The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 11 | Issue 42 | Number 3 | Article ID 4015 | Oct 18, 2013

1

Music in Japanese Antinuclear Demonstrations: The Evolutionof a Contentious Performance Model 日本の反原発デモにおける音楽　論議を呼ぶパーフォーマンス様式の展開

Noriko Manabe

Introduction: The Significance of SoundDemos

Since Japan's triple disaster of March 11, 2011,music has served to inform and give voice tou n s p o k e n o p i n i o n s i n s e v e r a lspaces—cyberspace, recordings, festivals andconcerts, and public demonstrations. 1 Inparticular, music has been an integral part ofantinuclear demonstrations: here, musicfunctions not only as an expression to be heard,but also—and perhaps more importantly—as amechanism for encouraging participation andbuilding solidarity among antinuclear citizens.Music has long been a part of demonstrationsin Japan: percussive instruments and therhythmic eejanaika (why not) call-and-responsepattern were featured in demonstrations sincet h e e n d o f t h e E d o P e r i o d . T o d a y ,demonstrations in Japan include stationarydemonstrations (kōgi), in which protestersvoice claims in front of the offices of theoffending parties, such as the prime minister,the Diet, or TEPCO. There are also "demos," inwhich protesters walk through parts of the city;they are often preceded and/or followed byrallies, in which speeches by politicians andactivists alternate with musical performances.In the weekly Friday kōgi in front of the primeminister's office (Kantei)—among the largestand longest-running weekly demonstrationsTokyo has ever seen, attracting 200,000protesters on June 29, 2012, and runningwithout a break for an unprecedented 19months—drummers and horn playersaccompany the protesters' calls and responses

of slogans (Sprechchor), while folk singers,tradit ional drummers, chanters withuchiwadaiko, and fans of the late rockerIwamano Kiyoshirō play in different spotsaround the block. In marching demos—whichattracted 15,000–20,000 people per event in2011, as many as 200,000 in 2012, and up to6 0 , 0 0 0 i n 2 0 1 3 — d r u m c o r p s(http://drumsofprotest.blogspot.com/), brassbands (http://norabrigade.blogspot.com/),c h i n d o n b a n d s(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jAHJTqz8pjc),2 and other ambulatory musicians performalongside "sound trucks," piled with soundequipment, upon which rappers, singers, DJs,and bands perform. "Sound demos"—the namegiven to some demonstrations with soundtrucks—have been credited with attractingmasses of first-time demonstrators. In addition,protesters often credit the performances ofmusicians for establishing the mood of ademonstration. Drawing from the theories ofCharles Tilly and Thomas Turino, this articlefocuses on the mus ic o f ambulatorydemonstrations and explains the politicalcatalysts for shifts between two styles:presentational and participatory, which I definebelow.

Sound trucks with musical equipment have along history: having been popularized inEurope through events like the Notting HillCarnival in London and the Berlin Love Parade,they appeared in LGBT parades in Tokyo in themid-1990s and early 2000s; they also appearedin antiwar demonstrations organized byChance! Peace Walk and World Peace Now

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

2

from 2001 onwards. Nonetheless, the firstsound-truck demonstrations named "sounddemos" were organized in 2003 by thecollective Against Street Control (ASC) as aseries of reclaim-the-streets protests againstthe war in Iraq (ECD 2007; ECD et al 2005;Hayashi and McKnight 2005; Mōri 2003, 2005,2009; Noiz 2011; Oda 2003). The format caughton and was replicated in Kyoto, Osaka,Fukuoka, Sapporo, and other cities. In the later2000s, the used-goods shop-cum-activist groupShirōto no Ran (Revolt of the Laymen)organized several sound demos for precariat(precarious proletariat) causes (Matsumoto2008; Deguchi 2008); sound trucks were alsofeatured in the protests coinciding with the G8summit in Sapporo in 2008. Hence, sounddemos were already an established and popularfeature of demonstrations before theantinuclear protests following the tripledisaster.

