Sara 100510 Ashikari

8/12/2019 Sara 100510 Ashikari

1/7

Mikiko Ashikari, [email protected]

Discussion Paper for Social Anthropology Research Associates Seminar

The Japanese womans obsession for the white complexion:The Whitening Cosmetics Boom and the Japanese identity

One day in May, which is the month when most Japanese women start to worry about getting

a tan as the sunlight becomes stronger by the day, I found a short article in one of the most

influential Japanese newspapers concerning a change in Japanese womens facial skin

colour. The article reports that the average tone of Japanese womens facial skin colour has

become 10% whiter over the last decade, according to research conducted by Shiseido. This

may puzzle most non-Japanese people: How could the facial skin coulour become whiter?

Why and how is womens facial coulour measured? Why is womens facial skin colour a big

deal in Japan?

The below is an excerpt from my paper published in Journal of Material Culture (2005): its

abstract, introduction and conclusion. I would be happy to circulate the full paper to those

interested. I intend to develop this topic and put together a book. Your questions and

comments will be highly appreciated

*****

ABSTRACT

1
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


2/7

This paper examines the strong preference for light complexions observed among Japanese

women. Since the late 1980s, consumption of whitening cosmetics has remained at

consistently high levels, and a white' complexion has been considered trendy and

desirable in contemporary Japan. This social phenomenon should not be understood

simply either as a reflection of admiration for the West, or as an expression of traditional

values of female beauty in Japan. Rather, the skin tones of Japanese people are

recognized and expressed as a dichotomy of white and black, which is linked to a

further dichotomy of us and them. Through this link, the white skin becomes a

symbolic physical characteristic for identifying the Japanese people. Although the white

skin can be interpreted in many different ways, both good and bad, in everyday life, other

meanings are often subjugated to the white skin as a symbol of Japaneseness. This paper

argues that the meaning of a symbol is not simply produced or reproduced but

represented and authorized through the body decoration in public.

INTRODUCTION

The sensation of whiteness ( shiro) on your skin (Helena Rubinstein)

The best shortcut to whiteness (Givenchy)

Lets cultivate whiteness , every day (Clinique)

What I have touched is a drop of white science (Yves Saint-Laurent)

Double action, for the skin of the future which goes beyond whiteness (Dior)

Clarins has discovered the white skin (Clarins)

A new experience of whiteness (Carita)

(Advertisements for whitening cosmetics: translation and emphasis by the author)

Advertisements for various cosmetics for face-whitening appear everywhere in

Japan, not only in womens magazines, but also in TV commercials or on posters

in the train or in the street, and even in the national daily papers. The value of

the face-whitening market for 1997 was estimated at one hundred and sixty

billion yen (about 800 million pounds when 1 pound is worth 200 yen)

( Nihonkeizai-shinbun 1998). Japanese women make enormous efforts to make

2


3/7

their skin look lighter, staying in the shade when outside to avoid tanning, and

using expensive face-whitening cosmetics. Furthermore, the majority of

Japanese women wear foundation which makes their faces look whiter than they

really are, whenever they go to public places, both in the daytime and in the

evening. The face-whitening practice of Japanese women is a widely observed

social phenomenon in present-day Japan.

There are many studies which focus on the decoration of the face and the

body; they show that human beings, both men and women, have decorated their

faces and bodies for various reasons : social, aesthetic, and symbolic (e.g. Blacking

1977; Brain 1979; Cordwell & Schwarz 1979). However, many of them see body

decoration merely as a symbol or form of art to be read or interpreted. Alfred

Gell points out that many anthropologists have been trapped by the Western

idea that the skin is not important: the skin is on the outside of the body

what is outside is always less important/ true/ real than what is inside hence

the skin cannot tell us about the real person (Gell 1993: 24). Marilyn

Stratherns The Self in Self-Decoration (1979) and Terence S. Turners essay

The Social Skin (1980) were among the first studies to focus on body decoration

as a symbolic medium which constructs the individual as social actor or cultural

subject in a community. Turner, who examines body decoration among the Amazonian Kayapo, argues that the skin as locus of body decoration separates

the domains lying on either side of it. He concludes : The skin (and hair) are the

concrete boundary between the self and the other, the individual and society

(1980: 139). Strathern (1979) shows that the decorated bodies of New Guinea

Highlanders are a medium that allows them to express their true selves.

