Pipiwharauroa

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Whiringa-ā-nuku / Whiringa-ā-rangi 2015 Pukapuka: Rua Te Kau Ma Rua Panui: Te Kau

Eric John Tupai Ruru filed the main Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki claim with the Waitangi Tribunal on the 13th of March 1992. The claim relates to various acts and omissions of the Crown, including the siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika, and the wrongful dispossession and confiscation of tribal lands. John Ruru spoke candidly with Robyn Rauna.

One of the most memorable findings recorded within the Waitangi Tribunal's Tūranga Tangata Report

into our claims is where McLean instructs Fraser in the lead up to the siege and states:

"The tribe that more particularly requires to be chastised is the Aitanga-ā-Māhaki residing at Waerenga-ā-Hika. This tribe has fostered and encouraged the Hauhau murderers from the first appearance of Kereopa & Patara at Tūranga immediately after Mr Volkner[‘s] murder up to the present time ... It is evident that no peace can exist until those Natives are compelled to submit to British law and authority."

It was confirmation in black and white that there was a steely determination to do what was necessary to try and break us and get our lands. One hundred and fifty years later, despite having a written report that tells us that the Crown had wronged us, and had acted on numerous occasions in breach of the Treaty of Waitangi, we the people of Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki still wait for the opportunity to settle our claims. With Ngāi Tāmanuhiri and Rongowhakaata achieving settlement in 2011, Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki is the last remaining iwi of Tūranga to settle our Treaty grievances with the Crown.

It is extremely disappointing for me that we are still waiting. Litigation involving the Mangatū Incorporation, ourselves and the Crown over the Mangatū Forest has held us up.

Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki: Unsettled

However, this year the High Court's decision in favour of Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki and the Mangatū Incorporation was a turning point. The opportunity was open to re-engage with the Crown over settlement, but the Crown lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court meaning we must endure yet more litigation in the new year in June.

The 150th commemoration of the siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika is for this reason an especially sad and poignant time for me and my fellow Māhaki Claim Committee members who have been carrying the responsibility of holding the Crown to account through the Treaty claim process. We must endure and wait for the formal acknowledgements and the apologies for what happened at Waerenga-ā-Hika.

My whanaunga and fellow settlement claims peer Wirangi Pera, who has walked beside me in the claims process, reminded me of what Te Kooti said about the law. Ko te Ture, tā te Ture he hura. Ko te Wairua, tā te Wairua he hīpoki. Ko te Hāhi, tā te Hāhi he pupuri, he whakarongo. Ko te ritenga tēnei o te Ture o te Kawenata.

Or in English, The Law is a divestment. The Spirit is a cover. The Church is an anchor and to heed. This is the meaning of the Law of the Covenant.

These revelations that the law dispossess, while faith and the church are a means of protection, rings loud in my ears right now. We are the walking, living memorials to our people that we lost at Waerenga-ā-Hika.

Those of us living today are uri whakatipu of the Whakarau which makes us more determined to see that justice is done and that we commemorate with dignity the loss of our people at Waerenga-ā-Hika and through subsequent events.

John Ruru, claimant for Te Aitanga-ā-MāhakiWai 274, Wai 283

Images of Our Tīpuna Who Were Deported To Wharekauri After

The Siege

Pera Te Uetuku, ID No. 303

Karepa Ruatapu, ID No. 902

Te Matenga Taihuka, ID No. 321

Hori Puru, ID No. 326

Rutene Ahuroa, ID No. 318

Te Kooti Rikirangi, ID No. 517

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Founded October 1898Pukapuka: Rua Te Kau Ma RuaPānui: Te KauTe Marama: Whiringa-ā-nuku/Whiringa-ā-rangiTe Tau: 2015ISSN: 1176-4228 (Print) ISSN: 2357-187X (Online)

Pīpīwharauroa takes its name from ‘He Kupu Whakamārama Pīpīwharauroa’, which was printed in October, 1899 by Te Rau Print and edited by the late Reverend Reweti Kohere. Pīpīwharauroa was re-launched on 20 October, 1993.

Produced and edited by:Te Rūnanga o Tūranganui-ā-KiwaTūranga ArarauPrinted by: The Gisborne HeraldEmail: pipiwharauroa@ta-pte.org.nzPhone: (06) 868 1081

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He Kirimana

Ways to Remember and Commemorate the Siege of

Waerenga-ā-Hika• Take a minute of silence at 12noon on 17

November to quietly meditate and think about the lives lost at Waerenga-ā-Hika

• Light a candle on 17 November

• Make or craft your own haki or flag for you to fly at your home

• Fly your haki or flags at your Marae, Community Halls & other facilities at half-mast

• Learn & sing Te Kooti Rikirangi’s Version of “Pinepine te Kura”

• Visit the Waerenga-ā-Hika Urupa on Matawai Road and pay your respects to some of the 71 who were killed & who lie in unmarked graves at the rear of the urupā

• Visit the Mākaraka Cemetery on State Highway 2 and pay your respects to the six Hawke’s Bay Military Settlers who died

• Attend Anglican Church services at St Lukes, Waerenga-ā-Hika at 9.30am Sunday morning 22 November

• Attend the Hāhi Ringatū Twelfth at Tapuihikitia Marae, Puhā

• Do a good deed for someone you don’t know

• Read the Waitangi Tribunal’s report Tūranga Tangata Tūranga Whenua available online on https://forms.justice.govt.nz/search/D o c u m e nt s / W T/ w t _ D O C _ 6 8 1 8 4 7 5 6 /Wai814%281%29.pdf

Looking Back to Go Forward

Pehimana (Pene) Brown, Chairperson of Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki Trust spoke to Robyn Rauna about this year’s commemorative event.

It was Bishop Desmond Tutu who said, "People think when you are being confrontational, you are necessarily opposed to forgiveness. In fact you are frequently the one who is going to be saying, 'Let us face up to the truth.' The truth may not be pleasant, but it is far better than having a glossing over or a pretend-pretend that things are ok."

Even though Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki has not settled its Treaty of Waitangi claims with the Crown, this year’s historical anniversary seemed to be an opportune time for us, together with the other Iwi of Tūranga, Rongowhakaata and Ngāi Tāmanuhiri, to remember, commemorate and attempt to resolve memories of the traumatic experience that is war. In many ways emotions about the siege are still strong with our tribe experiencing lingering and ongoing feelings of injustice. The memory of what happened there will never be forgotten. It was a cataclysmic event for our Iwi. He parekura.

Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki believes that by being informed of the history and commemorating the siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika the truth will work to set people free. In remembering and reflecting on those times and the source of our origins and place we can acknowledge some of our people and kinsmen and women who were instrumental to the growth and development of our Iwi and region.

We need to talk about our common history - talk about it, remember it and pass it on to our grandchildren. The importance of commemorating the events of the late nineteenth-century for all New Zealanders is that it marks a moment in history that was fraught with conflict and tension. The challenge for Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki is to ensure that we as a people do not commit wrongs against other people like those committed against us at Waerenga-ā-Hika.

The memorial that we will unveil at Waerenga-ā-Hika Pā will memorialise the deaths of the 71 people that were killed. It will serve as a reminder of our past and our ongoing work as a tribe to keep building our future, Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki Trust Chair Pene Brown said.

This proclamation developed in memory and honour of those that died at Waerenga-ā-Hika serves as a written reminder to everyone in Tūranga, and indeed in Aotearoa and the world, that we will not forget them and will take strident steps to see that justice is served through Treaty settlement with the Crown so that there is a strong foundation for peace and reconciliation in the future.

Hence, the earlier reference to the words of Desmond Tutu. That is our collective legacy.

He Kirimana – A Proclamation

WHEREAS,

Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki have settled our tribal lands since time immemorial, and Tūranga is built upon the homelands and communities of our Iwi and Hapū together with Rongowhakaata and Ngāi Tāmanuhiri without whom the building of Tūranga would not be possible; and

WHEREAS,

The Siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika in 1865 resulted in the deaths of 71 of our people and displacement for some including being deported to Wharekauri which set off a train of disturbing events that we recall with much pain and distress; and

WHEREAS,

Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki joins with a growing number of other Iwi who call upon the Government to formally recognise a national day of remembrance for all of the New Zealand Land Wars that has taken place in Aotearoa-New Zealand creating an opportunity to promote greater understanding and knowledge of our civil war history as a nation.

NOW THEREFORE, I, Pehimana Brown, CHAIRPERSON OF TE AITANGA-Ā-MĀHAKI TRUST do call upon the Crown to re-engage with Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki over its historical Treaty grievances and more particularly acknowledge that:

• "Tūranga Māori were not in rebellion in 1865 and that the Crown acted unlawfully and in breach of the Treaty of Waitangi in attacking the Pai Mārire defensive position at Waerenga-ā-Hika and killing 71 of its inhabitants."

• The Crown acted unlawfully and in breach of the Treaty of Waitangi in arresting, detaining, and deporting 113 of the men captured at Waerenga-ā-Hika, together with those of their families, to Wharekauri.

AND proclaim November 18 2015 as He Rā Hokinga Mahara ki a Waerenga-ā-Hika for Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki, and encourage all people to celebrate the thriving cultures and values of the Iwi and Hapū of our region and to continue efforts to promote their well-being and growth.

Guest Editor for this Waerenga-ā-Hika special edition of the Pīpīwharauroa is Robyn Rauna with Associate Tina Wickcliffe

Waerenga-ā-Hika Mission Station

Pipiwharauroa Page 3He Whare Ngaro

A Turning Point

Nā Shane Kawenata Bradbrook,Chair for Ngāi Tāmanuhiri Tutu Poroporo

Trust

What are your thoughts of Waerenga-ā-Hika and what it means for your people?

We can place Waerenga-ā-Hika in a historic vacuum or context and reflect on the purpose, the desires, ihi, wehi, wana, kaha of those involved, the violence and the deaths of those that stood their ground. We should also remember that these points in time also signal the loss of Tāmanuhiri, Rongowhakaata and Māhaki whenua as part of a larger colonisation process. It does mean that our people have to, in many cases, re-enlighten and engage themselves with such moments in history. I firmly believe that the memorial is another turning point for Tūranganui Iwi. That we can remember the past but more importantly look to a future for our mokopuna, our uri.

What might be some of the learnings that we can all take from the Siege?

That one can resist. We have been resisting since the beginning of colonisation. Waerenga-ā-Hika was an example of this. We should be looking at rekindling our collective memories on not just Waerenga-ā-Hika but all the other places that have significance for Tūranga Iwi such as Ngātapa. These snapshots in history should sit alongside our commemorations of the Māori Battalion and all conflicts that our people have made sacrifice.

It is our role as uri to provide this history to future generations from our world view. Perhaps an important learning is that we have survived and continue to be highly resilient people.

Price of CitizenshipNā George Ria,

Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust Chair

What are your thoughts of Waerenga-ā-Hika and what it means for your people?

There’s a saying He Iho Makawe Rau that I am reminded of which speaks to the many lines of descent that tipuna have. In relation to Waerenga-ā-Hika this may well be the case for some, but sadly for others, like our people that died at Waerenga-ā-Hika, they are no more. He whare ngaro. Therefore the living amongst us must make sure that we do not forget them. We should be proactive about this through talking to our children and mokopuna about our history and making sure we take up the opportunity to remember and commemorate. My father Rapiata led through example on how to do this, I hope to follow in his footsteps.

What might be some of the learnings that we can all take from the Siege?

Personally I think we should all strive to be better as individuals – people that are avid contributors to our families and communities, people that care and love their young and their old. You cannot help but be struck by the little humanity present during the siege at Waerenga-ā-Hika to not want the polar opposite for your people, to want nothing but joy and happiness for your people. We definitely paid the price of citizenship at Waerenga-ā-Hika, and then our veteran soldiers who went to World War One and Two and the subsequent conflicts did too. We have continually given as a people to our nation. So I am hoping that the nation will in time properly recognise all of this.

Where do you think Rongowhakaata is at in a post-settlement environment

and what are your aspirations for future transformational change and growth?

Rongowhakaata, like other post-settled Iwi, is still working our way through tribal development. The Rongowhakaata Deed of Settlement is our guide to always keep the big picture stuff at the forefront of whatever we do. People, our people, will always be our most important and precious resource. I am hopeful that the Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust will nurture positive and constructive relationships with our people.

Despite adverse conditions we are still here, we are still on our tūrangawaewae, we are still maintaining mana moana–mana whenua.

Where are Ngāi Tāmanuhiri in a post-settlement environment and

what are your aspirations for future transformational change and growth?

Ultimately, the people need to make collective determinations in terms of what they want for the whānau, hapū and iwi.

For Tāmanuhiri it is looking at improving and making gains in four areas – social, economic, environment and cultural. But there also needs to be an acceptance that leadership is required to get the people in a position that reflects a sense of tino rangatiratanga over our rohe.

If Tāmanuhiri reaches a point of being self-sustaining and self-determining in the four areas then I believe we are meeting the aspirations of our tīpuna and of ourselves.

Plan of Waerenga-ā-Hika Pā and battlefield as seen in the New Zealand Wars, Vol. II, by James Cowan. 1922. Page 124

Page 4 PipiwharauroaTūranga Tangata

Tūranga Tangata, Tūranga Whenua

An Excerpt of the Waitangi Tribunal’s Tūranga Tangata, Tūranga Whenua (2004) Report is reprinted here with the permission of the Ministry of Justice

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The region of Tūranganui a Kiwa, or Poverty Bay as it has come to be known in English, is the home of three closely related iwi: Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki, Rongowhakaata, and Ngāi Tāmanuhiri.Other important kin groups also reside there. These include Te Whānau-ā-Kai and Ngāriki Kaiputahi. All five groups lodged claims with the Waitangi Tribunal. Claims were also lodged by the descendants of two Māori leaders whose respective contributions to the story of nineteenth-century Tūranga were quite unparalleled.They were Te Kooti Rikirangi and Wi Pere. Finally, claims were also brought by a small number of individuals acting for themselves and their immediate families. Details of these claims may be found in the body of our report.

In the volumes that follow, we report our findings in respect of the claims of these kin groups and individuals. Since almost all claims arise out of the process of colonisation of Tūranga, our report contains much of that colonisation story: from a 25-year period of peaceful coexistence between Māori and settlers, to nearly five years of conflict, followed by a much longer period of Māori adjustment to, and accommodation of, the new order. We set out in summary form here our key findings of fact and Treaty principle in respect of these events. We rely generally on the primary chapter headings in our report to structure this summary (some of the smaller claim issues are not covered here). We would stress, however, that this is no more than a summary. Our actual findings, and the analysis that underpins them, are to be found in the body of our report.

WAERENGA-Ā-HIKA

Twenty-four Māori signed the Treaty of Waitangi at Tūranga in 1840, although not all signatories were from there. But, in the 25 years that followed, there was little evidence that effective sovereignty had been taken up by the Crown in accordance with the promise of the Treaty. Although a resident magistrate was stationed there for five years, Tūranga remained a fully autonomous district for all practical purposes until 1865. Indeed, between 1860 and 1864 –the period of armed conflict in Taranaki and Waikato – Māori in Tūranga had taken a position of considered neutrality, refusing to support either the British Crown or the Māori King.

Then, in March 1865, emissaries of a new Māori religious movement, Pai Mārire, arrived in Tūranga from Ōpotiki. A majority of Tūranga Māori converted to the new faith, promising as it did to protect their lands and independence against an apparently aggressive Crown. This caused tension in the local community – which numbered around 1500 Māori and somewhere between 60 and 70 settlers – and some initial panic among settlers. That was understandable. One of the Pai Mārire emissaries had been involved in the murder of the Reverend Carl Völkner in Ōpotiki. The tension was exacerbated by sustained conflict, which broke out between Crown and Pai Marire-aligned Ngāti Porou hapū, further up the coast. Though some settlers were afraid, the arrival of Pai Mārire in Tūranga did not itself result in violence, civil unrest, or rebellion against the Crown. Indeed, the Tūranga area remained quiet for the next six months. Equilibrium was unaffected by the arrival of a small contingent of colonial troops in September of 1865. Unrest in the form of looting

abandoned settler homes did break out when a 30-strong Ngāti Porou Crown force arrived in Tūranga in late October, but property was returned and offers of reparations were made. The Ngāti Porou force was fresh from fighting with Ngāti Porou Pai Marire converts further up the coast and their numbers quickly swelled in early November to 120. It was at this crucial point that Donald McLean, the Crown’s principal agent on the East Coast, decided to grasp the opportunity to use the Ngāti Porou and colonial forces then in the district to destroy the Pai Mārire influence along the East Coast and, in the process, break the independence of the Tūranga tribes.

McLean arrived in Tūranga on 9 November with additional Ngāti Porou and colonial troops. He immediately issued a set of ‘terms’ to Tūranga Māori. They were to surrender all of their arms, take an oath of allegiance, and give up all non-Tūranga Pai Marire among them. In a letter prepared in the name of Raharuhi Rukupo, a leading Tūranga Rangatira, and signed by him and 15 other chiefs, the terms were accepted. The only proviso was a request that McLean personally visit them to ‘make final arrangements’ and that they be given an opportunity to respond to the allegations of wrongdoing contained in the Crown’s terms. McLean refused to meet and talk. Rukupō relented and came to McLean to plead his case. He failed. On 16 November, McLean left it to the field commander to commence the attack.