Since 2011, several activist groups haveformed or regrouped from earlier activistconf igurat ions to ho ld ant inuc leard e m o n s t r a t i o n s : S h i r ō t o n o R a n(http://trio4.nobody.jp/keita/), which heldmonthly sound demos for the first six months ofthe crisis, and has since worked with DatsuGenpatsu Suginami; No Nukes More Hearts(http://nonukesmorehearts.org/), which hasbeen holding demonstrations and other eventssince 2007 and is led by illustrator MisaoR e d w o l f ; T w i t N o N u k e s(http://twitnonukes.blogspot.com/), whichbegan holding regular monthly demonstrationsin April 2011; and the Metropolitan CoalitionAgainst Nukes (http://coalitionagainstnukes.jp/)(MCAN, Shutō Hangenpatsu Rengō, orHangenren)— composed of fourteenantinuclear organizations including members ofTwitNoNukes, No Nukes More Hearts, andShirōto no Ran—which organizes the weeklydemonstrations in front of the prime minister'sresidence and large-scale demonstrationsattracting tens of thousands every three to fourmonths. These groups have held sharply

differing philosophies as to the impact musichas on a demonstration: some believe itsupports it by attracting people, while othersbelieve it detracts from the political purpose.They also disagree on its role: some believethat music should be for listening, while othersconsider it an activity to be shared by as manypeople as possible. Moreover, activists haveshifted their stance as political circumstanceshave changed. Charles Tilly noted that protestrepertoires tend to change incrementally, inresponse to changes in political opportunitystructure, available models of performances,and connections among potential actors (Tilly2008: 90). As I will illustrate, this theoryapplies well to the case of music in Japaneseantinuclear demonstrations.

Par t o f the debate about mus ic anddemonstrations concerns the question: to whatextent does a demonstrator engage with amusical performance, and in what ways? Toaddress this question more generally formusical performances, Thomas Turino hascategorized them as being in one of two styles:participatory, which has "no artist-audiencedistinctions, only participants and potentialparticipants performing different roles"; andpresentational, where artists play music for anaudience who do not participate in the music-making (2008: 26). These approaches differ inboth goals and aesthetics. In the participatoryapproach, the aim is to involve as many people,as intensely as possible. As such, the musicmust be easy enough for newcomers to join in;it is usually comprised of short forms that arerepea ted ove r and ove r . Wh i l e t herepet i t i veness may make the mus icuninteresting to an outside audience, it adds tothe intensity of the performance for theparticipants. The emphasis is on inclusivity,regardless of the players' ability, at the expenseof showmanship. Because participants mustconcentrate on each other's actions andsounds, participatory music promotes socialbonding (2008: 28–41).

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

3

In contrast, presentational music involves aseparation between artist and audience, withmusicians performing scripted pieces, as theyusually do at concerts. The goals of theseperformances are to entertain the audience, sothat the emphasis is on showmanship andvariability. The performers are not one with theaudience, as in a participatory performance;rather, the audience looks at them, and theymay even be heroes to some audience members(Tur ino 2008: 52–63) . Nonetheless ,presentational performances can also help toforge feelings of community among audiencemembers, triangulated through identificationwith, or adoration of, the performer. Manymusical performances involve some elements ofboth presentational and participatoryapproaches, but one approach usuallypredominates over the other.

In sound demos, the protesters and onlookerscomprise the audience, but the protesters havealso come to participate, whether it be byplaying in one of the ambulatory ensembles,engaging in call-and-response patterns, orsimply walking along with the demonstration.H e n c e , t h e p e r f o r m e r s i n a s o u n ddemonstration must interact to some degreewith both protesters and onlookers, and theywill often shift between presentational andparticipatory approaches. Nonetheless, it isuseful to think of a spectrum of performancestyles from the presentational to theparticipatory; as we will discuss, severalfactors, including not only the artist's genreand disposition but also the political context,affect which style predominates. This spectrumis among the many factors that organizers ofdemonstrations consider when they are seekingto maximize participation and impact.