Strathern sees the skin with its decoration as a boundary onto which to project

the inner self. What both Turner and Strathern make clear, through the idea of

body decoration as a boundary of the inner self, is that individuals can

communicate with other members of the community by using body decoration.

Through the representation of the inner self through body decoration, the

individuals try to situate themselves in their proper positions in their community

or in their world.

Body decoration as a means of communication has been the focus of several recent

anthropological studies of clothing in various societies (e.g. Abu-Lughod 1986: 159-167;

Barnes and Eicher 1992; Eicher 1995; Hendry 1993b: 70-97; Macleod 1991). Barnes andEicher point out that through body decoration, people communicate about their gender and

3


4/7

ethnicity (1992; 1995). Barnes and Eicher, in their introduction to the selection of studies in

Dress and Gender (1992), argue that clothing, in which they include the direct modification

of the body (ibid.: 13), is a sensory system of non-verbal communication which includes and

excludes (see also Eicher 1995). The studies that emphasize the function of body decoration

as a means of communication reveal the ironical position of the symbol in the study of body

decoration. These studies suggest that body decoration should not be understood simply as a

static symbol to be read. They claim that body decoration serves at the same time as a sign

that the individual belongs to a certain group (Barnes and Eicher 1992: 1), and that it is only

through this symbolic representation of meaning that body decoration can work as a

vocabulary for communication. It is here that body decoration as a symbol reappears as

central, but in a different context, because the theoretical issues which frame the ways in

which we can decode the symbol have shifted. My study of womens white faces shows that

what body decoration symbolizes in a community, and how and in what context it is used as a

means of communication in everyday life, are not independent issues; on the contrary, they

heavily depend on and interact with each other (see Ashikari 2003a). The power of a symbol

cannot be attributed simply to its origin, but relies largely on how the symbol is remembered

by the people in a particular society.

Hiroshi Wagatsuma, a Japanese anthropologist who studied in the US, was

probably the first to conduct anthropological research on skin colour in Japan. Inhis English article of 1967, he argued that a dichotomy observed in 1960s Japan,

white/beautiful versus black/ugly, should be attributed to Japanese aesthetic

values. And the preference for whiteness should be rooted in the Japanese

peoples own history, rather than their Westernised ideas about race (Wagatsuma

1967: 407). Indeed many of my own informants also insisted that their

preference for white skin had nothing to do with any notion of race ( jinshu ), but

was simply a matter of beauty. Nevertheless, as my fieldwork research

progressed, it emerged that a notion of the Japanese skin ( nihonjin no hada )

existed among middle-class people. That is, my informants believed that the

Japanese as a race share the same skin tone, and the notion of Japanese skin

works as one medium to express and represent Japaneseness. A lot of recent

studies suggest that Japanese identity is largely based on a sense of racial

identity (see Weiner 1997; Siddle 1997; Kondo 1997; Yoshino 1992: 1997; Oguma

1995). Most studies conclude thus, by examining either historical documents or

racial images distributed by the mass media in contemporary Japan. Oneessential problem here is that the idea of human agency is missing from their

4


5/7

accounts. By contrast, a main focus of this paper is to clarify how Japaneseness

and racial identity are linked in the everyday life of the individual.