On 17 November 1865, Crown forces attacked and besieged the Pai Mārire defensive position at Waerenga-ā-Hika, just inland from modern-day Gisborne. Around 800 Māori, including 300 women and older children, were in the pa at the time of the attack – almost the entire population of Tūranga at the time. The pā fell after five days with those inside either escaping or surrendering to Crown forces. Seventy-one defenders were killed during the siege. Crown forces suffered about 11 casualties. We found that the attack was unlawful and in breach of the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi.

The Crown may only turn its guns against its own citizens if they are in ‘rebellion’. That is, if those attacked are engaged in concerted action against the Crown for the purpose of overthrowing by force or threat of force, the Crown’s authority. But there was no rebellion in Tūranga. There had been no civil unrest in the district capable of being interpreted as actions against the existing legal order. Waerenga-ā-Hika pa was a defensive position held against imminent Crown aggression. That is demonstrated by the fact that 300 women and children were present in the pā. Rukupō and the hapu at Waerenga-ā-Hika were entitled to defend them-selves against that aggression.

IMPRISONMENT, CONFISCATION, AND THE EAST COAST LEGISLATION

After the surrender of the pā, the Crown imprisoned 113 men, purportedly the ‘worst offenders’, and transported them to the Chatham Islands. By late 1866, a further 73 male prisoners had been sent over after fighting in Hawke’s Bay. In total, 123 prisoners from Tūranga were held in this way. Wives and children of some prisoners were allowed to join them, increasing the total number on the Chathams to around 300. No prisoner was charged with, tried for, or convicted of, any offence in relation to the battle at Waerenga-ā-Hika whether before, during, or after the imprisonment.

The Crown also decided to confiscate land as punishment for the purported ‘rebellion’ of Tūranga Māori. However, a patch war developed between two rival provincial governments, Auckland and Hawke’s Bay. Because Tūranga was part of the Auckland province, profits from the sale of confiscated land would go to Auckland province. Donald McLean, who was super-intendent of Hawke’s Bay, wanted Tūranga and the money to go to his province. He therefore

delayed triggering the confiscation Acts until the provincial disagreement was settled. Meanwhile, the Tūranga prisoners would not be released until the confiscation was completed. In late 1866, the superintendent of Auckland province, Frederick Whitaker, drafted special legislation that would enable selective confiscation of East Coast land through the Native Land Court. The resulting legislation, the East Coast Land Titles Investigation Act, was incompetently drafted. It mistakenly enabled the award of land to rebels instead of confiscation from them. Another year went by before an amendment was passed correcting the mistake. Finally, in 1868, the Government enacted the East Coast Act, which allowed for the confiscation of land and the transfer of ‘rebel’ land to ‘non-rebels’ through the Native Land Court. None of this special legislation was in fact used. At the same time, Captain Reginald Biggs of Tūranga tried to pressure Tūranga Māori into agreeing to a substantial voluntary cession of land by way of reparations to the Crown. Tūranga Māori refused. They maintained that the imprisonment of those on the Chathams was punishment enough. Meanwhile the prisoners remained where they were indefinitely.

Since there were never any charges, trials, or convictions, and since the Tūranga prisoners had committed no crimes, we found that the imprisonment was unlawful and in breach of the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. But the breach was greatly aggravated because the period of detention was made indeterminate for mere bureaucratic convenience.

TE KOOTI AND THE WHAKARAU

Conditions on the Chathams were harsh. The prisoners were unused to the cold climate. They were required to build their own accommodation and grow food to subsidise their limited Government rations. Approximately 22 men died from illness. Further deaths are recorded among the women and children. As the incarceration stretched to two years with no prospect of release, the initial sense of grievance grew among the prisoners.

One prisoner who fell ill was a Rongowhakaata man, Te Kooti Rikirangi. Following his illness, Te Kooti advised his fellow prisoners that he had received a series of divine visions. He studied the Bible and built up the tenets of a new faith, which offered salvation to the prisoners: God would deliver them from oppression as he had once saved the Israelites in the Old Testament. Te Kooti planned their escape.

In early July 1868, the prisoners – or the Whakarau (exiles or unhomed) as Te Kooti had named them – seized a visiting schooner, the Rifleman. In all, 163 men, 64 women, and 71 children escaped on the ship. On 9 July, they made landfall at Whareongaonga some 20 kilometres south of modern-day Gisborne. From there, the Whakarau moved inland toward Taupo.

The Government’s representative in Tūranga, Captain Reginald Biggs, sent messengers demanding the Whakarau’s immediate submission. Te Kooti refused, making it clear instead that he wished to travel unmolested elsewhere. Colonial forces made three separate attempts in the bush to apprehend the Whakarau and prevent their progress. On each occasion, the Whakarau attacked the arresting column pre-emptively. All attempts at rearrest failed. Meanwhile, Te Kooti sent messages to Tūhoe and King Tāwhiao asking, respectively, for passage and sanctuary. The replies brought little comfort. Tāwhiao informed Te Kooti that he was not to fight or renew the wars. Tūhoe refused safe passage through the Urewera.

With his plans to travel inland thwarted, the ongoing threat of capture and further imprisonment by the military, and continuing attempts by the Crown

Page 5PipiwharauroaTūranga Whenua

to acquire land in Tūranga as punishment for Waerenga-ā-Hika, Te Kooti resolved to strike Tūranga. While there is now no way of knowing for sure, it is likely that he had also learned of two further facts by this stage: the carved meeting house of his uncle Raharuhi Rukupō had been forcibly removed by the Crown; and Captain Biggs had himself settled on land at Matawhero claimed by Te Kooti. If he did know these things (and we think it highly likely that he did), it would have strengthened his resolve. In Te Kooti’s Old Testament vision, the dispossessors would receive their just deserts and the Whakarau would be repatriated to their ancient lands. From 8 to 14 November, the Tūranga settlements of Pātutahi, Matawhero, and Oweta were attacked. The attackers killed between 29 and 34 settlers including women, children, and young people of dual descent. Captain Reginald Biggs and his family were among the dead, as were 13 militia-men. They killed another 20 to 40 Māori. Around 300 Māori were taken prisoner and the Whakarau escaped into the bush.

We found that the Whakarau were entitled to make good their escape from the Chathams because they were unlawfully detained. We found that their initial intentions upon return were peaceful, although this later changed. We found further that the Whakarau were entitled to resist the ill-considered attempts by colonial forces to rearrest them. But we reached the firm conclusion that there could be no justification for the killing of between 50 and 70 largely innocent settlers and Māori at Matawhero and elsewhere. That action was disproportionate and indiscriminate. Even though the Whakarau were greatly provoked by Crown action, the Treaty of Waitangi continued to speak for reasonableness, moderation, and ethical response. Accordingly, we found that although Te Kooti and the Whakarau were entitled to defend themselves against Crown actions which were illegal and in breach of Treaty principle, they breached their own responsibilities as citizens and Treaty partners in attacking and killing or forcibly detaining unarmed civilian targets.

Understandably, the colonial Government reacted to the attack on Tūranga with horror. Colonial forces were mobilised, including Ngāti Porou and Kahungunu contingents. The two sides engaged in late November and early December at Te Karetu. The Whakarau then fell back to an old mountain-top pā deep in the interior called Ngātapa.

On 1 January 1869, Government forces under Colonel Whitmore invested Ngātapa. The defenders’ provisions were short and water was at a premium. They lasted for a few days only. On 4 January the besiegers took the outer defences of the pā. Early in the morning of 5 January, a woman called out to the attackers: the defenders had escaped down the unguarded and precipitous northern face of the pa. The pā was rushed and looted, and a number of prisoners were taken. Between 48 and 53 of the defenders had been killed during the siege.

The Government’s Ngāti Porou force then set out in pursuit of those who had escaped. From this point exact casualty figures are elusive but it is possible to calculate, with some accuracy, the range of losses suffered by those besieged at Ngātapa. Between 16 and 30 men were killed in fighting during the pursuit. A much larger number were captured in the bush and taken back either to Ngātapa or to the colonial encampment known as Fort Richmond. Between 86 and 128 of those taken to Ngātapa or Fort Richmond were executed. It is possible (but unlikely) that the upper figure was higher than 128 because we chose conservative options wherever calculations required us to make choices between different figures. But it is clear that the absolute minimum number of executions was 86.

None of those executed was charged, tried, or convicted of any offence prior to execution. None of those executed was armed. The executions almost certainly included a significant number of those who had themselves been taken prisoner by Te Kooti two months earlier. Between 22 and 34 male prisoners and nearly all women and children were spared. Te Kooti and a small number of his followers were not captured. They escaped into the bush.

Though the executions were carried out by the Ngāti Porou contingent, they were carried out by Crown forces and in the Crown’s name. Settler military commanders in the field were aware of and sanctioned the executions, as did the senior settler politician present at the battle, JC Richmond.

We found that the executions were unlawful and in breach of the Crown’s obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi, if not also the rules of war then in force in the British Empire. Put simply, the horrors of Ngātapa were perpetrated to avenge the horrors of Matawhero. While the Crown was entitled to bring the full force of the law to bear on the Whakarau after the events of Matawhero, and while we can understand (though not condone) individual acts of revenge, the scale of the systematic killing at Ngātapa represents one of the worst abuses of law and human rights in New Zealand’s colonial history. The Crown had to be above behaviour of this kind. It had to respect the rule of

Tūranga TimelineThis timeline displays key historical events that took place in chronological order

OCT1769

1830s

Sustained contact between Tūranga Māori & Pākehā

MAY1840

The Landing of the 'Endeavour'Captain James Cook anchored near the mouth of the Tūranganui River leaving nine Māori dead or

wounded

The Treaty of Waitangi Signed

Twenty one Tūranga leaders signed the Treaty of Waitangi at William's Mission Station at

Manutuke including Manutahi, Te Waaka Mangere, Paratene Tūrangi, Te Turuki, Maronui, Te Kaingakiore, Tauamanaia,

Tuwarakihi, Raniera Turoa, Wiremu Kingi Paia Te Rangi, Tuhura, Wi Mahuika, Te Hore, Te

Panepane, Rawiri Titirangi, Enoka Te Pakaru, Te Poihipi Te Wareana, Tawarau, Wakahingatu, Te

Mimiopaoa

Relationships developed enabling settlers and traders to live amongst Tūranga Māori

Tūranga Prosperous

Tūranga was an autonomous & prosperous Māori district in which tino rangatiratanga was maintained in accordance with tikanga

Māori

NOV1865

The SIEGE of Waerenga A HikaCrown & Kawanatanga Forces unlawfully

attack Tūranga Māori at Waerenga-ā-Hika Pa resulting in the deaths of 71 Tūranga

Māori

Was entered into by Tūranga Māori following the tragic events at Tūranga

- which was obtained under duress.1.195 MILLION ACRES of Tūranga land through land confiscation or the imposed

cession came under the control of the Crown extinguishing native title in the entire

district of Tūranga

The Deed of Cession

By End1866

To1865

JULY1868

18DEC1868

The Taking of the Whakarau to WharekauriApproximately 186 men who had

surrendered at Waerenga-ā-Hika or had been taken captive after battles

near Napier were detained without trial on Wharekauri (Chatham Islands) with

their families, including some 87 women and 60 children

Te Kooti Leads Escape of Te the Whakarau

Led by Te Kooti Rikirangi 298 people - 163 men, 64 women and 71 children escaped Wharekauri on the ship the

'Rifleman' which landed at Whareongaonga on 9 July 1868

MARCH1867

The Confiscation of Te Hau ki Tūranga

Constructed as a memorial to Te Waaka Mangere, a rangatira and the elder brother of

Raharuhi Rukupo, the whare was forcibly removed & confiscated by the Crown from

Orakaiapu in Manutuke

NOV1868

Attacks at Matawhero, Pātutahi, Oweta

Te Kooti & the Whakarau exacted revenge on a number of people & their families (Māori &

Pākehā) for the loss of land & property & acts of the militia.

JAN1869

Executions at NgatapaChased by Crown troops for the deaths at Matawhero, Te Kooti & the Whakarau were

attacked at Ngatapa where between 86 & 128 unarmed members and prisoners of the Whakarau were summarily executed

law. It had to comply with the standards it expected of its own citizens. How else could the Crown claim a legitimate right in accordance with article 1 of the Treaty, to govern in the name of all?

Taken together, Te Kooti’s attack on Matawhero and the Crown’s revenge at Ngātapa constitute some of the most distressing events in New Zealand’s colonial past. From the Crown’s attack on Waerenga-ā-Hika in November 1865 to the fall of Ngātapa in January 1869, we estimate that approximately 240 adult men, or 43 per cent of the adult male population of Tūranga, were killed in armed conflict with the Crown. This is an extraordinary level of loss for any community anywhere. It is, we believe, the highest casualty rate suffered by Māori in any region in New Zealand during the land wars.

Following Ngātapa, Te Kooti and the small group of his surviving followers withdrew into the Urewera. He was pursued by Crown forces until February 1872 but was never captured. He was given shelter in the King Country by King Tawhiao, and he lived there in peace until his death in 1893. It was during this time that he developed the prayers and rituals of the Ringatū Church which he founded. The church remains a strong presence in the Urewera, eastern Bay of Plenty, and Tūranga communities to this day. Te Kooti was never allowed to return to Tūranga.

Continued on pg 11

PipiwharauroaTe MīhanaPage 6

THE Waerenga-ā-Hika MISSION

STATION 1857-1865Nā Stephen Donald

There has been much discussion around issues leading up to the battle of Waerenga-ā-Hika and its consequences. However, what led to William Williams’s decision to move inland from his original mission base amongst the Rongowhakaata people at present day Manutuke, to land gifted by Te Whānau-ā-Taupara at Waerenga-ā-Hika, is less well-known. This article explains the reasons for the transfer of this land to the Anglican Church, the mission’s relocation, and the aftermath of the events of 1865.

CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY BEGINNINGS AT TŪRANGA

William Williams, Anglican missionary at the Church Missionary Society (CMS) Tūranga mission station, became a key figure in the Poverty Bay area from soon after his arrival in January 1840. He collected 41 signatures on the Treaty of Waitangi in Te Tairāwhiti, and believed, like most of the CMS missionaries, that this offered the best protection available for Māori. He was a man of tireless energy and, with his wife Jane, was responsible for establishing numerous schools and mission stations between East Cape and southern Wairarapa.

William and Jane Williams left Tūranga for Furlough in England in December 1850, with the Revd Thomas Grace and his wife Agnes, taking charge of the mission at Tūranga. Grace's biographer notes that, his approach to the temporal well-being of the Māori differed markedly from that of William Williams, who sought rapid racial amalgamation. Grace encouraged the Māori to ask for a fair price for their produce, to become familiar with money and figures rather than to barter for goods, to build and sail their own coastal vessels, to raise stock profitably, and to use ploughs. He opposed the sale of Māori land and consequently became unpopular with local settlers. Among Grace's students was Te Kooti Rikirangi.

THE EXPANSION OF EDUCATIONAL WORK

A girls boarding school was established in the 1840s at the Tūranga station. With his eldest son Leonard's return from university in England in 1854, Williams hoped to build on this with a central school for the East Coast district, particularly for the preparation of young Māori men for ordination. They endeavoured to obtain more land in the Manutuke area, but the various hapū of Rongowhakaata were unwilling to either gift or sell anything suitable. William Williams diaries record his impatience at their seeming intransigence, but he continued to seek suitable timber near Manutuke for the building of the school complex. This indicates that he intended to stay south of the Waipaoa River if possible. He used the threat to move the Tūranga mission station inland as a negotiating ploy without any definite offer of land.

On 4 July 1855, William Williams records that a meeting was held with the leaders of Te Whānau-ā-Taupara, a hapū of Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki, at which an offer was made of land at Waerenga-ā-Hika. Excellent soils lying some distance above the flood line and an almost frost-free climate had enabled the area to support a large population. William Williams relationship with Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki, and Te Whānau-ā-Taupara in particular, was warm and of long-standing, and their offer of land for the expanded schools was not surprising.

THE MOVE TO WAERENGA-Ā-HIKA

Work began on clearing the land immediately, with 160 of the 593 acres fenced by the end of 1856. A number of buildings were relocated the 15 kilometres from Whakatō at Manutuke, a laborious task involving bullock sledges to the Waipāoa river, a punt for part of the journey, and more sledding at the Waerenga-ā-Hika end.

The shift to Waerenga-ā-Hika finally took place during February and March 1857, with the Williams eldest son Leonard and his wife Sarah being the first to settle in. Te Whānau-ā-Taupara were willing to gift the land to Williams for educational purposes, but were understandably wary of the process of granting title to the new mission site. This involved ceding the land to the Government, who then were to make a Crown grant. Suspicion of the settler government was fuelled by the occasional visits of Government Land Purchase Officer, Donald McLean. Representatives of Te Whānau-ā-Taupara signed the deed of cession on 9 April 1857, as a first step in vesting the property in William Williams and others as trustees. In turn, the Crown gifted the land to Williams in May 1860. He appointed Leonard Williams, Ihaia Te Noti, Poihipi Te Rohe, Henare Kepa Ruru, Wiremu Pere, Matenga Ruta Toti, Pita Te Huhu and Te Teira Kupa, as trustees.