The remainder of this article explains theac t i v i s t s ' ph i l o soph ies beh ind thepresentational and participatory performancestyles and the political context for shiftsbetween presentational and participatory style.I focus on rap and reggae performers on sound

trucks and on drum corps—forms that easilylend themselves to both presentational andparticipatory performance. The article chartsthe evolution of music in demonstrations from2011 to 2013, considering primarily the Shirōtono Ran demonstrations of 2011 and the NoNukes More Hearts and MCAN demonstrationsof late 2011 to 2013, and the influence thatmore stoic demonstrations—TwitNoNukes,drum corps-driven protests, and the weeklyprotests in front of the prime minister'sresidence—had on this style. Participatory-stylerap, as developed by Akuryō in late 2011, hasc o n t i n u e d t o p l a y a m a j o r p a r t i ndemonstrations: changing combinations of himand fellow rappers ATS and ECD performed inthis style in the antiracist demonstration ofSeptember 22 as well as antinuclear MCANdemonstrations on March 10 and October 13,2013; furthermore, the sound demo has beenrevived in Osaka, Sapporo, and other cities.Along the way, I consider the protestorganizers' differing ideas regarding the natureof participation, as gleaned through mydiscussions with them.

Presentational style: Shirōto no Randemonstrations of 2011

While it was far from the first demonstrationafter the Fukushima accident,3 the Shirōto noRan demonstration of April 10, 2011 is oftencited as a milestone in the antinuclearmovement because of the masses of people itunexpectedly attracted. This demonstrationfeatured two sound trucks—one with reggaesinger Rankin Taxi, female rapper Rumi, andDJs including techno DJ Mayumi, and the otherwith punk bands. It was joined by a drum corpsheaded by Oda Masanori, an anthropologistwho writes under the pen name Illcommonz.Chindon-brass band Jintaramūta, headed byŌkuma Wataru—a member of activist bandSoul Flower Union Mononoke Summit—playedinternational protest classics such as "We ShallOvercome" and Chilean singer-songwriterVictor Jara's "El derecho de vivir en paz" (The

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

4

Right to Live in Peace). Originally envisioned asa smaller demonstration of a thousand or sopeople, it grew to 15,000 participants aspassers-by joined in the course of thedemonstration.

As music critic and Shirōto no Ran memberFutatsugi Shin explained, the demonstrationhad been organized because the group wasastounded by the lack of antinuclear viewpointsin the media: "The going assumption seemed tobe that nuclear power would continue as ifnothing had happened. But people on the streetfelt outraged. We had to show something." Thegroup expected a thousand people; 15,000people came (Futatsugi Shin, in conversationwith Noma Yasumichi, Club Cactus, August 9,2012). Matsumoto Hajime, the founder ofShirōto no Ran, was himself mystified,explaining, "It wasn't because our group triedto recruit many people. Rather, it was becauseeveryone was so angry that word got around onits own. We'd never had 10,000 people show upat an event before" (Matsumoto Hajime,interview with the author, Tokyo, February 12,2012). Even Noma Yasumichi, an activist andmusic critic with mixed feelings about sounddemonstrations (demonstrations featuringsound trucks with musicians), conceded, "Manypeople got into protesting through the Shirōtono Ran demonstration on April 10 [2011]. Onecan ' t deny the impor tance o f thosedemonstrations" (Noma, Cactus).

Following the success of this demonstration,the group concentrated its antinucleardemonstrations in heavily trafficked central-Tokyo shopping districts—Shibuya (May 7),Shinjuku (June 11), Ginza (August 6), andShinjuku (September 11)—each attracting15,000 to 20,000 participants. This choice ofplace was because the target audience forthese demonstrations was less the governmentper se but citizens who were either not awareof the issues regarding nuclear power or notspeaking up, despite being against nuclearpower (Matsumoto, interview).