This article is based on fieldwork which was undertaken in Osaka and Kobe

between September 1996 and July 1997. The fieldwork research consisted of

participant observation in several settings, life histories of women, unstructured

interviews with women and men and structured interviews with representatives

of cosmetic companies. I also conducted two kinds of quantitative research. One

was the street observation of women. I stood for a half-hour at several places in

the cities and counted the number of women who wore white make up. The other

was a questionnaire survey. The survey was carried out among 134 women from

both the Kansai (Osaka, Kobe) area and the Tokyo area. The subjects of my

fieldwork consisted of so-called urban middle-class men and women. In Japan, as

elsewhere, it is very difficult to describe exactly who constitutes the middle-class.

The character and viability of the middle class have been discussed in many

social theories of modern societies, but the limits of this class or its size always

remain ambiguous. Furthermore, since Bourdieu (1984) showed that class can be

determined by taste, the definition has become vaguer than ever. I limited my

male informants to sarar i man (salary man; a male white-collar worker) with a

university degree and female informants to women who were married to orexpecting to marry - such sarar i man . The age of informants ranged from 21 to 47.

The topic of my research was quite sensitive, and therefore I did not ask my

informants any direct questions about skin colour. Instead I became involved in

several groups, and then simply waited until topics relating to skin-tone, make-

up styles or appearance in general came up. The ways in which these middle-

class people talked about the skin colour of the Japanese reveal that there is a

racial element in their notion of the Japanese; middle-class Japanese people, who

usually insist they do not have any racist problems within Japan, actually

construct their identities as Japanese in relation to their racial identity as pure

Japanese. In this article, I will show that the preference for white skin, which is

linked to a massive consumer culture, appears to be a matter of both beauty and

race. And I argue that although the white skin can be interpreted in many

different ways in contemporary Japan, a particular meaning of white skin

becomes formal and dominant when it is represented in relation with

Japaneseness.

5


6/7

CONCLUSION

Japanese whitening cosmetics do not include bleach, unlike whitening products

sold in south Asian countries and elsewhere ( International Herald Tribune 1998).

None of my informants believed that whitening cosmetics could have a dramatic

effect on the whitening their skin. As far as their motivation for using

whitening cosmetics was concerned, women explained that they wanted to

protect their white skin or that they wanted to recover their innate white skin

tone. What is crucial is that my informants did not see the practice of face-

whitening as an attempt to change their skin tone, from dark or yellow to white.

Through presenting the white faces which all Japanese imagine that they

originally have, the women want to present the ideal Japanese beauty.

When the white face is presented in relation to Japaneseness, tradition

and the ideal image of Japanese women, the meaning of womens white faces as a

symbol of us/Japanese is represented and authorised in public. The gendered

phenomenon of preference for the white complexion among women cannot be

devalued as just a beauty issue. Through the use of super high-tech whitening

cosmetics, Japanese women are cultivating a Japanese form of whiteness which

is based on the Japanese identity as a race, and, therefore, very different from -and even superior to - Western whiteness.

The history of the sales of whitening cosmetics can be traced back to the

Edo period (1600-1868). Some sorts of whitening cosmetics, both handmade

organic products and commercial products, were continuously produced and sold

in Japan even before the whitening cosmetics boom started in the late 1980s. But

the market used to be rather small; dark-skinned Japanese women used them in

the hope of whitening and beautifying their faces. More recently there has been

an enormous increase in the use of whitening cosmetics nationwide. Now both

fair- and dark-skinned women use whitening cosmetics in order to display the

Japanese white face. The massive consumer activity with an annual turnover of

some 800 million pounds have transformed practice of face-whitening from a

trivial, womans matter to a public concern, celebrating the white face as a

symbol of beauty, especially of Japanese beauty. Throughout the boom, the

meaning of the white face as a symbol of Japaneseness and of beauty has become

a public and dominant one among the multiple meanings and the variousinterpretations of the white face. The meaning of white skin is not simply

6


7/7

produced or reproduced through the practice of face-whitening but is represented

and authorised in public.

7

Sara 100510 Ashikari

Documents

Transcript of Sara 100510 Ashikari