THE WAERENGA-Ā-HIKA SCHOOLS

Legal complications aside, establishing the educational work at Waerenga-ā-Hika continued apace. The Board of Education had already provided 100 sheep, as industrial arts (farming, household tasks etc.) was considered to be an important part of the curriculum. Jane Williams describes a typical day at Waerenga-ā-Hika in May 1857:

"The great bell rings soon after it is light to raise the sleeping population, and again in about a quarter of an hour to summon them to prayers in the native church [on the present urupa site] after which they have an hours school... The interval between breakfast and dinner is chiefly occupied by school...the rule is that the men dine at 12, devote the afternoon to outdoor work, school again at 4, and then prayers in the church... In the afternoon the girls and women have school in the mens school room."

By May 1858, there were 66 under instruction in three schools; 21 were Māori teachers, of whom Williams hoped some would be ordained; 18 were in the boys school, and 28 in the school for girls and the wives of teachers.

By August 1862 the roll had increased to 98, including an infant school. The older pupils were all boarders and their busy life of study and farm work isolated them from the neighbouring kāinga at Waerenga-ā-Hika, to the point where rumours circulated that young boys were being collected to make taurekarekas [slaves] for the Queen.William Williams was consecrated as the first Bishop of Waiapu in 1859 and Waerenga-ā-Hika became his diocesan headquarters. As a consequence, the education of local Māori, particularly from Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki and Rongowhakaata, took second place. Leonard was appointed principal of the Training School, and by March 1860, there were 120 pupils of all ages, with most of trainees drawn from within the coastal tribes north of Tūranganui.

IN THE SHADOW OF WAR

Williams realised as early as June 1861 that the Land League and the Kingitanga movement reflected a genuine uneasiness over the manner in which the Crown was dealing with Māori. In a letter to the CMS in August 1861, he was impressed that Māori were acting with such restraint, given the early land purchases of the New Zealand Company, and then the extraordinary course which has been pursued by the present land commissioner

(Donald McLean) ... it is indeed no matter for surprise that a land league should have been formed, and that, as communication passed from tribe to tribe, the determination should have become general. The wonder is that the natives throughout have acted with such moderation. Poverty Bay was unable to remain outside of the growing conflict. The killing in March 1865 of the Revd Carl Völkner, CMS missionary at Ōpōtiki and a former teacher at Waerenga-ā-Hika was followed by a visit by Pai Mārire emissaries to Tūranga. This increased unease amongst the local Pākehā community and unsettled many Māori in the district. William Williams, along with his wife Jane and the younger Williams children, left Waerenga-ā-Hika in early April, as his life had been directly threatened. Williams nephews, Henry Jnr. and Samuel, along with son Leonard, remained at Tūranga to operate the school

meantime. This became increasingly difficult, and those students who had not returned to their home areas, set sail to join William Williams in the Bay of Islands in August 1865. Leonard remained until early November, spending the last few months constructing his cottage at Waikahua, opposite the present Cook monument at Kaiti Beach.

THE MISSION’S ROLE IN THE SIEGE OF WAERENGA-Ā-HIKA

By early September, 400 Hauhau had taken refuge at Waerenga-ā-Hika, camping just opposite the mission buildings. Concerned about attack they set about fortifying their position into a hastily-constructed pā. The Government troops and Ngāti Porou forces approached Waerenga-ā-Hika on the morning of 18 November. On the road they met Wi Haronga with a loaded bullock cart attempting to save some of the bishops possessions. He was mistakenly shot at by the troops, but was unharmed. The troops did however, disturb some Hauhau removing lead and zinc from the mission roofs to use for ammunition. Most of the rest of the buildings of the mission station had been burnt earlier by the Hauhau to prevent them being used for cover by the troops. Some of the upper rooms of the bishop's house and the girls school were used as vantage points to fire into the pā, as only a quickset hedge separated them. The Government forces provisioned themselves from the gardens and sheep of the mission. Mokena Kohere and his tauā were believed to have sacked the house during the final assault.

THE AFTERMATH

Bishop Williams visited Poverty Bay again in December 1866, and he and son Leonard rode out to Waerenga-ā-Hika, where some members of Te Whānau-ā-Taupara were waiting. He wrote on 11 December: "We had therefore the ceremony to go through with them, but there was no heart in it except in the case of old Pita [Te Huhu] and Martina [sic] Rata. We looked round upon all the horrible wreck in the home & the garden." The editor of Williams journals, Frances Porter, notes that some Tūranga Māori, including Wi Pere, Pita Te Huhu, Paora Matuakore and Wi Haronga, came to kōrero with Williams and invite him back to Tūranga. "... my reply was that I have long been waiting to see a return to peace and quietness, but that the whole district is still unsettled – that for the present I am going to take my quarters in Napier where I shall be near to visit them. It was not necessary to say more, but it does not seem likely that I shall ever return to Poverty Bay." Leonard Williams returned to Poverty Bay in January 1866. He completed his house Te Rau Kahikatea in Cobden Street in 1878, which became the nucleus of Te Rau College as the national training centre for Māori Anglican clergy (1882-1920). Bishop William Williams settled in Napier in 1867, and Hawkes Bay was included in the Diocese of Waiapu from 1869.

The Waerenga-ā-Hika land was leased as a grazing run until being subdivided into smaller farms and house sites in 1887. The rental income from the land enabled the establishment of Waerenga-ā-Hika Māori Boys Boarding School in 1890 which operated until it was burnt down in 1937. With insufficient money to rebuild the school, the income was used for education scholarships for Te Whānau-ā-Taupara hapū under the Waerenga-ā-Hika Trust Act 1947. This Act was replaced by Te Whānau-ā-Taupara Trust Empowering Act 2003, returning full control of the land to the hapū. Archdeacon Samuel Williams purchased the 10-acre site opposite the former mission land in 1893 on which the vicarage (1896) and first St. Lukes church (1903) were built.

Illustration above shows Waerenga-ā-Hika mission station, viewed from the northwest, from an undated pamphlet held in the Alexander Turnbull Library (MSPapers-0069-050-10). The Bishop’s house and girl’s school, bottom right, were the only buildings to survive the battle. Although romantically framed by trees and presented as a bird’s eye view, the layout of buildings can be matched with William Williams’s annotated plan held in Tairāwhiti Museum (William Gray’s papers)

Pipiwharauroal l Page 7Kia Mārama A Tūranga

In 2001 Pāpā Rutene Ahuroa Irwin gave evidence for the historical Treaty claims of Te Aitanga-ā-Mahaki before the Waitangi Tribunal. He spoke about the siege and how nearly all of his family were involved in the fighting at Waerenga-ā-Hika. He recounted to the Tribunal that they all supported the retention of our whenua, the mana whenua, the mana tangata, and they were imprisoned for fighting for their rights (on Wharekauri) and some of them died for it. Pāpā Rutene also spoke about the experiences of his great-grandmother Meri Kamemata Puru, who as a child went with her parents, Hori and Wikitoria Puru, to Wharekauri

“After the fall of Waerenga-ā-Hika, they were caught and taken as prisoners. My great-grandmother was a girl of about seven or eight when she was taken to the Chatham Islands together with her mother and father ... They spent the whole two years there. Her mother Wikitoria had been pregnant when she went over there, and the baby was born, and the baby died and is buried there.

Ngā Whānau o Waerenga-ā-Hika

Pāpā Rutene with his younger self, taken at the C Company Memorial House at the occasion of the Prime Minister John Key visiting on 16 October 2015

"Sometimes on rainy nights we would sit inside our kāuta, and she (my grandmother) would do her karakia ... She talked mostly about the food and the rongoa, and they were always hungry and partly starving. And she would cry and we would cry with her…”.

Pāpā Rutene would have been about 12-years-old when he lived at Pā Kōwhai in Whatatutu with his kuia Meri Puru. His kōrero about his tīpuna when they were detained and deported to Wharekauri are memories of the trauma that they endured during the Tūranga wars.

KIA MĀRAMA AI NGĀ IWI O TŪRANGA

“Kāre au i te whakahē ō tātau kuia, ō tātau koroua, he reanga anō tēra”. Koirā tā te pūkōrero o Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki, tā Pāpā Charlie Pera mō ngā Māori i pakanga ki te taha o te Karauna tonu, arā hei tāmi i te pā o Waerenga-ā-Hika he 150 tau ki muri. Mai rā anō te kōingo o Pāpā Charlie kia whakatū kaupapa hei whakamahara i ngā tīpuna i maringi toto ki Waerenga-ā-Hika, kāti i tēnei tau kua ea tērā wawata ōna kia puta ai ngā kōrero tika mō Tūranga. I kōrero a Pāpā Charlie ki a Tina Wickliffe.

Charlie Pera: I muri i te hainatanga o te Tiriti, ana ka tū nā te pakanga ki Waerenga-ā-Hika, ana ko te kaupapa o te pakanga, tīmata mai ngā kōrero mai i roto o Taranaki, i roto o Waikato, e pakanga ngā iwi nei ki te Karauna. Nā ka puta mai te rongo o ngā mea o Taranaki ki tō mātau rohe, ngā mea mai o Ngāti Porou, ngā mea mai i Ōpōtiki – nā, e rongo nei mātau i ngā patunga o Wākana ki roto o Ōpōtiki, me te patunga anō o tētahi āpiha i roto o Taranaki, ka mauria mai tōna māhunga hei tautoko rā i ngā mahi – i mauria mai me te whakaaro ka whai mai a Te Kani a Takirau a tērā iwi a Te Hauhau. Ana kāre rā mātau i whakaae, ana heoi anō te Karauna i whakaaro ai ko tātau ngā Māori e noho nei ki Waerengahika, i whakaaro ai ko tātau ngā mea kei te whakaara i te pakanga ki te Karauna. Ana ko te mutunga o tērā ka mate rā ētahi o ō mātau koroua ki roto o Waerenga-ā-Hika, taku rongo he 70 pea ngā mea i mate, i mauhereherehia ētahi, he kotahi rau, whā tekau pea nga mea i mauherehere, ana ka kawehia rā tuatahi ki Ahuriri, ana ka haere atu rā ki roto o Wharekauri. Koirā i waiatatia e mātau taua waiata Ka tū au ka korikori:

[Ka waiata] Ka tū au ka korikoriKa puta te rongo o Taranaki e hau mai neiKa toro taku ringa ki te Atua e tū neiKo Tamarura, ka mate i te riri ki Waerenga-ā-Hika.I te toru o Maehe ka whiua atu au ki runga i te kaipuke.Ka tere te moana nui au ngā whakaihu ki Waikawa, Ka huri tēnei te riu ki Ahuriri hei a Te Makarini, I whiua atu au ki runga ki a Te Kira au e noho nei.Ka tahuri whakamuri he wai kei aku kamo e riringi nei.Hanganui Hangaroa ngā ngaru rā tiro iho ki raro rāĀwangawanga ana te rere mai a te ao rā runga i HangaroaI ahu mai Tūranga i te wā kāinga kua weheaNā konei te aroha e te iwi kua ā haere nei kūpapaE te iwi ki raro i te maru o te Kuini,He kawe mō tātau ki runga i te oranga tonutangaKāti rā ngā kupu i maka i te wā i mua rāTēnā ko tēnei e te iwi whakarongo ki te ture KāwanaHei whakapai ake mō te mahi a Rura nāna nei i raru ai e

Tina Wickliffe: Ko te rerekētanga o tēnei pakanga, i pakanga ngātahi ngā Māori ki te taha o te Karauna, nē.

Charlie Pera: I ahu mai rā ngā mahi a te Pākehā ki waenganui i a mātau me tō mātau whakaaro ko ētahi he Pākehā tonu ka noho i te taha o ō mātau koroua, ō rātau whānau, ka moemoe i ētahi o ō mātau wāhine, ana ka noho ētahi ki waenganui i a mātau, nō reira te nuinga o mātau i roto o Tūranga e ngākaunui ana mātau ki te Pākehā. Engari mō te pakanga nei, ētahi ka noho i tēnei taha, ētahi ka noho ki te taha o te Pākehā.

Tina Wickliffe: Ko wai mā, whakahuatia mai.

Charlie Pera: Ko ngā mea e tino tautoko ana i ngā mahi a te Pākehā ko ngā mea o Kahungunu, ngā mea o Te Arawa, ngā mea o Ngāti Porou, āe.

Tina Wickliffe: Kua tae ki te wā kia puta wēnei kōrero – wētahi o ngā kōrero nei ehara i te kōrero ātaahua ki te whakarongo atu, nērā.

Charlie Pera: He tika tonu, engari koinei rā ngā mahi i taua wā, nērā, me puta rā kia titiro tātau me pēhea rā tātau e honohono. Ana kei te titiro whakamua ai tātau me pēhea ai e whakahono ai ā tātau rawa nērā, kia noho tahi tātau, kia mahi kotahi tātau i roto i ā tātau mahi hei painga hoki mā ā tātau whakatipuranga e whai ake nei.

Tina Wickliffe: He aha te wāhi ki a Te Kooti i roto i tēnei pakanga?

Charlie Pera: Tēra o ngā pakanga, kāre i noho ki te taha o te Karauna, kāre i noho ki te taha o ngā Māori, engari tā te Karauna i hiahia ai kia mauherehere i a ia, kia kawehia ki Wharekauri. Koirā tāna i waiata anō te waiata kei roto i Kāre te pō nei mōrikarika noa: [Ka waiata] Tirohia mai rā tē hē o āku mahi, Māku e kī atu, ‘Nōhia nohia!’ No mua iho anō rāNō ngā kaumātua.

I roto i tērā wāhanga o te waiata kei te mea a Te Kooti tēnā kawehia au ki te Kaiwhakawā, kāre he āwangawanga kei roto i ahau, nā te mea kāre au i te whawhai ki te taha o Te Hauhau, kāre i whawhai ki te taha o te Karauna, engari kore rawa a ia i haere ki te Kaiwhakawā ki a Te Makarini, ana ka kawehia ki Wharekauri.

Tina Wickliffe: He aha te pīrangi o ngā Māori i pakanga ki te taha o te Karauna?

Charlie Pera: Ākuni pea i whakaaro rātau he tika tonu tā te Karauna i pakanga ai, nā te mea te nui o ngā mea i te taha o te Karauna, i kite rātau i nga rawa a te Pākehā, he hua pea ka puta ki ō rātau whānau, ākuni pea koirā tētahi o ngā take, kāre au e tino mōhio. Engari kāre au i te whakahē ō tātau kuia, ō tātau koroua, he reanga anō tēra, kāre tātau i mōhio ki ngā pēhitanga i pēhia nei rātau, i ngā tau o muri nei, te roherohe haere i ngā whenua, ko ō mātau kuia, ō mātau koroua ka puta ake te pānui kei te tū te Kōti Whenua Māori, ana ka haere mai rā te iwi rā mā runga waka, mā raro, mā runga hoiho, ka haere mai tau ana ki konei, ana ka kōrero ngā kaiwhakawā kāre anō kia kohikohia katoa ngā kōrero, i whakakorehia te hui mō āpōpō, mō te wiki rānei i muri, ana ka noho te iwi rā ki te tāone, kore rawa rā ō rātau moni hei hoko kai, i te mutunga ka haere rātau ki te Pākehā, noho nama ai mō ā rātau kai, ana te mutunga ka haere mai te Pākehā ki te Māori, me pēhea ai e ea ai tō nama. Ana he aha tā rātau, ko te Pākehā e hiahia ana ko ō tātau whenua, koirā i riro ētahi o ō tātau whenua ki te Pākehā.

Tina Wickliffe: He aha ō hiahia mō ēnei kōrero? Nā te mea ēnei kōrero tuku iho, ēnei kōrero hītori, kāre i te kōrerotia whānuitia, kei te noho huna tonu.

Charlie Pera: Koia rā tētahi o ngā mea e hiahia ana kia noho mārama ngā kaiwhakaako, koinei rā ngā kōrero o Tūranga, e noho mārama ngā kaiwhakaako koinei rā. Me te noho ā tahi nei ā iwi nei tātau, pēwhea ō tātau whakaaro mō te Tiriti, ko tātau e noho tahi nei, he aha ngā painga o te Tiriti ka tau mai ki a tātau, he aha ngā mea e here ai i te Karauna, kia puta mai ētahi ki a mātau, ki a tātau.