An inclusive philosophy

Shirōto no Ran's demonstrations of 2011 wereall sound demonstrations, usually with a hip-hop/reggae/DJ truck (organized by Futatsugi)and a hardcore/punk band truck (organized byAnamizu Masahiko of the hardcore bandP i n p r i c k P u n i s h m e n t(file:///D:/Stuff/Japan%20Focus/Pictures/4015/pinprickpunishment.blogspot.com)). Futatsugiexplained, "We're not really organizers so muchas we invite people to participate. If someoneapproaches us and says, 'I want to have areggae truck, a hardcore truck,' or whatever,we invite them to do it, as long as they takecare of renting the truck and sound systemthemselves" (Futatsugi, interview with theauthor, Tokyo, August 18, 2012). Similarly,Matsumoto said, "We don't try to determine themusical genre. Usually those artists with whomour circle has relationships approach us. Itnaturally leans toward some genres more thanothers. Maybe those genres tend to be morepolitically conscious? There are a lot of punkrockers in Kōenji, which is why our sounddemos tend to involve them. Lots of bands wantto participate. We're besieged by them"(Matsumoto, interview).

In allowing individuals to take the initiative,this approach reflects Shirōto no Ran'sphilosophy that "it's best to have a diversity ofpeople there—suspicious characters, theshopkeepers and shoppers of the commercialstreets (shōtengai), labor unions, families,everyone—showing their individuality whilesaying, 'We're against nuclear power'"(Futatsugi, Cactus). "It has more impact if youlet passers-by see this chaotic amalgamation,as it naturally is, saying 'No Nukes' together"(Futatsugi, interview). Such diversity, thegroup believes, becomes more difficult if a fewcentral people are deciding how things shouldbe done.

Shirōto no Ran also leaves the booking ofperformers on each truck up to the person

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

5

organizing the truck, which typically leansheavily on their personal connections. AsFutatsugi explained, "The people around ushave strong connections with undergroundmusicians [i.e., outside of the major recordl a b e l s ] , 4 s o w e t e n d t o i n v i t ethem—acquaintances of acquaintances, friendsof friends" (Futatsugi, interview). Hence, themusicians tend to be more underground and donot include many major-label musicians.

Debates over genres

Given this reliance primarily on undergroundperformers, the genres that are typically playedin such sound demonstrations—hardcore punk,techno, reggae, and hip-hop—tend to be moresubcultural than mainstream. As Nomaexplained, "These [subcultural] genres tend toattract people who are different. On the otherhand, the mainstream is listening to AKB48 [anidol-pop girl band]. It's a huge gap." (Noma,Cactus). Futatsugi also acknowledged that themusic would attract those who like the genrebut drive away those who don't. He noted thatthe aggressive nature of hardcore punk made itcontroversial: "Some people live by it. Thosewho hate it won't go near it" (Futatsugi,interview). As one example, Miyakoshi Satoko,a member of the artist collective SayonaraAtom (http://www.sayonara-atom.com/), whoexpressed horror at the punks around thesound truck in the April 10 demonstration:"Their makeup was scary. They even had theirplacards written in blood ink! I had doubts asto whether such a demonstration would attractmore people from here on."5 Shirōto no Ranheld a meeting to discuss whether or not itsdemonstrations should continue to have ahardcore truck; the group decided it was "moreimportant to present these subcultures andshow all that's in the world. . . There are peoplewho can only express their antinuclear stancethrough hardcore punk. Their expressionshould be respected" (Futatsugi, interview).The group rationalized that each demonstrationorganized itself into segregated blocks, and

that those who did not like the music couldchoose to be in a different block (Futatsugi,Cactus). This segmented approach made sense:rather than allow the demonstration to marchas one continuous file, the police typicallybreak up the protesters into blocks of severalhundred to a few thousand, spacing them alarge city block or two apart. This practicemitigates traffic bottlenecks—and makes thedemonstration look smaller. It does, however,help to contain groups of different sounds andatmospheres. A large demonstration oftenincludes a drum corps block, a family block forprotesters with children, a sound truck or two,and general blocks centered on calling outslogans.

