and make Pakistan a truly secular

and peaceful country; ensure the protection of the lives and property of all the citizens

irrespective of their religious identity; provide protection to the minorities’ places of worship against attacks by

the religious extremists; change the bias and prejudice incorporated against the minorities in the

syllabi to reflect their true role in the Pakistan movement; and give appropriate coverage to the religious minorities on electronic media.

Similarly, the Charter of Demands urged the political parties to: integrate the religious minorities into their rank and file; disband separate minority wings and give party tickets to minorities during

the general elections; incorporate the issues of minorities in their manifestoes; and devote their struggle to the creation of a tolerant society by first

introducing democratic culture within them.

54

A one-day National Minority Conference was organized at Rawalpindi on the theme of Minority Rights and Future Strategy in March 2003, and was attended by the representatives of Christian, Hindu, Sikh and Bahai religious minorities. Besides them, a sizeable number of human rights’ activists, labor leaders, lawyers, journalists and representatives of other CSOs also participated in the Conference. The crux of the discussion was that the minorities of Pakistan should continue their struggle for the right of equal citizenship. The restoration of joint electorate system after more than 20 years was seen as a great opportunity for the minorities to get back into mainstream electoral process. There was a consensus among the participants that this was the only way to end religious intolerance in the society. The Conference, attended by about 200 participants, also took out time to judge the impact of the past activities and devise the future strategies. The joint Charter of Demands by minorities was also thoroughly discussed once again and given a final shape. 3.6.8 Technical Support Program (TSP) SAP-PK’s interventions are directed towards provision of equal opportunities to all people for the full realization of human potential. One major hindrance to this goal is the inability of partner organizations to effectively design, plan, implement and monitor community development programs. Therefore, it was realized that RDP alone was insufficient to address their technical needs as it addresses theoretical issues only. This, in turn, implied that the capacity building of partners would remain incomplete until the training was not followed by a technical phase. Considering this, Technical Support Program (TSP) was re-designed in 2002 to facilitate the Program partners in managing (designing, planning, implementing, monitoring and evaluating) community development initiatives. The Program has been re-launched with the expectation that its implementation will help them to: develop linkages with local government and line departments for allocation

of resources to implement community development initiatives; effectively meet the developmental needs of their communities; and acquire skills in managing low-cost community development programs.

The sectors and sub-sectors for the provision of technical support and training to partner organizations have been identified after a thorough analysis of the programs supported by SAP-PK since 1996. Among others, they include Education (non-formal schools, teacher training); Health (preventive, curative and reproductive health, family planning, service delivery); Income Generation (micro-enterprise development, marketing, micro-credit); Agriculture (modern agro skills, agro marketing, farm water management, forest farming); Environment (sanitation, solid waste management, drinking water supply); Advocacy and Networking; and Institution Building and Sustainability.

55

CHAPTER 4 ENVISAGED ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY

IN PAKISTAN Institutions growing in the civil society aim to strengthen individual and collective rights, to check state authoritarianism and to challenge oppressive social forces. The prerogative of a fully matured civil society is the evolution of a representative and responsive political structure, firmly based on principles of social justice and equal opportunity for all. In the context of Pakistan's social fabric and the existing power structures, civil society will have to be anchored on decentralization, democratization and fuller participation of the people. This would imply defying ideological totalitarianism, elitist monopolies – corporate and feudal, ethnic and sectarian fascism – and firmly entrenched state and bureaucratic hegemony. The intellectual and institutional bases of emerging endeavors of civil society need strengthening. Since these initiatives are different in form and nature from market institutions, theories and practices development from the market institutions cannot be applied blindly to the civil society institutions. The CSOs need to internalize the lessons of efficient working, time management and optimum utilization of resources from market institutions while retaining their commitment, spirit and vision. Institutional development interventions for strengthening civil society, however, will require much more than mere organizational improvement. A new body of knowledge is required to plan and design civil society institutions in a given socio-political context. The civil society can be sustained only if its spirit penetrates deep down into the core of existing structures, forcing change from within and bringing about fundamental changes in structures and institutions. The challenge before the civil society is to restore the confidence of the people through greater participation in decision-making, and evolving durable mechanisms of accountability. The roots of civil society can be found in democracy, supremacy of the constitution, independent media and judiciary, and in a system where addressing the basic needs of the people remains the top priority of the state. The evolution and strengthening of the civil society is a dynamic process which continues to civilize individuals and build social relationships. According to the modern worldview, civil society encompasses the three, more or less distinct, sectors – government or state, business or market and non-profit or citizens. This re-conceptualization of civil society is based not upon the sectors but upon the relationships and linkages between the sectors, in which no one sector is in the ascendant.

56

The linkages between the sectors are dependent upon the quality and scope of social institutions, and ultimately, upon the citizenry itself. In Pakistan, the linkages between the sectors and a mutually supportive relationship are not in place. There is a need for an understanding from all sectors to engage in a dialogue and work with each other for society's overall benefit. A true civil society reflects a mutually supportive and cooperative relationship between the three sectors, in which each is at once strengthened by, and strengthens, the other. This wider definition reflects the interrelations that exist within society, and presents the more realistic viewpoint that all elements of society are involved in social development activities, perpetuation of democracy, and the creation and fine-tuning of policy. 4.1 SAP-PK’s Vision SAP-PK has recognized, through experience, that in order to further strengthen civil society there is a need to promote: cohesiveness of organized actions; cross-fertilization of ideas and willingness to learn; transparency, accountability and performance measurement; involvement with other sectors such as the private sector; and collaboration with the government on issues of social development.