Pipiwharauroal l

Page 8 Ka Maumahara

ILLEGAL IMPRISONMENT

Of 25% of the Tūranga Māori adult male

population

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE TŪRANGA WARS

There was a l oss of 43% of the Tūranga Māori adult male population - including the illegal execution of a third to

half of this number at Ngātapa."They were marched up the hillside again under the outer wall - as it were - of the Pā they had defended so long and

so heroically, stripped of every vestige of clothing they possessed and SHOT - shot like dogs" - Excerpt from

Redemption Songs by Judith Binney, pg 145

Tūranga Iwi Area of Interest 1.195 million acres of land

obtained under duress

IT 'S TIME TO TELL OUR STORY

A TRIBAL INFOGRAPHIC

The SIEGE of Waerenga-ā-Hika

17 - 22 November 1865Just over half of the Tūranga Māori population of 800

lived at Waerenga-ā- Hika Pā. Following the siege:

* 71 defenders of the Pā were killed

* 186 men, 87 women & 60 children were illegallydetained & imprisoned on the Wharekauri/ChathamIslands.Approximately 15% of these detainees died due to thevery cold & harsh conditions

Remembering Waerenga-ā-Hika

Nā Vince O'Malley

As the 150th anniversary of the siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika fast approaches it is timely to consider this conflict in a wider context. If this really was the hinge of fate for the district, as one historian has written, then how did things change? In order to answer this, we need to consider the broader history of Tūranganui-ā-Kiwa in the decades before and since.

The period from 1840 to 1873 was a tumultuous one for the Iwi and Hapū of Tūranga. British sovereignty was nominally extended over the Tūranga tribes in the former year by virtue of the Treaty of Waitangi. In reality, however, Tūranga Māori remained the real sovereigns, and it would be a further 25 years before the Crown would begin to make serious inroads into this state of affairs. Siege warfare would achieve in a week what two decades of paper rule had failed to do. Yet the process of disempowerment and eventual marginalisation was never a straightforward one. Tūranga in the 1860s was indeed, to paraphrase one of the key players from this period, Donald McLean, an entangled web which could not be easily unravelled.

The complex and often confusing events of these years reflect the interplay of various personal and political plans for enrichment through the colonisation of Tūranga on the Pākehā side, and on the Māori side strategies designed to prevent, or at least limit the impact, of this.

Despite all the complexity, however, the key theme remains clear: Tūranga by 1873 had become identifiably part of a British colony in a way unimaginable just three decades earlier. Tūranga Māori had been unseated from power and subjected to various retributions – including land confiscation, heavy loss of life, and exile – as a consequence. Māori chiefs were made supplicants to Pākehā politicians for the first time, and customary Māori law supplanted by the British judicial system. Local Iwi and Hapū lost control over their own affairs and over those of Tūranga, which was symbolically renamed to reflect its new status as an outpost of the British empire.

This transformation of the cultural, political, economic, environmental and social world of Tūranga in the space of just eight short years began with – and would not have been possible without – the events that took place at Waerenga-ā-Hika. It was a six-day long siege that sealed the fate of Tūranga for at least the next century, resulting in the marginalisation of those Māori communities that had formerly been in control of the district. It was not so much that Tūranga Māori had suffered a crushing defeat (though the losses were certainly heavy given the relatively small population base). It was more that the events of that week finally enabled the Crown to impose its political will over the district. With military and other settlers subsequently introduced,

and many Tūranga Māori either killed, exiled or on the run, the balance of power shifted dramatically in favour of Europeans.

It has been estimated that as many as 40% of Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki were illegally sent to and detained on the Chatham Islands without trial in the months following Waerenga-ā-Hika. There they and other Tūranga Māori were held under the most horrific conditions, subject to regular abuse and beatings, expected to provide their own food and lodgings and left without adequate warm clothing to cope with the harsh and unfamiliar cold climate. Their ongoing mistreatment and illegal detention would eventually give rise to the escape and return to the mainland of 298 men, women and children under the leadership of Te Kooti in July 1868. What followed was a further round of violent encounters, including the summary execution of approximately 128 Tūranga Māori at Ngātapa in January 1869 and the enforced deed of cession that finally cleared the way for land confiscations in the area.

Military and political subjugation paved the way for English law to finally be imposed over the Tūranga district. It also enabled the introduction of the Native Land Court that would see most of Tūranga that had not already been confiscated pass to the Crown or Europeans over the next few decades. In 1840 the Crown had solemnly promised to respect the rangatiratanga of those who had signed the Treaty of Waitangi. In November 1865 this was brutally and suddenly undermined by conquest. The consequences of that conflict were devastating for local iwi, for whom the painful legacies of war and confiscation resonated over many generations. The Waitangi Tribunal heard many of these stories in the course of its Tūranga inquiry that began at Manutuke in November 2001.

In its 2004 report the Tribunal upheld the arguments advanced by Iwi, their lawyers and historians that the Crown had acted unlawfully in attacking Waerenga-ā-Hika in November 1865. It concluded that there had been no rebellion at Tūranga and that local Māori were entitled to act in self-defence when confronted by the Crown and its allies. The Tribunal condemned the subsequent land takings, illegal executions without trial or charge, and the pursuit and harassment of Te Kooti and his followers after 1868. These actions, the Tribunal found, "...were not just arbitrary and capricious. They were brutal, lawless, and manipulative, and they were committed in the name of the Crown in New Zealand".

The Tribunal added that the story of contact and conflict between the Crown and Māori in Tūranga in the three decades from 1865 contains some of the darkest and most dramatic moments in our history as a country. Yet that history was and is remembered only by tangata whenua and a few historians who specialise in New Zealand history. As one of those few historians, I have often reflected on the need to share these stories with a wider audience and how best to reach them. It would be great to see the government putting some resources into supporting such a kaupapa, not just here at Tūranga but also more broadly.

Few people read Waitangi Tribunal reports. The challenge is to present the stories of the past – of Wi Pere, Anaru Matete, Hirini Te Kani, Riperata Kahutia, Te Kooti and others – in ways that resonate today. And although there are tales of great sadness along the way, there are also examples of undoubted bravery and other positive attributes. Those stories also deserve to be remembered. I have argued

elsewhere that a mature nation needs to own its history, warts and all, and that remembering does not require guilt or shame, or any other such reaction, but merely honesty and a willingness to confront difficult topics.

Waerenga-ā-Hika and the events that took place at Tūranga between 1865 and 1873 form part of that troubled history that is too widely ignored or forgotten today, beyond the descendants of those involved. As the Tribunal commented, while only one side remembers the suffering of the past, dialogue will always be difficult. One side commences the dialogue with anger and the other side has no idea why. Reconciliation cannot be achieved by this means. The Tribunal might well have added that, important as the Treaty settlements process is, it is no excuse for the rest of New Zealand to simply forget.

Tūranga's troubled past is what scholars term a difficult history. But it is also a past that needs to be remembered and acknowledged if we are to avoid repeating its mistakes. Moving confidently into the future requires us to keep sight of where we have come from and been. It is this that makes it important to commemorate the tragic events that took place at Waerenga-ā-Hika 150 years ago, even as Hapū and Iwi contemplate or have entered a post-settlement world.

PipiwharauroaInsert 1Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust Annual Report

E aku mana e aku reo tēnā tātou,

Tēnei te mihi o mātou ngā kaitiaki o te Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust kia kōutou kātoa. Me mihi hoki ki tō tātou tini mate, moe mai ra kōutou i roto i ngā ringaringa o te Runga Rawa, oti rā kia tātou te hunga ora tēnā rā tātou katoa.

On behalf of the Trustees of the Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust, I submit the Annual Report for the year ended 30 June 2015. The year has passed quickly and it has been a time of consolidation, strengthening and acting on our principles. Throughout the year as demonstrated in this Annual Report, our mahi has been dedicated to the people we serve, Rongowhakaata.

One of the primary focuses for the Trust was restructuring of the organisation to enable delivery of our objectives from a stronger platform. Our Board will be working closely with our new CE Alayna Watene as we prepare, plan and implement our strategic priorities for the future.

Rongowhakaata Iwi Trusts purpose is to protect, uphold and advance the Rongowhakaata Iwi Deed of Settlement, with the principal objective being the maximizing of financial or economic returns to the Rongowhakaata Group. The challenge we have given ourselves in delivering this outcome becomes apparent as we consider and assess the current strategies.

A key priority for the Board is to improve current asset performance to meet these expectations. There has been no reduction in our energy and commitment to this; our thanks go to the organizations and individuals we partner with outside the Trust – Marae, hapū, Te Puni Kōkiri, Gisborne District Council, businesses, kura and our community. We offer our aroha for your continued support through these partnerships that underpin our kaupapa of strengthening, ‘Kia tū Rangatira ai a Rongowhakaata’.

In conclusion I would like to take this opportunity to publicly thank George Brown; for his commitment within the role of Interim Manager, he displayed leadership for staff, stakeholders and facilitating the Trust’s transition into its next phase of development.

Kia tū Rangatira ai a Rongowhakaata“He tata ā runga, he roa ā raro.” - Taharakau

Stepping into the role of Chief Executive of Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust in April 2015, my priority for the remaining two months of the financial year was to:

• To review the organisation's performance, operations and management

• Create and maintain relationships with stakeholders• Manage the day to day operations • Develop and maintain a capital realization/Investment portfolio which ultimately builds the asset base

This year the Trust has carried out multiple activities with the principal objective being the cultural and social development of the Iwi.

FOSTERING AND STRENGTHENING OF ALL ASPECTS OF

RONGOWHAKAATA TIKANGA, REO, KAWA AND KŌRERO:

Manukairongorongo wānanga were supported with koha via Marae. Iwi hikoi to discuss conservation and protection of Te Hau Ki Tūranga Whare to Te Papa, Wellington culminated in an invitation for Rongowhakaata to have an Iwi Exhibition at Te Papa 2017–2019. This project work has commenced.Rongowhakaata Iwi Marae exhibition series titled ‘Rukupō - Ruku I te pō ki a Rongo I te ao’ or ‘The Awakening’ has had a long lead in of hui and planning for Marae representatives and will culminate in a series of Marae based exhibitions, 4-10 January 2016.

RONGOWHAKAATA CHAIRPERSON'S

REPORT

Background

Community Development

Purposes

2015NZ$

Statement of Financial Performance for the year ended 30 June 2015

Gross Income 693,842 Other Income 1,097,942 Total Expenses 579,327- Extraordinary Items 670,382- Net Income for Year 542,075

Statement of Movements in Equity for the year ended 30 June 2015

Equity at start of period 4,752,707 Net Income for Year 542,075 Movements in revaluation reserves 372,062 Equity on initial consolidation 32,200,061 Grants Paid 25,000- Net Income for Year 37,841,905

Statement of Financial Position as at 30 June 2015

Current Assets 25,316,744 Non-Current Assets 13,880,443 Total Assets 39,197,187

Current Liabilities 1,355,282 Non-current Liabilities - Total Liabilities 1,355,282

Net assets 37,841,905

Notes:1 Audited comparable amounts for 2014 have not been provided as this is the first year group

accounts have been prepared and audited.2 These summary accounts comply with NZ GAAP as it relates to summary financial statements3 The Summary Financial Report cannot be expected to provide as complete an understanding

as provided by the full Financial Statements4 A full set of the audited financil report is available from:

Te Tari o Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust 78 Whakato Rd, Manutuke, Gisborne.5 The full financial report has been prepared in accordance with NZ GAAP.6 For a better understanding of Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust's financial position and the results for

the period, the summarised financial report should be read in conjunction with the relatedannual audited financial statements.

Summary of Financial Reports for the Year Ended 30 June 2015Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust Group

Please see the notes under the Rongowhakaata Group Financial Overview

‘The Iwi of Rongowhakaata describe themselves as the descendants of Rongowhakaata and his wives; the three sisters Turahiri, Uetupuke and Moetai. Their main hapu are Ngā Tāwhiri, Ngāti Maru, Ngāti Aweawe, Ngāi te Kete and Ngāti Kaipoho. Ruapani is another important Rongowhakaata tipuna. The Iwi and Hapū of Rongowhakaata can all whakapapa to or through the ancestor Ruapani who is an esteemed founding ancestor of the Tūranganui-ā-Kiwa region.

Achievement of these objectives involved:• An assessment of what critical infrastructure is in place to support the delivery of the strategic plan.• Created roles and appointments to support the Trust to improve its capacity and capability. • Strengthening relationships for collaborations/partnerships to help us meet our strategic priorities.

Thank you for your welcome and support. The Trust office is excited for all that the coming year will bring,

Nā George Ria, Chair of the Board of Trustees

Nā Alayna Watene, Chief Executive

The traditional lands of Rongowhakaata extend from Te Kōwhai at Te Wherowhero lagoon inland to the Te Arai headwaters, continuing to Te Reinga in the south-west, and north through Tūahu, Hangaroa-Matawai, and Tahora. Their lands take in Pātutahi and the area around the Tangihanga and Repongāere blocks, through to Matawhero and linking with the Taruheru and Tūranganui rivers, onwards to Kaiti and around the coast to Te Toka Āhuru.

Hineromia Whaanga and Colleen Hawkens, Kahui Kaumatua on the RIT /RST Board

Alayna Watene, CE

The provision of support and assistance of health and social

services:

Joint ownership and representation of Te Rūnanga o Tūranganui ā Kiwa, which includes both Tūranga Ararau and Tūranga Social Services, and Tūranga Health enables our Iwi to have a say in strategy, policy, planning and the delivery of health, education and social services to our whānau and communities.

The development and enhancement of community facilities for the

benefit of Rongowhakaata:

Marae received a koha of $25,000 in total. Upkeep of the Manutuke Community Mail Centre, a historic site and current Te Tare Building. Upkeep, rates and maintenance of the Kōkiri property. Koha of $35,000 to the Toku Toru Tapu Church Restoration Committee.

The provision of funding for cultural and social development

of Rongowhakaata:

Provided tautoko for Kāhui Kaumātua activities and hui as they actively guide and give constant oversight of all Rongowhakaata hui and gatherings. Additional Koha to schools, cultural groups and community events were given.

• The joint venture between COXCO and Rongowhakaata, resulting in the establishment of the ROCO Farming Ltd Partnership. This was created to improve the financial returns of Opou farms, and the surrounding multiple owned Māori land. • Development of the project team, individual themes and collation of taonga for the Rongowhakaata Marae Exhibition Series, titled ‘Rukupō’ (4-10th January 2016).• The Rongowhakaata Iwi Exhibition at Te Papa Museum 2017-19 has been confirmed, and the concept description ‘Te Kotahi’ approved and project phases have started.

Part of our strategy is to continue to provide a systematic approach to strategic goals and due diligence with current activity. In 2014 one strategic document was collated and identified as being a guiding statement: and thus 2015 has seen reengagement with this kaupapa to offer a coherent document from which an Annual Plan can be developed.

Improved communication with whānau, Hapū, Marae and taurahere was a priority and we will continue to increase positive public visibility and participation. Part of this includes publishing Te Tari updates in Pīpīwharauroa and improving our social media. Also we look forward to providing widespread coverage on the upcoming Marae Exhibition and developments for the 2016 Tairāwhiti Museum Exhibition and 2017 Te Papa Iwi Exhibition.

Caring for the environment and taking a foothold as strong kaitieki of our awa, whenua and other taonga has been part of our efforts in 2014-15. We thank those who have represented the Iwi at numerous forums/committees and also to the Marae for all their energy with the many hui they have hosted. The Board is committed to the continued development of Te Taiao in order to streamline our approach to preservation, protection and management of natural and historic resources within the Rongowhakaata Iwi statutory acknowledgement area.

Rongowhakaata Iwi would like to thank the number of strategic relationships it has that are critical in ensuring our Iwi has the best outcomes.

• Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki Trust• Ngāi Tāmanuhiri • Ngāti Porou• Ngāti Oneone• Te Rūnanga o Tūranganui-ā-Kiwa• Iwi Social Services• Tūranga Ararau• Tūranga FM • Tūranga Health• Te Ōhu Kaimoana • Te Ārai Matawai• Coxco• Te Puni Kōkiri• Gisborne District Council• Tairāwhiti Museum

The elections in the past financial year were a great exercise culminating in two new trustees elected being Staci Hare (Manutuke Marae) and Jody Wyllie (Ōhako Marae). George Ria was elected as Chair and Moera Brown as Deputy Chair.

RONGOWHAKAATA TRUST DIRECTORY

Chair: George RiaDeputy Chair: Moera BrownTrustees: Appointed by postal ballet, closed 14 November 2014Whakatō Marae: Fred Maynard, Moera BrownTe Pāhou Marae: Lewis Moeau, David JonesManutuke Marae: Ronald Nepe, Staci HareŌhako Marae: Stan Pardoe, Jodie WyllieTe Kuri ā Tuatai Marae: George Ria, Lisa Taylor

Pipiwharauroal l

Insert 2 Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust Annual Report

Nanny Maude Brown receiving her QSM for services to Māori

AGM: 10am 21 November, Whakatō Marae | Audited Group Financial Report for Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust are available through:Te Tare o Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust | Ph: 0800 766 469 | 78 Whakatō Road | Manutuke | Gisborne

Strategic Intent

Strategic Relationships

Rongowhakaata Group Financial

Overview

The Rongowhakaata Group consists of four reporting entities: the Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust (RIT), Rongowhakaata Iwi Asset Holding Company (RIAHC), Rongowhakaata Settlement Trust (RST) and Tūranga Group Holdings (TGH).

Growth of wealth and the care of current assets have guided the management of investments made in the last year. Extensive feasibility and due diligence was done in regards to tendering for ‘The Warehouse’ although this bid was unsuccessful. The Rongowhakaata Iwi Asset Holding Co directors due diligence practices have, in many ways, improved the position and returns of its fishing assets.