Performance style

More focus on rappers, singers, words

In the sound demos of the 2000s, the featuredmusic was house and techno, with hardcorepunk also included. These musics seemed apropos to the purpose of music in thesedemonstrations, which was to attract attention,take over sonic space, and entice dancing, inline with their reclaim-the-streets subtheme.The focus was very much on the DJ, withoutmuch rap or singing. In contrast, the sounddemos since 2011 have featured more rappers,with the likes of Rumi, ECD, and Akuryō. AsOda Masanori (http://illcomm.exblog.jp/), thedrum corps leader who was also on theorgan iz ing commit tee for the 2003demonstrations, explains:

This change in genres allows forcalls and responses between theperformers and the audience.There wasn't much of that in theearly 2000s. Back then, when DJMayuri played the Beastie Boys"You've Gotta Fight for Your Rightto Party," people would call out therefrain. But that was it. (OdaMasanori, interview with the

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

6

author, Tokyo, August 16, 2012).

ECD (https://soundcloud.com/ecd-1), a rappioneer who also participated in both theantiwar sound demos of the early 2000s andantinuclear demonstrations since 2011,concurred: "Back in 2003, there were somecall-and-responses, like 'Don't start the war.'But it wasn't that much, and there were almostno speeches." He noted that the change inmusic was because of a different sense ofpurpose between the two periods: "As seriousas the war was, Iraq was very distant from us.The nuclear crisis is right in front of us,affecting every Japanese in his/her daily life. . .This time, we have an urgent message. There'smore focus on rappers and singers, who usewords, fitted to music, to deliver thosemessages" (ECD, interview with the author,Tokyo, December 22, 2011). Hence, the changein political purpose led to the change in thecentral musical genre—in keeping with Tilly'stheory that changes in political opportunitiescause incremental changes in contentiousrepertoires.

A focus on prepared songs

While performers in the Shirōto no Ran sounddemonstrations improvised speeches andengaged the protesters in calls and responses,the vast majority of their performanceconsisted of pre-written songs and raps; hence,these performances were in the morepresentational end of the performancespectrum. For example, in the June 11, 2011Shirōto no Ran demonstration in Shinjuku, DJShinco of the hip-hop trio Scha Dara Parrplayed "Kaese! Chikyū o 2011" (Return theE a r t h t o U s(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zj41NJZlgNY))—a mashup of Tone-Loc's "Wild Thing(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=387ZDGSKVSg)" (1988) with the song "Kaese! Taiyō o"(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kh7VD-UpY0I) (Return the Sun to Us) from the film,Godzilla vs. Hedorah (1971)—in its multi-verse

entirety. When ECD took the microphone, heperformed his "Recording Report: HangenpatsuRemix, (http://youtu.be/Zj41NJZlgNY?t=6m6s)"an antinuclear rap he wrote over the track toanother of his songs; it has the opening line,"Toketa rashiizo, moreteta rashiizo" (We seemto have had a meltdown, radiation seems tohave been leaking). Next, he performed" E x o d u s 1 1 ,(http://youtu.be/Zj41NJZlgNY?t=11m15s)" ar a p h e w r o t e(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zk2E-xKmg_Y) a few days after 3.11, having temporarilyevacuated his family to Hiroshima; in therefrain, he defiantly declares that no matterhow bad the world is, it won't restrain him andhis wife from having a third child if they sochoose. Finally, he performed "Mada yume nonaka (http://youtu.be/Lp1G7MU2gGU?t=25s)"(Stil l in a Dream), about his anxieties(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xUeVVLbtLFA) over bringing up two daughters understraitened circumstances. At the end of the rap,he passionately repeated an additional phrase,reflecting the fears of many a parent:

Jūnen tatte, gan ni natte,6

Oya o urandari suru kamo shirenai.

Ten years later, having developedcancer,

You might come to bear a grudgeagainst your parents.