SAP-PK has also planned for the future accordingly. Based on the experience of PNSP Phase-II, the organization’s vision is to improve the capacity of Pakistani citizens, particularly women and the rural poor, to participate effectively in local democratic structures and processes that promote their needs and interests. The expected outcomes of SAP-PK’s proposed program for CIDA-supported PNSP Phase-III are as follows: Selected CSOs and networks are in a better position to influence social

policies at the local level. People’s organizations are more effectively participating in local planning

and implementation. Citizens, especially women and rural poor, have increased access to

quality social services. Pakistani civil society is better connected to and participating in global

anti-poverty movements. In line with CIDA’s Country Framework for Pakistan (2003-2005), the proposed program covers three major areas: Democratic Local Governance, Social Development and Gender Equality. In the following, we briefly discuss the future approach of SAP-PK in these selected areas:

57

4.2 Democratic Local Governance The Local Government Plan, under which the last local government elections were held in 2000-01, offers space to citizens to participate in decision-making, policy formulation and resource utilization at the local level. Likewise, the social capital developed as a result of SAP-PK’s efforts over the years can be utilized for strengthening processes, structures, systems and mechanisms for local planning, governance and management of resources. Additionally, the capital now available in the form of more than 40,000 elected women representatives needs to utilized constructively for society’s overall development. During the next five years (2004-06), SAP-PK plans to develop the capacities of these actors at the local level through various training interventions as well as link them with each other in the form of networks and coalitions with the specific objectives of improving governance structures, strengthening civil society, enhancing women representation in decision-making positions and promoting respect for human rights and democratic principles. To pursue these objectives, some of the proposed core activities are as follows: institutional capacity development of CBOs/NGOs, farmers’ groups,

networks of CBOs, Citizens’ Community Boards (CCBs); capacity development of elected representatives, future candidates and

local leaders, especially women; democratic debates for public education; capacity development of people so that they could become active and

knowledgeable citizens, advocating and eventually lobbying with the government for more and improved services; and

promotion of women’s participation and gender equality in CCBs, farmers’ groups, networks, coalitions and civil society as a whole.

4.3 Social Development Pakistan’s human and social development gap is large and growing. Trends in education outcomes are particularly disappointing. At the beginning of the 21st century only one in two children aged five to nine attends school, and perhaps as many as half of primary school graduates are functionally illiterate. The health outcomes, while less bleak, are still nevertheless poor. The health status of the population, particularly women and children, is low and half of the children aged 12 to 23 months are not fully immunized. Access to other basic services such as water and sanitation is still very poor, and this together with poor nutritional status plays a major part in the viscous cycle of illness and poverty. The country’s social indicators in terms of health, education and population growth are amongst the worst in South Asia. According to Human Development Report, Pakistan stands at 144 out of 175 countries in 2003.

58

During the next five years (2004-06), SAP-PK plans to accelerate the process of social development through community development programs and community mobilization with the specific objectives of improving quality of life of citizens by increasing their access to social services, developing social policy reform, improving the quality of social services, and helping the government and the local communities build their capacity to plan and implement those services. To pursue these objectives, some of the proposed core activities are as follows: financial assistance for community development projects to increase

access of marginalized groups, especially women to services in geographic areas less covered by the government and other NGOs;

technical assistance for implementation of community development projects by selected partner organizations;

promotion of gender equality in program delivery by supporting sustainable agriculture programs focused on social and economic development of marginalized women farmers;

leadership training for community leaders; exposure visits to development models worth replicating/adapting; and linking community groups and other CSOs with government line

departments dealing with essential social services.

4.4 Gender Equality Pakistan provides one of the most challenging and sensitive environments in the world in which to work on gender equality issues. Its array of ethnic groups and their traditions make strategies on gender issues difficult to fathom and even more difficult to plan into development projects, particularly into advocacy initiatives. Gender disparities in Pakistan are severe and pervasive. The country ranks 115 out of 143 countries in the gender-related development index and ranks 100 out of 102 countries on the gender empowerment measure. Deeply rooted cultural and institutional constraints prevent Pakistani women from playing an active role in the development of their society. They remain largely excluded from decision-making at national and provincial as well as community and household level. Pakistani women are less educated than Pakistani men, and their access to employment and income generative activities is limited. The health standards of women are poorer in comparison to their male counterparts with lower life expectancy and high maternal mortality rates. During the next five years (2004-08), SAP-PK plans to promote gender equality through gender audit of its projects and programs and actions to advance equal relations between men and women with the specific objectives of promoting

59

equal participation of men and women as decision-makers, the realization of women and girls of their full human rights, and reduced gender inequalities in access to and control over the resources and benefits of development. To pursue these objectives, some of the proposed core activities are as follows: gender training for both men and women; gender audit training and implementation for partners and networks; advocacy for gender rights; and community forums and dialogue focusing on men‘s acceptance of

women’s equal and active participation in local political matters.

60