This is the first time we have presented the Rongowhakaata Group accounts; see the performance of this year on the front page.

The Audited Group Financial Report for Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust is available prior to AGM (21 November), at Te Tari o Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust. See you at the AGM 10:00am on the 21 November 2015 at Whakatō Marae.

Nau Mai Haere Mai

Governance

Highlights

Te Hau Ki Tūranga Trust continues to work on the restoration, conservation and feasibility reports around the future of the whare

Financial Notes from the diagram on the first page: 1) Audited comparable amounts for 2014 have not been provided as this is the first year group accounts have been prepared and audited. 2) These summary accounts comply with NZ GAAP as it relates to summary financial statements 3) The Summary Financial Report cannot be expected to provide as complete an understanding as provided by the full Financial Statements 4) A full set of the audited financial report is available from:

Te Tari o Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust 78 Whakatō Rd, Manutuke, Gisborne.

5) The full financial report has been prepared in accordance with NZ GAAP. 6) For a better understanding of Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust's financial position and the results for the period, the summarised financial report should be read in conjunction with the related annual audited financial statements.

PipiwharauroaRongowhakaata Iwi Trust PanuiInsert 3

Manutuke Marae - Te Poho ō Rukupō Te Kuri ā Tuatai Marae

Pāhou Marae - Te Poho ō Taharākau Whakatō Marae - Te Mana o Tūranga Ōhako Marae - Te Kiko o te Rangi

AGM: 10am 21 November, Whakatō Marae | Audited Group Financial Report for Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust are available through:Te Tare o Rongowhakaata Iwi Trust | Ph: 0800 766 469 | 78 Whakatō Road | Manutuke | Gisborne

Whakamaumahara

Tātaitia rā, tiwhaia i runga rāKi a Autahi, ki a Puanga rā ia, ki Takurua rā

Ringihia i te kete ko te ika o te rangiTini whetū ki te rangi

He roimata ki te whenuaHaukū ake nei, haukū ake nei

He mamae arohaKi ō tātou ngoingoi kua riro i te tau horiNgā pakihiwi kaha o te Kōhanga Reo

Ngā kurutongarerewa o te iwiKa rau noa ngā mahara

Maioha ake i runga i te rangimārie

Dolly (Georgina) Nepe Ruby (Kui) Emmerson Matekino Kiriwera Nepia

Manutuke Marae - Te Poho ō Epeha

Pipiwharauroal l

Insert 4 Toko Toru Tapu Church

Nā Colleen Waingahuerangi Hawkins

My involvement with the Anglican Church was through my grandparents, Ria Te Ota and Kereana Te Wiwini who were ardent followers of the Hāhi. My grandfather was nicknamed ‘The Bishop.’ Our whānau lived in Tūranganui ā Kiwa at 163 Lowe Street and I have vivid memories of my childhood living in the city. We were able to gather pipi from the Waikanae Stream and my uncles went diving for kaimoana. We also had whānau living around us. After the sad passing of my grandmother, our whānau moved to a Māori Affairs home in Manutuke and we soon settled into country life. It didn’t take long for us to get to know the neighbours and our extended whānau, we enjoyed the open spaces.

Sunday was a day of rest for us. When we had church in Manutuke our grandfather would gather us up; my cousins Makuini, Te Iwa, Tira Karere and me and we would walk to church. He left us at the mission house and that’s where we had Sunday School. We kids enjoyed listening to Miss Newman and Miss Snoad telling us stories from the Bible and we sang songs and played games. We were all given picture cards with scriptures on them and we loved taking them home and showing our grandfather and my mum.

Miss Newman and Miss Snoad were wonderful ladies, very kind, humble and so dedicated to their spiritual beliefs. They also helped to look after the church and started the Brownies and Girl Guides with the help of Irma Buscke, Aunty Marie Halbert and Aunty Heni Sunderland. I value these gracious ladies’ knowledge and their teachings and have continued these lessons with my own whānau. Miss Newman and Miss Snoad lived in the mission house and were hosts to many gatherings and fundraisers. They helped with church bibles, books and cushions as some needed mending or restoring. The Mothers' Union, as I remember, had their hui and they also helped. They were skilled in sewing, embroidery, knitting and so on. During the wartime the Mothers' Union and community would rally around and help out at the Mission House preparing food packs of tinned food, corned beef and anything else whānau could give. It was the hub of the community.

Te Kuri ā Tuatai was a favourite of my outings when, with my cousins Makuini, Te Iwa and Tira Karere, we would go to church with my grandfather. Wi Pere Mataira was our minister then and he would pick us up. I am sure he had shivers when all of us piled into his car because he was a very immaculate person. His station wagon was always clean and shiny, we were told to respect his car and behave. Church was held in Te Poho ō Materoa. I enjoyed the singing, Uncle Bill Rangi had a lovely voice along with the rest of the congregation. A marvellous lunch was served by the women and seafood was always on the menu. The adults continued on with the Hāhi hui while my cousins and I went hunting for golf balls under the pine trees, that was fun.

The whānau, I remember who lived there, were the Keiha whānau, Pare Keiha was the pou of the Marae and a staunch supporter of the Hāhi. Another whānau was Uncle Bill Rangi and his wife Mere. They lived in a beautiful home alongside the Waikanae Stream. Whare Carroll and his wife Edie had a home just across the path. Old Indian Joe, and his whānau, as I remember him, wore a feather in his black bowler hat, he was a joyful man. Pepi Paura, an old tipuna moved from Sponge Bay. There were also the Richmonds and the Maaka whānau. These are the people I

remember in my time. Others came after. Te Kuri was a Marae that welcomed and sheltered whānau. Pare Keiha was a great organiser for raising funds to help our Hāhi. We often went to the large home in Fitzherbert Street. Vegetables, fruit and bottled sauce, chutney and preserves were all displayed on the veranda. Inside were hand knitted garments, aprons, pillow slips, hand sewed garments all done with the help of parishioners and, not forgetting, jumble and white elephant stalls. Those functions were held often and were well patronised.

Hui Tōpu was a fun day. It was a gathering of different congregations from all over the country to unite our people and celebrate our belief in Christianity. After a service and mihi to them the visitors were taken to their accommodation and dinner was served after the ministers had a hui with the leaders of the groups to prepare for the next day. The day closed with a karakia. We were excited and it was a day of learning to join in the activities and to bond and get to know our visitors. Some were whānau we knew who lived away and it was nice to meet with them and their mates. After karakia in the morning it was a sports day with hockey, rugby, netball and so on. At night there were skits, a talent quest and kapa haka, we also had choir. Uncle Bill Rangi was our choir master, he had a pitch finder he used to get the right notes for each one of us and he had a quiet and firm way of teaching. I am proud to have been one of his students and through his tutoring we gained top honours, he was a great master. At the end of the week the church leaders would meet to decide where the following year’s Hui Topu would be held.

The minister of my time was Reverend Wi Pere Mataira, he and his wife Agnes and their whānau lived in the old Vicarage where the Manawaru kaumātua flats are now. He was also the minister during my grandfather’s time. Wi Pere confirmed me along with many of my whānau and class mates. We wore our school uniform because there were so many of us. My dear husband and I were married by Wi Pere. I went to school with several of the whānau. They were a lovely couple who both worked with our ladies and my mum in the grapes and picking oranges. They also worked for John Clark and on the farms belonging to the returned servicemen along Papatū Road.

I worked with Wi Pere picking and packing apples for Pomona Orchard. With their whānau, Reverend Piripi Kapa and his wife Jenny joined our Hāhi and lived in the mission house currently situated next to the post office as the old vicarage was demolished so the Manawarū Flats could be built. The late Reverend Anaru Takurua and wife Evelyn and their whānau had their stay in the mission house, by then it was called the vicarage. Other ministers to live there include the Arch Bishop Brown Turei and his wife Mihi, and the Reverend Jane Hanna and her husband Les and their young family.

The last minister to live in the vicarage was the Reverend Harry Te Maro and his wife Ereti. Harry baptised three of my mokopuna on my Marae, Te Kiko o te Rangi. The late Reverend Bob Paenga and his wife Lena lived in the Manawaru Flats. Other ministers who I remember are the late Canon Tahi Niania, Reverend Patsy Ngata, Reverend Jackie Wallace and our current ministers Phyllis Poki and

Jackie Ahuriri and our rangatahi Davidson Rangihuna. All the ministers who preached in our church were dedicated to their faith and each one had their own style of taking their services. During my adult life I have witnessed the change in services conducted by some of our ministers who have introduced the guitar and piano accordion. The congregation enjoyed the music, young and old sang loud and clear.

Being sad about the state the church was in, the late Gwen Jones asked me and others to join her to form a group to restore the church with the help and expertise of James Blackburne and Tracey Tangihaere. We had many meetings, the first one was held at Manutuke Marae and it was well patronised by a number of interested people and whānau. They gave their blessing and support for us to start the restoration. Our journey began in the year of the millennium when we formed a charitable trust called Toko Toru Tapu Manutuke Restoration Trust. After we acquired the quote for the restoration and maintenance of our church, our community came together to help fundraise with dinners, hangi, gala, a ball and a garden party being some of the activities. We are grateful for the donations from the community and other community grants from Lottery and other different trusts. Ngā mihi nui ki a koutou, through your generous koha we are able to achieve our goal. Arohanui.

I will end my kōrero with a quote from Rahuruhi Rukupo who died on 29 September 1873 and was buried by Mohi Turei beside the church at Manutuke. His final advice to his people was to ‘repair the church, live near it, keep clear of debt and hold onto their lands.’

Nā Raiha Moetara

The church had, and still has, a big impact on us, from when we were children to now as grandparents. Our Sunday School was held at the church. I remember Berys Gordon was one of the Sunday School teachers with Jane Hanna, Bubba Beauchamp, Bella Harrison, Cath Pohatu and myself. Those were the times when the church whānau were busy. It was a community centre in its day, many people from all walks were involved in the church activities. After church there was always a cup of tea served on real china and treats at Wi Mataira’s big old homestead where Manawarū Kaumātua Flats are today. Our mother was a member of a staunch group of women who organised, even when times were hard, the ‘bring and buys’ and housies. They were so industrious and driven to make things happen for the well-being of the church and families along with ministers who served and cared for our families in Manutuke and Muriwai.

In thinking about the future we have to make this work for us as a people, our church is okay, it serves many purposes as does kapa haka and our school. I really think the church is fine, we need to look at our own, bring them through the ministry and have our own ministers in place. Our church is a place to reflect and place of refuge for many people. It is at one with our Marae and Manawarū. We have a beautiful legacy to leave our mokopuna, as did our nannies before us.

PipiwharauroaKa Mate Au I Waerenga-ā-Hika

Vincent O’Malley first began researching the siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika and the wider history of what took place at Tūranganui-ā-Kiwa in the 19th century back in 1993, not long after he had moved to Wellington from Christchurch to take up a three-month contract researching Treaty of Waitangi claims.

Some 22 years later, what began as a temporary job has evolved into a career working alongside iwi to research and resolve their claims.

Vincent’s first sole-authored research report was an overview of the East Coast confiscation legislation and its implementation, commissioned by the Crown Forestry Rental Trust and completed early in 1994. The report explored the legacy of war and confiscation at, Waikaremoana and elsewhere in the Tairāwhiti district.

By September 1995 Vincent had become involved with the Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki claim, taking on a role as research manager that he continued to fulfil in an unofficial capacity after joining the staff of CFRT in 1997. Besides overseeing the completion of reports by other researchers, including Professor Brian Murton, Vincent also began work on his own report that explored the events at Tūranga between 1840 and 1873 in greater depth.

His report, completed in 1998, was later made available to other Tūranga claimant groups to assist with their own research. Vincent presented the results of his research during the overview hearing week held at Whakatō Marae, Manutuke, in November 2001 to open the Waitangi Tribunal’s Tūranga inquiry. He subsequently presented further evidence during the Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki hearing week held at the offices of the Mangatū Incorporation in December 2001. As the CFRT research manager between 2000 and 2004 Vincent had worked closely with the different claimant groups, their lawyers and the Tribunal to ensure that necessary research was completed in time for the hearings.

Since the release of the Tribunal’s report in 2004, Vincent has worked with a number of the Tūranga claimants (including Tūranga Mana Whiriwhiri, Ngāi Tāmanuhiri, Te Whānau-ā-Kai and TAMA) to negotiate and advance the historical aspects of their claims. In the same year, he left CFRT to establish HistoryWorks, a Wellington research consultancy whose other founding partners included two others heavily involved in the Tūranga claims, historian Bruce Stirling and mapper Moka Apiti who has since departed. Vincent has also steadily built up a public profile as a prominent historian, completing a PhD at Victoria University of Wellington and authoring six books on various aspects of New Zealand history. He says he has long contemplated writing more on Tūranga history for a wider audience and is greatly honoured to be invited to take part in the commemoration of the 150th anniversary of the siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika.

Pinepine Te KuraPinepine te kura hau te kuraWhanake te kura i raro i Awa Rua Ko te kura nui, ko te kura roaKo te kura na Tu-hae-po!

Tenei te Tira hou, tenei haramai neiNa te rongo pai, na te rangimarieNau mai ka haere taua, ki roto o TūrangaKia whakangungua koe ki te miiniKi te hoari, ki te pu hurihuriNga rakau kohuru a te Pākehā e takoto nei…

Piki ake, kake ake i te Toi huarewa Te ara o Enoka i piki ai ki rungaI rokohanga atu ra maikuku makaka Hapainga te Aroha, he waha i pa mai Taku wahine purotu, taku tane purotu Korua ko te tau e...

Whakakae e te ture i te ki nga o to waha No runga rawa koeNo te mana o Kuini e tu neiNa Rangi Tu koe, na te kotahitanga Na Tane rawa koe, na pure Tawhiti Na kauati hikahikaTe kauati a to Tipuna a RawiriI haere ai i te rei nui ao, ka hika tana ahi Kimihia e te Iwi te ara o te tikangaI pai ai te noho i te ao nei e...

Kai Tūranganui he mata puHe patu i te tangata kia mate.Na te maungarongo hoki ra i haere ai i te ara… Ko koutou anake, e titi kaha mai naE kai o koutou mata, i te kohu e tataoI waho i te moana, o Toka AhuruKo te kopae o te whare, ko te ara totara...

Ko te hua wai parae, koia te korariTenei e te iwi, te wa ki to koutou whanaunga Te wa ua mai nei, ki te hua i te kaiE kai o koutou mata, ki runga o Paparatu...

Karokaro i te taturi o kotou taringa kia areare ai Ma te whakarongo atu, ki nga ki atuKaua ahau e patuaMoku anake, te arai o TūrangaTe matenga o Māhaki, i mau ai te rongo patipati I matakitakina ai, kia hika matakitakiI whiti ke mai koe, i Rainahi nei...

Te ai o mahara, ka mate au i Waerenga-ā-Hika Te ki mai koe, me whakawa maireHopu ana koe i a au, kawea ana ki Wharekauri Ka manene mai au, ki ro te waiKa u ana ko Whareongaonga

Ka pa ko te waha o te KawanaE hika ma! Ina ia te kai!Toia ki uta ra, haehaetia aiTunua hai te manawa, ka kainga ka pau, Mo koro Timutimu, No Tauranga ko au Koia te riri pokanoa, Ka kai kite waipiro Ka kai ki te whakama, ki te mauahara Me whakarere atu, ena mahi kinoE hika ma e!

Little tiny treasure, treasure of renown, The treasure who came from below Awarua; The noble treasure, the famous treasure, The treasure from afar off, the treasure of Tuhaepo!

A new company of travellers is setting outBy the Gospel and in peaceCome we will go to TūrangaThat you may be tested by the Minnie rifleBy the sword and the revolverThose Pākehā instruments of murder that are lying everywhere

Climb hither, ascend by the suspended wayThe pathway of Enoka when he ascended on highAnd there found Maikuku-MaikakaAttended by the spirit of love and greeted byMy beautiful lady, My handsome manA tribute for you two oh loved ones

Ascend upward in the power of the lawYou are of the highestA power granted by the QueenAlso the power of Tu to promote unityPower of Tane to receive the fruits of TawhitiThe rahui that was closedAnd opened to your tipuna RawiriWho travelled pathways with his sacred fireTo find the correct pathwaySo that we may rest in peace

In Tūranganui are bullets for gunsThe purpose of which is to kill people.But it was in peace that I travelled the pathways…That you may rest and receive your rewardThough bitter you may eat and be nourishedFrom the fruits of the Toka AhuruWhere you rest in the shadow of your house

We will eat the fruit of the landThat we will share with our iwi and whānauWe will see rain to sustain our gardensWe will remind them of their loss at Paparatu

Gouge out the wax from your earsThat you may be able to hear clearlyYou will then be able to ascertain the pleadings for me not to be punished.Mine alone was the reason Tūranga was placed under martial lawWherein Māhaki endured wretched suffering and a designing peace was madeYou, you have only just arrived

You mistakenly thought that I would perish at Waerenga-ā-Hika.Why did you not order a directive for me to be judged fairly by trialInstead you seized me and shipped me to Wharekauri.I returned as a stranger by way of the waterMaking landfall at Whareongaonga.