ECD, "Mada yume no naka," Shinjukudemonstration, June 11, 2011

Hence, ECD's set list was composed entirely ofsongs that were tied to the antinuclearthematic. Most artists, however, perform amixture of songs that are thematically

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

7

connected and those that are not. Rankin Taxi'sset list for the Shirōto no Ran demos in April,May, and June 2011 included the sexual-humorsong "Chin chin pin pin" and uplifting song"Aozora" (Blue Skies) along with "Dare momienai, nioi mo nai" (You Can't See It, YouC a n ' t S m e l l I t E i t h e r )(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mF12h19h5uo), his antinuclear song first recorded in 1989,a n d " M e n t a l S l a v e r y(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r4ZWNtq7qRA)," a warning against being misled bypoliticians or the media. As Matsumoto said, "Ithink message songs are important, but itwould seem strange to have only message-oriented songs. I think it's fine for themusicians to perform as they usually would. It'smore important that the performers also talkand express their thoughts in their own way"(Matsumoto, interview). Futatsugi added:

While nuclear power is a serioustopic, it's not necessarily a goodthing to have serious music alwaysplaying to support a serious topic.No matter how you expressyourself, it's still going to beserious, because the topic isserious. What I like about RankinTaxi is his humor; he can shift thetopic in a way that captures yourinterest. I think it's best if you havemusicians with a variety ofapproaches. You have a comicalperformer like Rankin, and youalso have someone straight,emotional, and sentimental likeRumi. There are also differenttypes of protesters: you'll getpeople who want to shout "NoNukes" in an emotional manner,and you'll also have people whowant to say it in a funky way. It'sbest for the demonstration if youhave artists who could engagepeople in a variety of ways: those

who express themselves throughanger, those through laughter, andthose through emotion andsentiment. Then you could appealto people through different affects(Futatsugi, interview).

Engaging audiences

Rankin Taxi, "You Can't See It, YouCan't Smell It Either," Kōenjidemonstration, April 10, 2011(see 2:24)

While the focus of Shirōto no Ran sound demoswas on musicians performing pre-writtensongs, the musicians also engaged theaudience-cum-protesters in more participatorypractices—thus laying the seeds for a moreparticipatory approach down the line. Forexample, Rankin Taxi encouraged theprotesters to sing along to the bridge of "YouCan't See It, You Can't Smell It Either(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdEuIJzfT2M)." This section quotes the melody of "OldMcDonald Had a Farm," the Americanchildren's song popularized in Japan as "Yukaina Makiba" (Happy Farm); its familiarity makesit perfect for a call-and-response with theaudience. Rankin substitutes the refrain, "EE-I-E E - I - O , "(http://youtu.be/wdEuIJzfT2M?t=2m24s) withthe Japanese near-homonym "iya, iya yo," whichexpresses annoyance and disgust:

放射能食らって死んじゃうなんて、イヤイヤよ。

いつの間にか漏れてたなんてイヤイヤよ。

生まれて来た子供に恨まれるなんてイヤイヤよ。

豊で不健康な暮らしなんてイヤイヤよ。

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

8

Do I want to die from radiation? Noway!

It's only a leak, but it can't bestopped? I don't want it!

Do I want to be hated by childrento be born in the future? No way!

D o I w a n t a n a f f l u e n t b u tunhealthy l ifestyle? No way!

At the April 10 demonstration, the audienceeasily picked up this repeated scheme and sanglouder with each repeat. Several copies ofR a n k i n ' s s o n g f r o m 2 2 y e a r s a g o(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uDar14RafMg) had already been uploaded onto YouTubeprior to the demonstration, making it morelikely that some protesters would be familiarwith it.