[At Whareongaonga] the Governor’s voice was heard sayingMy friends here is foodLet us drag it ashore, so that we can cut it to piecesCook the heart, and eat it till it is all consumed,For Koro Timutimu and Tauranga ko au.This needless strife,Rising out of the consumption of liquorFollowed by shame and hatredWe must abandon these evil ways, my friends

Whareongaonga HarbourPhoto taken by Tawhitirangi Harrison

Page 9

mua i te taenga mai o te Karauna. I to rātou wehenga atu, i whai, i mau tere rātou i a Lieutenant Gascoyne me ngā tāngata whenua o Heretaunga i tō rātou wāhi noho i Makaretu.

I whai atu ngā toenga o te hunga pakanga a te Karauna i a ia, a, i patua i te tuatoru o Hakihea. I ohorere te ope taua ā Te Kooti, a, i hinga te tokomaha ki Makaretū. Tino tere tā ratou wehenga atu i reira, engari i whara a Te Kooti. Ki ētahi, i pūhia aia. Ki ngā ihirangi (Cowan, 1956), i whara tōna waewae, ka pania ki te kukupango o te awa o Makaretu. Nā tōna hoa wahine a Huhana, rāua ko tētahi Hauhau, a Peita Kōtuku ia i hari ki Ngātapa. Tata noa a Ngatapa ki a rātou i taua wa, a, i whakatakotohia he kaupapa i mua kia haere te hunga o Te Kooti ki reira.

Ko tētahi take anō mo te whakatau ko Ngatapa hei wāhi noho, ko te uaua ki te whakaeke. Ki ta Colonel Whitmore, ko Ngātapa tētahi o ngā pā uaua, tino kaha rawa o Aotearoa. E toru ngā taiapa huri noa i te pā, a, e 4 ki te 5 mita te teitei. He rua ngā pū i mua tonu i te ara whakauru. I runga te pā i tētahi maunga, a, he pari kei muri i te pā. He wāhi rawe a Ngatapa ki te tiaki i a Te Kooti me ana tāngata.

He aha te whakapono?

Ko te whakapono ko te Hāhi Ringatu, nā Te Kooti i tīmata tēnei hāhi. I whai tana iwi a Rongowhakaata, i te Pai Marire. He whakararuraru nō Te Kooti i a ia e tamariki tonu ana. I pakeke mai a ia i te kore whakapono. Kaore ia i whai i tetahi Atua.

I tana mauheretangahia ki Wharekauri, ka whai wa ia ki te whakatau i tōna wairua, ka kite ia i te pai o te ao, o te atua hoki. I pānui hōhonu a Te Kooti i te Paipera, i nga pukapuka a Hōhua me Ngā Kaiwhakawā. I tangohia mai e ia i āna ake karakia mai i aua pukapuka. I whakaingoatia e ia tana hāhi hou,’Ko te Hāhi Ringatu’; te tohu tawhito ā ngā Hauhau. Nā tōna mana, me āna kōrero ki nga Hauhau i Wharekauri ka huri mai i te te Pai Marire ki Te Ringatu. Whai muri i tōna wehenga i Wharekauri, i haere, huri noa i te motu me tana whakapono, hei whakawhānui i te hunga i te Hāhi Ringatū. He aha ngā tohu whenua e whakaatu ana he waahi

tapu?

Kāre he tohu whenua i Ngātapa mo te pakanga i reira. Koira tētahi o ngā whakapae 'stain upon the history of this country’ (O'Malley, 2013) Ahakoa i mate te 86-128 tangata, ahakoa i mate mo te kore noa, ahakoa kāore he tika, kāore he whakamaumahara mo rātou, he whakapakoko, aha atu. Kua ngaro ngā ingoa, engari ka ora tonu ō rātou pūmaumahara i roto i ngā pukapuka.

He aha ngā painga, ngā tūkinotanga i puta ake i Ngātapa?

I puta ake he 'stain upon history’ (O’Malley, 2013) I te tuarima o Kohitātea, i wehe nga tangata i te pa o Ngatapa. Mo te rua ra i muri i tera, i kaha kimi te Karauna i ngā herehere. I kohikohia rātou, ka whakatū rarangihia, tane, wahine, tamariki mai, i tangi, i tangohia ō rātou kākahu, pūweru, a, ka pūhia, ka makaina atu i te tua rōpari i muri i te pā. Inaianei, ka maumaharahia a Ngātapa mo ēnei kōhurutanga kino, ara, he pūrikoriko i runga i ō tatou hītori.

He aha te mātāpono ā Te Kooti?

Ko tētahi o aua mātāpono, ko tana hōiho.

Pipiwharauroa l l

Whakaaro Taiohi

Anei ngā kōrero nā ētahi ō ngā tauira e haere ana ki Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Te Horouta Wananga.

Waerenga-ā-Hika

Nā Pounamu Te Hau (15)

1865, te tau i hui Te Karauna me ētahi kūpapa. Nā, i ngā rā onamata he kūpapa wētahi o ngā tīpuna. I haere ki te whakahoahoa ki ngā Māori, katahi ka haere ki te kōrero i ngā nekehanga ki ngā Pākehā.

Nā ngā mahi kūpapa i mōhio ai ngā Pākehā i hea ngā Hauhau, a, i herea anō hoki nga ringa..Ko te hiahia a te Pakeha, kia whakapono, kia kaha te whakaute a te Māori ki ngā tono a te Kuini, kia whakahaurarotia ngā Hauhau i a rātou anō ki raro i te maru o te Kuini.

Nā Donald McLean te whakatūpato i tuku atu ki te pā o Waerenga-ā-Hika, i runga i ngā kōrero, "ki te takahi koutou i ngā ture āo te Karauna, ki te kore e hainatia te oati e mea ana ka maruarua te Kuinii i a koutou anō hoki, ka whakaaetia te katoa o ngā tāngata whenua e te Karauna kia patua i te pakanga.

Kāore tonu rātou i aro atu ki ngā tono ā te Karauna. Nō reira i te 16 o ngā rā ō Nōema i kokiritia e McLean, kia tīmata a Fraser ki te whakaeke i te ope tū taua ā te Karauna ki runga i te pā o Waerenga-ā-Hika. I reira tū ai te pakanga. Ka mutu i te parekura nui.

Nō reira hei whakarapopoto i waku pitopito kōrero, ko te take i tae atu ai te Karauna ki Waerenga-ā-Hika, nā te mea kāore te Iwi Māori/Hauhau, ngā taurekareka me ngā pononga i whakarongo ki ngā tono ā te Kuini.

I te wā o te pakanga i te mahi a Te Kooti me Te Karauna. Engari, ahakoa i mahi tahi me te Karauna, ko tāna, he mahi kupapa, a, he pūrahorua mā ngā Hauhau. He whakatūpato atu i a ratou, kei hea te Karauna e haere ana, e aha ana rānei.

Nā, ko tā Te Kooti he hāpai, he tauawhi kura i ngā Hauhau i roto i te pakanga. I hāpai pēhea nei? I tangohia ngā kariri ō ngā pū me te kōrero,“me rehua noa koutou ki te mate". Nō reira i puhia te kūpapa, e te Maori ranei, ka ora tonu i te korenga o ngā kariri. Heoi, kāre i roa ka rongo te Pākehā i aua kōrero, ka tīmata ki whai haere i a Te Kooti.

Nō reira kia whakarapopototia waku pitopito kōrero, ko te take i tae atu ai a Te Kooti ki Waerenga-a-Hika, nā te mea i te tauawhikura ia i ana tāngata me tōna whānau. I whakamokeke te tangata nel.

Ko ētahi take i hiahiatia ai a Te Kooti e te Te Karauna, nā te mea i hāpai ia i ngā Hauhau i ngā pakanga i tū ki Waerenga-a-Hika. I tangohia mai ngā kariri i ngā pū. I te whakawhiti korero hoki ratou mo ngā nekeneke a Te Karauna.

He matatau a Te Kooti ki ngā mahi ā te Pākehā. Mātua mōhio a Te Kooti ki te hokohoko atu me te tūopu tēnei mo tēnā. Nā ōna mōhiotanga ka pūhaehae te Pākehā, i taraneku, a, i manawa kairoke ai Te Karauna ki te hopu i a Te Kooti.

Ngātapa – He Wāhi Tapu

Nā Jhaymean Terekia (16)

He aha rā te take i tae atu a Te Kooti ki a Ngātapa?

I mua atu i tōna taenga atu ki Ngātapa, i tū te Pakanga nui o Matawhero ki Tūranga. He Parekura.I wikitoria ia i te whawhai na, a, i wehe atu ki Māhia i

Ko Te Panekura, ko Pōkai Whenua rānei te ingoa. He hōiho Ārapi mā Ko tera te momoi ngakau nuitia e ia, na te mea i mohio a Te Kooti i te whai te Karauna i a ia. Ko te momo hōiho nā tētahi o ngā tūmomo tere rawa o tōna wā. Ina, ki te ahu mai he raruraru, he whawhai whakatoatoa rānei, ka taea e ia te wehe tere, i runga i tana hōiho. Ko tētahi anō, ko tāna haki. Ko Te Wēpu te ingoa. I hangaia e ētahi i Greenmeadows, i Ahuriri, mo Ngāti Kahungunū. I tangohia mai e Te Kooti i a Ngāti Kahungunū i te tau 1868. E rima ngā tohu i runga i te haki nei. He marama: e kiia ana, he tohu mo te ao hōu, he tohu mo te Kawenata Hou rānei; he rīpeka: te ripeka whawhai ā te anahera Mikaere, he tohu mo te Kawenata Tawhito rānei. Tuatoru, he maunga; e kiia ana ko Aotearoa tēnei. He manawa e hutoto ana; ko te whakaaro he tohu mo te iwi Maori e mamae mai i te whakataumaha.

Kaore he whakamarama mo te tohu tuarima, te whetu pito-ono. Ko te painga o te haki nei, ko te rereketanga. He tapawhā te āhua, he poto noa i ngā haki ā te Pākehā. He tapatoru te āhua, he pango, he roa ngā haki ā Te Kooti. Ina ka kite, ka mōhio koe nāna ke te haki.

He aha i manawa kairoke ai Te Karauna ki te hopu i a Te Kooti?

I ngā rā o mua, i whakaaro te Pākehā kei runga ake rātou i te Māori. I mauria mai e rātou nga āhuatanga Pākehā; te poti, te pū, ngā taputapu hanga kai/whare/kākahu, me ngā tūmomo mahi mo ēnei āhuatanga hōu. Iti noa te mōhiotanga i heipū te Māori mo ēnei rawa. Engari mo Te Kooti. Ko Te Kooti tētahi o te roopu iti o te Maori i mōhio ki ēnei āhuatanga, me ēnei mahi ā te Pākehā. Tēra pea koia te Māori i mōhio ai ki te maha rawa o ngā āhuatanga Pākehā. Koi rawa atu a Te Kooti. Mōhio a ia me pēhea te whakahaere poti, te eke hōiho, te hokohoko. Ki te tirohanga ā te Karauna, he kino tōna koi. He kaha ake tōna matatau i o rātou. Kāore e taea te whakahaere i te Māori ina kei runga ake te Māori i a rātou.

He pūrākau roa, he hītori hōhonu i muri i tēnei, engari ko te take matua i manawa kairoke ai te Karauna i a Te Kooti, nā te mea i whana ia i a rātou. I te whakaiti ia i te āhuatanga whakahaere o te Karauna i te Māori.

He Whakaaro Rangatahi mō Waerenga-ā-Hika

ProgrammeTuesday 17 November 2015

At the Tairāwhiti Museum, 10 Stout Street, Gisborne

6pm - Official Event OpeningAddress from Guest Speaker – Vincent O’Malley who wrote the historical report for Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki "An Entangled Web”: Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki Land and Politics 1840 -1873 and their Aftermath”

Refreshments to follow

Wednesday 18 November 2015

At “Te Kairangatira” 765 Matawai Road (Beside Waerenga-ā-Hika Urupa)

10am - Pōwhiri – Hari Mate o te Kaupapa

11.30am - Karakia, Dedication & Unveiling of the Memorial

1pm - Hākari at Parihimanihi Marae, 43 Waihirere Domain Road, Gisborne

2.30pm - Kua mutu

For ongoing updates and information relating to this event go to:www.facebook.com/Waerenga-ā-Hika-150th-Commemorations

PipiwharauroaPage 11Tūranga Tangata Tūranga Whenua

Continued from pg 5

THE DEED OF CESSION

Throughout the period of military action against the Whakarau, the Crown continued to pursue the cession of land in Tūranga in order to punish Tūranga Māori for their rebellion. Immediately after the attack at Matawhero, in November 1868, the Government Minister JC Richmond warned Tūranga Māori that unless land was given up the Crown would withdraw its military protection, leaving the area to be invaded by either Te Kooti or Ngāti Porou. This threat convinced 279 of those Māori who remained (and who were not either with Te Kooti or his prisoner) to sign a deed of cession.

By the deed, the signatories declared their loyalty to the Crown and transferred to it some 1.195 million acres of land – an area significantly larger than our inquiry district. Some of this land was to be kept by the Crown, though the actual area had yet to be identified. The balance was to be returned to ‘loyal’ Tūranga Māori. The allocation to ‘loyal’ Māori would be through an independent commission, later called the Poverty Bay Commission. The interests of Māori found by the commission to be in ‘rebellion’ would be confiscated and transferred either to the Crown or ‘loyal’ Māori.

We found that the deed had been signed under duress – that is, under threat of the withdrawal of the Crown’s protection. The protection of the Crown had been promised to Māori in the Treaty of Waitangi. The deed was therefore both ineffective as a contract and in breach of the principles of the Treaty. We found further that for the majority of Tūranga Māori who had not signed the deed, it was ineffective in extinguishing their rights because they had not consented.

Though the exact identification of the land to be retained by the Crown was left to be resolved after the deed of cession was signed, all parties understood why it would be retained.

It was to be for the accommodation of military settlers and as payment to Ngāti Kahungunu and Ngāti Porou for their military service. Three strategic areas on the Poverty Bay flats were selected: Te Muhunga, Te Ārai, and Pātutahi. These lands commanded all three inland access ways into Poverty Bay. According to evidence later given by Māori who were present at the negotiations, each block was to be 5000 acres in area, making a total of 15,000 acres. The negotiations took place as the Poverty Bay Commission began sittings in Tūranga at the end of June 1869. William Graham, surveyor, appeared at the commission on the second day of sittings to advise that an agreement had been reached. He pointed out all three blocks to the commission and named the boundaries of the Pātutahi and Te Arai blocks.

He used a rough sketch map he had prepared in order to point the boundaries out, but none of the relevant detail had been sketched onto it at that stage. The proposed block boundaries and estimated acreages were drawn in months after the commission hearing. For its part, the commission kept no detailed record of the purported agreement as described to it by Graham. As a result, Māori and the Crown appear to have come away from the commission with quite different understandings of the extent of land to be retained by the Crown. Māori believed they were to lose three blocks of 5000 acres each, located mostly on the highly valued flats. The Crown thought it was to get this area plus an additional, and much larger area of hill country. The Crown was expecting an area in excess of 50,000 acres.

The muddle was never clarified. The block Te Muhunga, when surveyed as a composite block, comprised 5395 acres. The Pātutahi and Te Ārai

blocks were surveyed after a four-year delay. The survey joined the blocks together and added a large area of hill country. The surveyor found that this new block totalled 31,301 acres. However, this did not match the Government expectation that the area was to contain around 57,000 acres. The surveyor therefore extended the block by a further 19,445 acres, taking the total to 50,746 acres.

We found that there was no common understanding between the Crown and Māori as to the size of the Crown’s take at Pātutahi. We found that, if Tūranga Māori agreed to anything, it was that three 5000-acre blocks would be retained by the Crown. For its part, the Crown expected to receive a much larger area. We found further that Crown officials retrospectively‘fixed’ both the sketch map and the record of the commission in order to give the appearance of mutuality between the parties when none actually existed. We found finally that, in addition to wrongfully pressing Māori to cede any land at all, the Crown took up to 40,000 acres more than Māori were prepared to give up. In doing so the Crown further breached theprinciples of the Treaty.

THE POVERTY BAY COMMISSION

Once the issue of the lands to be kept by the Crown had been aired in the Poverty Bay Commission in June 1869, the commission set about discharging its real functions. It had three tasks: first, to punish ‘rebels’ by confiscating their lands; secondly, to investigate the claims of settlers to lands which they had allegedly purchased in Tūranga in the 1840s, in order to award them formal Crown titles; and, thirdly, to transform the tenure of lands returned to ‘loyal’ Māori into Crown-derived titles.

As to the confiscation of ‘rebel’ lands, we found that the Crown could not, by mere proclamation, create a new court with punitive powers in a manner that usurped the constitutional role of the pre-existing civil and military courts. Nor did the Crown, without the grant of specific statutory authority, have the power to confiscate the lands of its citizens. It was inappropriate and unlawful, therefore, for the commission to act as the Crown’s instrument of punishment in Tūranga. We found further that the process by which the commission proceeded to take away the lands of ‘rebels’ was unfair. Few ‘rebels’ were given an opportunity to be heard, the definition of ‘rebel’ changed during the course of the hearings, and the commission relied too heavily on lists drawn up by ‘loyal’ Māori who stood to gain additional landthrough the exclusion of ‘rebels’.