S i m i l a r l y , m a n y p r o t e s t e r s a t t h edemonstrations in June and September 2011were already familiar with ECD's "RecordingR e p o r t : H a n g e n p a t s u R e m i x(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z04k_DBI1j4)," as ECD had posted it on YouTube in April2011. The rap had spawned several remixes(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ivBQmHX8 r 4 ) a n d a v i d e o b y I l l c o m m o n z(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=od_GZX3DR0o), all of which were posted on YouTube.Hence, the protesters joined ECD in therefrain, "Acchi mo kocchi mo, nicchi mo sacchimo (http://youtu.be/iK-ape9SldU?t=1m23s)"(Here, there, everywhere, we're in deeptrouble), as well as the punchline, "No hōshanō,mō iranaiyo" (We don't need any moreradiation).

ECD, "Recording Report: HangenpatsuRemix," Shinjuku demonstration, June11, 2011 (see 1:23)

,

Performers also cultivated their signature call-and-response patterns. At the April 10demonstration, Rankin Taxi improvised a seriesof antinuclear commentary with a recurringtagline in a catchy melody, which enticed theprotesters to join in the sing-songy refrain," Y a p p a r i g e n p a t s u d a m e z e t t a i(http://youtu.be/NkqDGkXneqE?t=1m35s)"(Sure enough, nuclear power is totallyuseless!). Futatsugi recalled, "[That call] was ahuge hit. Everyone got very excited, and theyreacted really well to Rankin's humor andgentle voice. I thought, 'I'm really glad I invitedhim'" (Futatsugi, interview). In addition tothese signature calls, the performers alsoengaged in the standard calls of "genpatsuhantai" (we are against nuclear power) andother calls. Nonetheless, these calls were notthe centerpiece of these performances.

Rankin Taxi, "Yappari genpatsu dame,zettai," Kōenji demonstration, April 10,2011 (see 1:36)

A move toward Sprechchor7

While call-and-response patterns were not thepr imary focus o f the Shirōto no Randemonstrations, there was a pivotal event inthe April 10 demonstration that hinted at thefuture shape of demonstrations. As FutatsugiShin recounted:

The sound demo changed after3.11. An interesting moment camewhile DJ Mayuri was DJ-ing. Therewas a huge crowd that hadgathered around the sound truck.We were all very tense. It was stilltoo soon after the disaster, andnone of us knew what to do. Wewere just following the truck, notraising our voices. When the truckturned on Oume Kaidō [a majorthoroughfare], Mayuri played acool, soulful techno track [DutchDJ Joris Voorn's "Incident"]. . . She

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

9

cut the bass for a long time. As wewent into the intersection, shesuddenly put the bass up, andeveryone began to dance in unison.Someone spontaneously yelled out," G e n p a t s u y a m e r o ! "(http://youtu.be/JU8hdWbOK9c?t=1m2s) Without being led byanyone, everyone joined in thiscall-and-response [in rhythm to thebeats]. The Sprechchor spreadthroughout the entire block(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DXisN_Vj9zo&feature=youtube_gdata_player). It was an amazingscene. At that time, people werenot yet accustomed to going todemonstrations, raising theirvoices, or repeating Sprechchor.Everyone had a hard time doingthat. Techno music gave us thishuge push, helping us to cry out inthe street. 'Everyone, we can raiseour voices!' The music was thetrigger. It was one of the highlightsof the April 10 demonstration(Futatsugi, interview).

Continuing this trend, at the next Shirōto noRan demonstration of May 7, 2011, DJ Tasakaplayed samples of a child saying "Genpatsuh a n t a i "(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XgurkrAZd6E&feature=youtube_gdata_player) (we areagainst nuclear power), "Genpatsu iranai" (Wedon't need nuclear power), and "Imasugutomeyo" (Let's stop [the nuclear reactors] rightnow) in rhythm. The crowd engaged in a call-and-response to this child's voice. Suchincidents, however, tended to comprise a smallpart of the sound demo in those early days,most of which concentrated on rappers andsingers performing pre-written songs or DJsplaying tracks—i.e., in presentational style.