In short, the commission did not comply with the basicstandards one would expect of a fair legal process in the nineteenth century. The result was that perhaps 30 per cent of Tūranga Māori lost their lands on the Poverty Bay flats.

As to the award of lands to settlers, we found that while Tūranga Māori had initially objected to these awards, the events at Matawhero and Ngātapa both removed those Māori who were most likely to object and created a climate, among those who remained, of sympathy for settlers and the losses they had suffered.

As to the transformation of titles, we found that the grant to ‘loyal’ Māori of joint tenancy titles instead of tenancies in common was prejudicial.

In all, the Poverty Bay Commission processed just over 100,000 acres of the best lands in the district. The balance of the 1.195 million acres originally ceded was then placed in the hands of the Native Land Court to be investigated and awarded in the usual way. The confiscation process ended, but the transformation process continued at even greater speed.

Taken together, the deed of cession and the commission signalled the final accession of Tūranga Māori to the

newly imposed absolute authority of the Crown. British law was in place and the institutions of the settler Government were permanently established in the new town of Gisborne. The majority of Māori who had resisted crown aggression from 1865 to 1869 were dead or, if still alive, had been deprived of their lands. The vast body of Māori land in the district had either been transformed into a Crown-derived title through the commission, or was about to commence that process in the new Native Land Court.

The Native Land Court and the new native title The Native Land Court commenced title investigations in Tūranga in 1875. In the 35 years that followed, the entire district was investigated, new titles were awarded, and three-quarters of the district was sold. Two-quarters had been purchased by settlers, and one-quarter by the Crown, the latter being the largest single buyer in the district by far. Tūranga was thus transformed, through land alienation, from an almost entirely Māori district to one in which theywere a minority both demographically and economically. Were Māori essentially the authors of their own down fall, or was the Crown implicated in this process of marginalisation? In our assessment of the Māori Land Court system, as it operated in Tūranga, we avoided dogged transaction-by-transaction assessments of the quality of consent, fairness of price, and the like.

We were interested primarily in the system of land tenure and transfer and whether it contributed in any way to the situation in which Māori found themselves by the turn of the twentieth century. We concentrated on four key questions: Did Māori want the Native Land Court to determine questions of title? Did Māori want title individualisation? Was the Native Land Court system simple and certain? And did the new title system lead to Māori alienating more land than would have alienated if community title and management had been recognised from the outset?

We found as follows:

• Although Māori were very interested in the official ratification of their customary titles, most did not wish to hand over the power to award such titles to a colonial court. They wished to adjudicate their own title questions. The Native Land Court therefore expropriated from Māori, without their consent, the right to make their own title decisions. This breached the tino rangatiratanga guarantee in the Treaty.

• The native land legislation removed community land management rights and individualised the alienation process against the generally expressed wishes of Māori both nationally and in Tūranga. This breached both the title and tino rangatiratanga guarantees in the Treaty.

• The system of title and transfer provided for in the Native Lands Acts from 1873 onwards was complex, inefficient, and contradictory.

• The refusal to support community land management, combined with the individualisation of undivided interests, meant that land alienation was the only means by which Māori could access the benefits of the colonial economy.

But the complexities and inconsistencies of the individualised sale process provided under the Native Lands Acts, and the fact that titles remained in customary tenure, caused prices to be significantly discounted. Cumulatively, these factors caused Māori to sell more land as individuals than they would have sold as communities and at far lower overall prices. The system was designed to produce this effect. It therefore breached both the title and rangatiratanga guarantees in article 2 of the Treaty.

Continued on pg 15

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l l

Page 12PipiwharauroaWhakarau

Those Deported to Te Wharekauri

ID No.

Christian Name

Surname Hapu Date deported

Outcome

301 Hemi Taka Te Whiwhi Ngāi Whakauaki

10 March 1866 released

302 Hetariki Te Oikau 10 March 1866 At large

303 Pera Te Uetuku Ngariki 10 March 1866 At large

304 Heta Kani Whanau A Kai 10 March 1866

305 Ihaia Te Noti Ngariki 10 March 1866

306 Netana Puha Ngāi Tamatea 10 March 1866

307 Turei Te Whiwhi 10 March 1866

308 Horomona Tutaki Nga Potiki 10 March 1866

309 Tipene Tutaki Nga Potiki 10 March 1866

310 Hohepa Waikore Ngāi Tamatea 10 March 1866 At large

311 Taiti Kupa 10 March 1866 At large

312 Herewini Puwairangi Taupara 10 March 1866

313 Tamihana Kapekanga 10 March 1866 At large

314 Te Hira Te Uetuku Ngariki 10 March 1866 At large

315 Te Rauapia Tiwai 10 March 1866

316 Rapana 10 March 1866

317 Heremaia Te Waiwera 10 March 1866

318 Rutene Ahuroa Ngariki 10 March 1866 At large

319 Kawhena Ngāi Tamatea 10 March 1866 At large

320 Te Pere Haua Ngāi Tamatea 10 March 1866 At Large

321 Te Matenga Taihuka Wahia 10 March 1866 At large

322 Whare Totara 10 March 1866

323 Riwai Wharekaikawa 10 March 1866

324 Rawiri Haua Taupara 10 March 1866

325 Winiata Takitimu Taupara 10 March 1866 At large

326 Hori Puru Taupara 10 March 1866 At large

327 Hataraka Matuanui 10 March 1866 At large

328 Aperehama Te Iriwhata 10 March 1866

329 Tamehana Te Otata 10 March 1866 At large

330 Tamatipa Tawaha 10 March 1866

331 Hone Toke 10 March 1866

332 Kereama Te Kawau 10 March 1866 At large

333 Rewi Totitoti 10 March 1866 In custody

334 Tamihana Teketeke Nga Potiki 10 March 1866 At large

335 Hemi Taihuka Whanau A Taupara

10 March 1866 At large

TE HAERENGA O TE WHAKARAU KI WHAREKAURI

After the surrender of Waerenga-ā-Hika pā the Crown imprisoned 113 men who were purported to be the “worst offenders” and transported them to the Chatham Islands or as Māori more commonly know it as – Te Wharekauri. By late 1866, a further 73 male prisoners had been sent over after fighting in Hawkes Bay. In total, 123 prisoners from Tūranga were imprisoned.

Wives and children of some prisoners were allowed to join them, increasing the total number on Te Wharekauri to around 300. No prisoner was charged with, tried or convicted of any offence in relation to the battle at Waerenga-ā-Hika whether before, during or after their imprisonment.

In their findings the Waitangi Tribunal determined that since there were never any charges, trials, or convictions, and since the Tūranga prisoners had committed no crimes, they found that the

imprisonment was unlawful and in breach of the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi –

“...But the breach was greatly aggravated because the period of detention was made indeterminate for mere bureaucratic convenience...” p.xvii

In the course of putting evidence before the Waitangi Tribunal during the Tūranga inquiry significant research had been undertaken by Iwi into identifying the names of the people transported to Te Wharekauri. They were referred to as the ‘Whakarau’ by our people because of the multitudes of people taken. Rongowhakaata researchers scoured ship records and with the limited information available presented a list to the Waitangi Tribunal which for the very first time is being published and publicly provided here for the purposes of this commemorative issue of Pīpīwharauroa. It is by no means an exhaustive list. There could be names missing, some could be

incorrectly spelt and the outcome listed for some of the prisoners may be incorrect.

It is something of an irony to have to rely on European records kept by shipping companies for the names of the Whakarau yet absolutely nothing is known to be in existence which fully records and lists the names of the 71 people killed at Waerenga-ā-Hika. Ka aroha ki a rātou mā!

Identification Numbers

Prisoners

601 - 630 Outlines the outcome of these prisoners701 – 722 Outlines the fate of these prisoners801 – 835 Outlines the resulting activity of these prisoners9021 – 906 Activity unknown, further research required1100 – 1219 Fate unknown, further research required1220 - 1255 Unknown, further research required

List SummaryIdentification

NumbersDeportation

DateMen Women Children

301 – 339 10 March 1866 39 10 19401 – 447 23 April 1866 48 30 11501 – 530 10 June 1866 39 47 30

Total 126 77 60

336 Pehimana Taihuka Wahia 10 March 1866 released

337 Karauria Te Ua Wahia 10 March 1866 released

338 Tamati Patari 10 March 1866

339 Hemi Pakaru 10 March 1866

401 Tiopira Tawhiao Taupara 23 April 1866 released

402 Meihana Whaitiri 23 April 1866

403 Hetariki Tutaha Taupara 23 April 1866

404 Paora Wharara 23 April 1866

405 Te Pirihi Tutekohi Taupara 23 April 1866

406 Ihikeira Pātutahi Wahia 23 April 1866 At large

407 Hohepa Tahataha Ngāi Tamatea 23 April 1866

408 Te Wirihaua Tupeka 23 April 1866

409 Tiopira Korehe Ngāi Tamatea 23 April 1866

410 Hipirini 23 April 1866 At large

411 Hori Waihopi 23 April 1866 At large

412 Te Pirihi Tongataipuru 23 April 1866

413 Hemi Whaipu Taupara 23 April 1866

414 Paora Tu 23 April 1866

415 Arapeta Taniwha Ngāi Tamatea 23 April 1866 At large

416 Paua 23 April 1866 At large

417 Ropata Kahuera 23 April 1866

418 Pirikau Te Whana 23 April 1866

419 Paora Kopa 23 April 1866

420 Raharuhi Haua Wahia 23 April 1866

421 Te Atarau 23 April 1866

422 Wi Akurangi Taupara 23 April 1866 At large

423 Hoera Tako Wahia 23 April 1866 At large

424 Pirika Tamapera 23 April 1866 At large

425 Tamarehe 23 April 1866

426 Hirini Te Raikaihau Ngāi Tamatea 23 April 1866

427 Peneha Te Raikaihau Whanau A Kai 23 April 1866

428 Hemi Te Raikaihau Whanau A Kai 23 April 1866

429 Turi 23 April 1866 At large

430 Kakeho 23 April 1866

431 Wiremu Wera 23 April 1866

432 Keke 23 April 1866 Released

433 Rapana Whakaheke 23 April 1866 At large

The oldest photo of Tūranga taken in 1871, used with permission from Tairāwhiti Museum

PipiwharauroaPage 13Whakarau

434 Hohepa Te Maha 23 April 1866

435 Paora Te Maha 23 April 1866

436 Rawiri Noti Nga Potiki 23 April 1866 At large

437 Pouri 23 April 1866 At large

438 Wi Mahuika Whanau A Kai 23 April 1866 Released

439 Komaru Whanau A Kai 23 April 1866 At large

440 Wi Piro 23 April 1866 At large

441 Tokorangi Te Awhi 23 April 1866

442 Taimona Te Rahui 23 April 1866 At large

443 Tiaki Jones 23 April 1866 At large

444 Rewi Te Nahu Ngāti Kahungunu

23 April 1866

445 Iraia Tarakau 23 April 1866

446 Hori Te Awhi 23 April 1866

447 Epiniha Tipuna 23 April 1866

501 Ihaka Poaka 10 June 1866

502 Hohepa Tutewhaiao 10 June 1866

503 Ratuma Te Awhi 10 June 1866

504 Horomona Taiki 10 June 1866

505 Pira Te Po 10 June 1866

506 Ruka Kawenga 10 June 1866

507 Wiremu Parehuia 10 June 1866

508 Waaka Rongotu 10 June 1866

509 Heremaia Kohukohu 10 June 1866

510 Hakopa Rerekaikupe 10 June 1866

511 Tamati Kuhukuhu 10 June 1866

512 Hirini Ratu 10 June 1866

513 Pehimana Waipa 10 June 1866

514 Warihi Potini 10 June 1866

515 Wiremu Maihi Te Amaru 10 June 1866

516 Eru Wehi 10 June 1866

517 Te Kooti Rikirangi Rongowhakaata 10 June 1866 At large

518 Komene Patahi 10 June 1866

519 Maiawirai Te Whanautau 10 June 1866

520 Pirahama Te Rangituatahi

10 June 1866

521 Te Oti Kaikapa 10 June 1866

522 Edward Baker 10 June 1866

523 Huni Te Ihiariki 10 June 1866

524 Wikiriwhi Taiheru 10 June 1866 At large

525 Hakepa Te Ari 10 June 1866

526 Ihaka Paku 10 June 1866

527 Karanama Ngerengere 10 June 1866

528 Rihara Tatua 10 June 1866

529 Herewetire Te Whakamate 10 June 1866

530 Hone Waiari 10 June 1866 At large

601 Nepia Tokitahi Ngāi Tamatea At large

602 Karanama Moepuku At large

603 Hine Tooke At large

604 Katarina Pahoho Ngāi Tamatea At large

605 Pepene Puairangi Wahia At large

606 Moana Teketeke Nga Potiki At large

607 Hemi Wera At large

608 Paora Te Maha At large

609 Ranginuiaihu

610 Te Wirihana Released

611 Epiniha Te Puna Released

612 Te Rina Released

613 Natana Puwha Released

614 Heta Te Karu Released

615 Tipene Te Pepeha Released

616 Patehipa Released

617 Kawerio Released

618 Turei Te Whiwhi Released

619 Rewi Totitoti In custody

620 Hemi Tamaihouia Ngāi Whakauaki

In custody

621 Paora Taniwha Released

622 Hohepa Mokoera Released

623 Mokena Te Hiakai Whanau A Kai In custody

624 Hirini Pohohinaki In custody

625 Paora Te Rire In custody

626 Hoera Kapuaroa Whanau A Kai In custody

627 Rapana Porotaiwaka In custody

628 Keepa Te Arawhariki Ngāti Maru In custody

629 Maaka Tama In custody

630 Pehimana Nohoparae In custody

701 Ihaia Te Noti Ngariki Died at Wharekauri

702 Meihana Te Whana Died at Wharekauri

703 Horomona Tutaki Nga Potiki Died at Wharekauri

704 Ripeka Taniwha Died at Wharekauri

705 Herewini Tuke Died at Wharekauri

706 Iraia Tarakau Died at Wharekauri

707 Pirika Te Whana Died at Wharekauri

708 Erena Mona Died at Wharekauri

709 Henerieta Died at Wharekauri

710 Pera Te Iriwhata Died at Wharekauri

711 Wi Tohi Died at Wharekauri

712 Taimona Monimoni Died at Wharekauri

713 Raharuhi Haua Wahia Died at Wharekauri

714 Hohepa Te Maha Died at Wharekauri

715 Paora Whetoi Died at Wharekauri

716 Paora Rangiwharara Died at Wharekauri

717 Tarewa Died at Wharekauri

718 Tamati Tawaha Died at Wharekauri

719 Tamarehe Died at Wharekauri

720 Hori Te Awhi Died at Wharekauri

721 Hemi Te Pakaru Died at Wharekauri

722 Patara Tipoki Died at Wharekauri

801 Heta Tutaha Slain in battle

802 Teira Kupa Slain in battle

803 Horomona Te Oikau Slain in battle

804 Tokorangi Slain in battle

805 Rawiri Haua Taupara Slain in battle

806 Herewini Puairangi Wahia Slain in battle

807 Ranapia Tuiru Slain in battle

808 Pehimana Tairi Slain in battle

809 Riwai Patete Slain in battle

810 Pera Te Po Slain in battle

811 Pirihi Tutekohi Ngāi Tamatea Slain in battle

812 Tiopira Korehe Ngāi Tamatea Slain in battle

813 Hirini Te Raekaihau Ngāi Tamatea Slain in battle

814 Te Raekaihau Ngāi Tamatea Slain in battle

815 Kakewha Slain in battle

816 Paora Tukoro Slain in battle

817 Hoani Te Whare Slain in battle

818 Hamuera Karaka Slain in battle

819 Eru Taua Slain in battle

820 Marama Slain in battle

821 Tumapereirangi Slain in battle

822 Peka Kerekere Ngāi Tamatea Slain in battle

Pipiwha'rauroal l

Page 14 Whakarau

823 Mahanga Slain in battle

824 Rutene Te Hiwi Slain in battle

825 Harawira Te Nahu Ngāti Kahungunu

Slain in battle

826 Wharekauri (baby) Slain in battle

827 Harata Ru Slain in battle

828 Te Roto Slain in battle

829 Nikorima Marutehotahota Slain in battle

830 Heremaia Waiwera At large

831 Rapana Nohotapu At large

832 Pirihi Tangataipuru At large

833 Pera Tutoko At large

834 Peneha At large

835 Hemi At large

901 Te Rangituawaru

???

902 Karipa ???

903 Anaru Matete ???

904 Paora Toki ???

905 Wi Kingi Paea ???

1100 Hemi Te Hau/Au Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1111 Henare Tiraua Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1112 Hinera Te Kahore Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1113 Ruka Te Ruru Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1114 Himiona Riki Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1115 Te Para Kawerongo Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1116 Rota Ngamatekira Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1117 Hirini Papahangongo Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1118 Naera Tutapuariki Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1119 Wereta Takirau Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1120 Anaru Hiwaiwaka Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1130 Paratene Matete Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1140 Komene Rangipatahi Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1150 Waaka Kurei Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1160 Paora Te Arawhariki Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1170 Renata Tupaea Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1180 Wi Keepa Te Turuki Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1190 Hopa Te Hau/Au Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1202 Harawira Tekoteko Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1203 Raharuhi Moerakaraka Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1204 Meihana Paturua Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1205 Nikorima Rohurohu Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1206 Epeniha Te Iwi Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1207 Eruera Ruatapu Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1208 Piripi Hikatangata Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1209 Maehe Te Ahiwhakaangi

Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1210 Maehe Te Amaru Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1211 Pehimana Waipa Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1212 Te Waikopiro Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1213 Erihapeti Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1214 Hone Pohe Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1215 Paora Kahekahe Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1216 Hoani Pihirere Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1217 Warihi Potene Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1218 Wi Tauranga Ngāti Maru Slain (where?)

1219 Hoera Ngāi Tahupo Slain (where?)

1220 Waaka Rongotu

1221 Eru Wehi

1222 Wi Konekone

1223 Kereopa Mataihu

1224 Wi Maehe Puarere

1225 Rutene Aorangi

1226 Raharuhi Tangimamaku

1227 Ratima Te Anu

1228 Iraia Tamararo

1229 Arapeta Kiipatu

1230 Hohepa Tutewhaeao

1233 Kehu

1234 Rewi Te Nahu

1235 Henare Paata Paparatu

1237 Ani Haka

1238 Mita

1239 Paerau Puketapu

1240 Raiha Tarahau

1241 Akutini

1242 Te Wetini

1243 Tamati

1244 Urumatai

1245 Eria

1246 Poihipi

1247 Paratene Mouriuri

1248 Nikora Te Whakaunua

1249 Rangiaho

1250 Taru

1251 Te Harawira

1252 Petera

1253 Ihaka Nato

1254 Nihata Konaki

1255 Hepi Puketapu

This list is published with the permission of Stan Pardoe, Pakeke of Rongowhakaata Iwi

He HokingaA memorial dedicated to our people killed in the siege of Waerenga-ā-Hika is to be unveiled. This will form part of the commemorative programme that Pāpā Wirangi Pera will lead on the 18th of November.

Created by Nick Tupara, Peter Tupara and Craig Young, it’s their hope that the tohu will engage visitors with the site. The shape and form of it was created to draw people in, acknowledging the lives lost. Crafted in the workshop of Hindmarsh Buses owned by Donna and Ashley Hindmarsh, the tohu has been a work in progress over the last few months.

Nick Tupara said that we are responsible for sharing our history and stories with others, all people, but more particularly our own Iwi. We need to talk about the siege and the defence of our whenua, those who lived before the battle on the land and those who are looking after it now.

Our connection with the whenua of the pā site at Waerenga-ā-Hika is a millennium-old legacy. It goes back to the Horouta waka and the establishment of Maraehinahina Whare Wānanga. It is seen through our whakapapa and our whakairo, our tikanga around mahinga kai and how we lived with the land to support our whānau. The battle is an important part of our history that speaks to the tenacity, resilience and the will and determination of our ancestors to survive.

The place where we will all gather together this year is part of the original pā site and is owned by our own Henry and Gwen Lardelli. We are very fortunate that they have set aside a part of it for us to erect our memorial and allow us to host tribal commemorations. Ngā mihi nui rawa atu ki a kōrua.

Nick Tupara, one of the artists who created the memorial and Pāpā Wirangi Pera, Te Pou Tikanga o Te Haahi Ringatū

Gwen & Henry Lardelli at a Parihimanihi Marae fundraiser in 2011

PipiwharauroaPage 15Tūranga Tangata Tūranga Whenua

Continued from pg 11

Māori quickly lost control of the pace and volume of alienation, but the Crown took no effective steps to prevent Māori landlessness even though it had been warned by Māori, officials, and politicians that this would be the result of the system in place. While it cannot be definitively concluded that the Crown designed the system to produce Māori landlessness, it can certainly be said that the Crown was aware of the risks and remained recklessly indifferent to them throughout the crucial 35-year period from 1875. This breached the Crown’s fiduciary and active protection obligations.

THE TŪRANGA TRUSTS

Tūranga Māori developed sophisticated schemes to escape the strictures of the Native Lands Acts so as to derive maximum benefit from their lands whether through alienation or development. The trust mechanism was tried first, by Wi Pere of Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki and William Rees a liberal lawyer and politician based in Tūranga. Tūranga Māori communities vested 70,000 acres in the Rees Pere trusts as they came to be known. The trusts failed to achieve their objectives for two reasons. First they had to spend too much reacquiring undivided interests in part-sold blocks on the Tūranga flats. This created an unsustainable debt burden.

Secondly, in the Pouawa decision of Chief Justice Prendergast, the trusts were found to be legally void because the Native Lands Acts made no provision for them. Although the Poverty Bay Commission lands were not affected by that decision, the impact across the whole trust operation was too great. The trust mechanism had to be abandoned.

We found, in respect of the Rees Pere trusts, that the failure of the Crown to provide adequate systems for community title and management and to prevent piecemeal erosion of community land interests, breached the guarantee of tino rangatiratanga in article 2 of the Treaty. It also breached the Crown’s obligation of active protection. We found that this failure was the primary reason that the Rees Pere trusts did not succeed. Rees and Pere then tried a joint venture arrangement with Auckland property speculators.

They incorporated the New Zealand Native Land Settlement Company in 1881 in order to shift to an equity-financed close settlement scheme. Just over 200,000 acres (including the Rees Pere trusts lands) were vested in the company or purchased by it. This included the lease of the 90,000-acre Mangatū 1 block. The company failed too. This was partly because of the debts it inherited from the trusts, partly because the Government discredited a promotion run by the company in England, but mostly because of the poor economic conditions at the time and some bad business decisions. As to the failure of the New Zealand Native Land Settlement Company, we found that in large part this was attributable to bad business decisions or poor economic conditions.

Clearly, the investors and promoters of the company had to take responsibility for their own mistakes in these respects. To some degree, the company suffered under defective land court titles, and because the New Zealand Government refused to support a company promotion in Britain, but although these issues contributed to the company’s problems they were not the decisive cause of failure in our view.

In 1891, the company’s primary creditor, the Bank of New Zealand, took the company lands to mortgagee sale. Thirty-six thousand three hundred acres were sold at auction before the sale was abandoned owing to legal action by Rees. Negotiations continued over how to untangle the mess.

In 1892, James Carroll, WI Pere, and the bank put together a rescue package in order to save as much of the remaining land as possible from further mortgagee sales. The new Carroll Pere trust was to be the vehicle. Just under 100,000 acres were transferred to the trust during its 10-year life. It too struggled to make headway in retiring debt.

Its primary problems related to insecure titles. The trust had to spend an inordinate amount of time and money fixing the defective or partial titles it received from its predecessor, the company. Since it had little income during this period, and as a result of compounding interest from unserviced debt and extremely high legal costs arising from problems with titles, the overall debt doubled in size during the operation of the trust. In order to spread the large debt load, a number of important blocks such as parts of Maraetaha and Tāhora were drawn into the trust by the Validation Court which was established in 1894 to clean up the mess left by the native land transfer system. It is clear that they should not have been included. Most such blocks were sold to meet debt.

As to the Carroll Pere trust, we found that responsibility for its failure, and for the loss of lands that ought not to have been included in it, lies substantially with the Crown. It was the complex, inefficient, and contradictory system of individual transfer that destabilised the trust’s titles. It made the cost of doing business too high, particularly when added to the debt burden inherited from the Native Land Settlement Company. It was the operation of theValidation Court that allowed for the inappropriate inclusion of debt-free lands into the trust. We found, as we did with the entire system of native land titles, that in allowing these things to happen the Crown breached the principles of the Treaty.

In 1902, after several warnings to the Crown of the dire consequences of neglect, and several attempts by politicians, judges, East Coast settlers, and Māori at achieving government intervention, the Government finally stepped in. This was done partly to prevent widespread landlessness among Tūranga Māori when the trust inevitably failed, but mostly in order to avoid the collapse of the trust’s primary creditor, the Bank of New Zealand. The collapse of the bank would have had ramifications throughout the economy and could not be tolerated. The East Coast Native Trust Lands Board was established by statute to administerabout 100,000 acres of Māori land. All trust titles were guaranteed, litigation over them was barred and the trust estate was effectively put into statutory management until 1955. For most of this period the owners were denied any role in trust decisions

– including decisions to sell trust blocks. On the positive side, such lands as were returned to them when the trust was terminated were returned as profitable going concerns. Twenty-seven thousand acres were eventually returned. The rest (nearly 75,000 acres) had been sold in the intervening 53 years to meet debt.

As to the East Coast Native Trust Lands Board, we acknowledged the Crown’s welcome intervention in 1902. We found, however, that the Crown was aware from various sources at a much earlier stage both of the nature of the problem and of the implication of its own title system in it. The failure to intervene earlier, when it first became aware of the problem, resulted in an escalation of the trust debt and ultimately in further loss of land. In addition, once it became evident that the trust would not be a short-term institution, we found that the Crown should have required the board, and later the commissioner who superceded it, to include Māori in the development of policy for the administration of their lands. In both respects, we found that the Crown failed to discharge its Treaty obligation of active protection.

OTHER CHAPTERS

In a series of smaller chapters we dealt with specific claims requiring particular assessment but unable to be integrated neatly into the main thematic chapters. They were as follows.

• The claim in respect of the carved wharenui held at Te Papa museum in Wellington

In regard to the claim in respect of the carved wharenui called Te Hau ki Tūranga held at Te Papa museum in Wellington, the Crown accepted that Te Hau ki Tūranga had been acquired in a manner which breached the principles of the Treaty. We reached the further view that there was a real question about where legal title to the wharenui resided and that this ought to inform negotiations between the claimants (primarily Rongowhakaata) and Te Papa over arrangements for custody and management of the taonga.

• The claim by Te Whānau-ā-Kai in respect of the trial and execution of Hamiora Pere

While we took no issue with Pere’s conviction for treason – we had already found in chapter 5 that the attacks on Tūranga in which he participated were acts of rebellion – we expressed concern about the decision to execute him. Our full reasons are to be found in chapter 12. We decided, however, that since

Images of uniforms worn by New Zealand Colonial Defense Force including loyalist members of Ngāti Porou

Images of Pai Mārire/Hau Hau clothing worn by warriors of this period

Page 16Pipiwharauroathe trial occurred a long time ago, we were not present at it, and since, in any event, we are not expert in criminal matters, we are not in a position to make any firm findings. Instead, we recommended that the Attorney-General review the record in order to assess whether the decision to hang Pere was made for proper reasons and in accordance with appropriate principles. If a serious doubt was raised on the evidence, consideration ought to be given to an appropriate acknowledgement of that.

• The Ngāriki Kaipūtahi claim in respect of the Mangatū title investigation.

We found that the 1881 award of the Native Land Court was clearly unsafe insofar as it found Ngāriki to be a conquered people with no rights in Mangatū except those arising from actual residence. Such a conclusion was inconsistent with the evidence, the stance of other claimant parties in court, and the way in which those parties conducted the affairs of the Mangatū lands even after the decision. We found also that the review of the 1881 decision in 1918 and 1922 (following a petition by Te Whānau a Taupara made matters worse by further reducing the Ngāriki share in Mangatū 1 in order to make way for Te Whānau a Taupara owners. This was done without giving Ngāriki a fair opportunity to reargue their share at the same time.

We found that, in practical terms, the effect of the awards of 1881 and 1922 on Ngāriki were significant. The interests of Ngāriki shareholders in Mangatū were inappropriately discounted because of their Ngāriki descent; owners with multiple hapū claims in Mangatū consistently disclaimed Ngāriki descent and preferred claims through other hapū for that reason; and Ngāriki were wrongly stigmatised as a conquered tribe living in servitude in traditional times.

Finally, we found that, although it is now inappropriate, indeed impossible, to upset relative hapu interests in the Mangatū lands, it is still open to the Crown to apologise for the wrongs suffered by Ngāriki at the hands of the land court, and to compensate them for the significant loss of mana and land which they have suffered.

• The claim by Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki in respect of the acquisition of the Mangatū Forest as an erosion protection measure We found that the

Crown acquired approximately 8500 acres of the Mangatū lands for the purpose of the Mangatū State Forest in a manner that was not fair, even-handed, or honest.

In particular, officials and politicians repeatedly advised the owners that the forest would be managed primarily as a protection rather than a commercial forest. It would, the Crown advised, therefore be uneconomic for the owners to retain the land and enter into some kind of management or lease arrangement with the Crown for the establishment and operation of the forest. The owners, who were initially strongly opposed to sale, eventually agreed to sell for that reason. In fact the Crown had, for some months prior to the conclusion of negotiations, been planning to plant and operate 75 per cent of the forest as production forest for commercial return. The forest is now run profitably. We found the way in which the Crown conducted itself during the negotiations breached its Treaty obligations to act reasonably and with the utmost good faith.

PUBLIC WORKS CLAIMS

Public works claims were made in respect of a number of blocks, and we received evidence, particularly from Crown witnesses, relating to many of them. The evidence was far from comprehensive, however, and we were not in any position to make general findings on public works takings in Tūranga. Such limited findings as we were able to make are set out in chapter 12.

RATING CLAIMS

Rating claims were made at a general level by Rongowhakaata and Te Aitanga-ā-Māhaki and in respect of the Te Karaka 16a block by Robert Kotuku Cookson on behalf of himself and his late wife, Huinga Jane Cookson.

As to the general rating claims, we received insufficient evidence to make any findings. As to the Cookson claim, we considered that it was inappropriate for this Tribunal to make findings while the matter is the subject of appeal to the High Court. But we set out, for the record, extracts from the evidence of Mr Cookson before us that may inform in some small way that appeal process.

TE WHAKAMAHUTANGA – THE HEALING

In the last chapter of our report, we drew together some of the key themes arising from our investigation of the Tūranga claims. We focused on the importance in the Treaty of three important ideals: the rule of law, just and good government, and the protection of Māori autonomy. These ideals (and the failure of the Crown to live up to them) were at or near the surface of Māori–Crown relations in Tūranga throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. When we measured Crown action against these ideals, we were struck time and again by:

• the ease with which the Crown could disregard its own law when expedient in its dealing with Tūranga Māori;

• the consistency with which the Crown preferred to adopt policies and laws which gave priority to settler interests over Māori interests in any event; and

• the Crown’s persistent refusal to allow Māori to manage their own affairs at community or tribal level in accordance with Treaty promises, and its insistence on treating Māori communities as unassociated collections of private individuals.

Almost every Treaty breach we found in the Tūranga claims could be traced back to one or other of these fundamental failures.

We went on to express frustration at the ignorance in local communities today of our collective past and the obstacle this presents to reconciliation within those communities. We expressed the hope that in promoting Treaty education, the Government will address this unmet need.

We then turned to address matters relating to future negotiations. We offered our view of whom the Crown should negotiate with for the settlement of the Tūranga claims, the comparative size of the claims that are well founded, and the relativities between the claimant groups in Tūranga. The sensitivities around these particular matters are such that we do not consider it useful to summarise our views here. The reader is referred to our brief conclusions in these regards in chapter 16.

We finally wished the claimants and Crown well in their negotiations over the settlement of these long-standing claims and expressed the hope that a durable settlement will be arrived at with all possible speed and a minimum of stress on claimant communities.

(The full “Tūranga Tangata Tūranga Whenua” report can be found online on the Ministry of Justice, Waitangi Tribunal’s website)

Directions to Commemoration EventLocation is "Te Kairangatira", 765 Matawai Road, Waerenga-a-Hika, Gisborne - the Site of Waerenga-ā-Hika Pā.

Parking - There will be no car parking permitted along Matawai Road due to it being a main state highway.

For Locals: On arrival locals are encouraged to park behind the Waerenga-ā-Hika Hall with entry to the parking area through Tuckers Road. Locals can walk from the Hall through the grassed/paddock area beside it towards the driveway to cross over Matawai Road and to the memorial site. This cross over area will controlled and monitored by Fulton Hogan/Māori Wardens.

For Manuhiri: On arrival buses can drive directly into 765 Matawai Road to the right of the line of feijoas. Buses should drive as far forward as possible. Cars/vans can park in Te Whānau-ā-Taupara Trust lands opposite 765 Matawai Road or on the grass verge along College Road. Cross over areas on Matawai Road will controlled and monitored by Fulton Hogan/Māori Wardens.Congregation for Hari Mate/Powhiri: Locals should gather at X area beside the urupa. Manuhiri should gather at driveway entry of 765 Matawai Road.

Buses can drive straight in and park up to the right of of the feijoa trees

765 Matawai Road - Te Kairangatira

Car parking for manuhiri in this space and along College Road

Urupa

Hall

Locals Parking

Entry for Manuhiri

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Tuckers Rd

College Road

State Highway 2, Matawai Road

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Tūranga Tangata Tūranga WhenuaPage 16