DJ Mayuri, playing Joris Voorn's "Incident," Kōenjidemonstration, April 10, 2011

Music's contribution to demonstrations

Sound demonstrations were credited withattracting people to the protests, particularly ata time when only a small minority of Japanesecitizens were accustomed to demonstrating. AsNoma explained, "There are many people whowere first attracted to a demonstration througha sound demo and have come to participate insocial movements" (Noma Yasumichi, interviewwith author, Tokyo, December 17, 2012). Musicwas also seen as lending energy to participantsat a protest. ECD said that sound demos andmusic are "good at lifting up the feelings andexcitement level of the participatingprotesters." The rapper ATS noted, "Theprotesters tell us that it's easier to walk andshout Sprechchor when music is playing" (ATS,interview with the author, Tokyo, August 10,2012).

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

10

Matsumoto Hajime, Founder of Shirōto noRan, at Datsu Genpatsu Suginamidemonstration, May 6, 2012, to celebratethe temporary shutdown of all nuclearpower plants for maintenance (NorikoManabe).

Many sound demos have been compared withmatsuri (festivals). As Matsumoto explains:

Music is connected with matsuri in Japaneseculture. Having music in a demonstrationmakes it feel like a matsuri, where everyone isdoing something together and having fun. Ithink it's very appropriate for a demonstration.It gives you the feeling that you're united witheveryone else. People who are not participatingin the demonstration will hear the music asthey walk along and think, "Ah, i t 's ademonstration." The music has the power toshape the overall atmosphere of the streets.That, I think is very positive (Matsumoto,interview).

Although social movements around the globehad been incorporating carnivalesqueapproaches since the late 1990s (Bakhtin 1998,Reed 2005), this aspect of sound demos madethem prone to criticism, as it made thedemonstration look like it was just having funrather than addressing a serious matter.Matsumoto had been incorporating fun andhumor into demonstrations since his "Ore nochari o kaese" (Gimme Back My Bike)demonstration of August 2005, aligning himwith the approaches taken at the WTO meetingin Seattle or the antiwar sound demos of 2003.Matsumoto defended this fun-making, saying:

I don't think there's any negativei n h a v i n g m u s i c i n ademonstration. It's narrow-mindedto think that you can't do ademonstration unless it lookscompletely serious. I think youmust allow for the ability to

express your opinions in a light-hearted manner. It's disrespectfult o mus i c i ans t o say tha t ademonstration is not seriousbecause there's music there. Thereare musicians who are earnestlyplaying music, with a propermessage, as a way of expressingthemselves. To say that thesep e o p l e a r e j u s t a m u s i n gthemselves is wrong. That is a pin-h e a d e d w a y o f t h i n k i n g(Matsumoto, interview).

Police pressure

The large numbers of people that Shirōto noRan's sound demos were attracting had caughtthe attention of the police. In the days beforethe demonstration in Shinjuku on September11, 2011, there were signs that a showdownwith the police was brewing. Futatsugiexplained, "During the June 11 demonstrationin Shinjuku, we completely packed the Alta-mae (plaza in front of Studio Alta). We'dwanted to turn that place into a liberated zone.It was a complete victory for us. It was acomplete fiasco for the police. When we didanother demonstration in Shinjuku threemonths later, they were determined not to letus do that again, so they came to crush us"(Futatsugi, interview). Shinjuku's reputation asa place for large assemblies and potentialrioting, as in the Shinjuku Riots of 1968, hadled it to develop a local police force that wasmore severe than Shirōto no Ran's homeneighborhood of Kōenji.

Prior to the demonstration, a number offlowerbeds suddenly appeared in Alta-mae, thelocation for the pre- and after-rallies; thisdevelopment reduced the square footageavailable, limiting the number of people thatcould assemble there.8 At the last minute, thepolice ordered a complete change in the routef o r t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n(http://911shinjuku.tumblr.com/), moving its

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

11

starting point from Alta-mae to Shinjuku ChuoPark, far away on the other side of the railwaystation. As Futatsugi recalled, "It was obviousthat the police were determined to makearrests from their sheer numbers, the air oftension, the way they were pushing us around,their facial expressions, their language with us"(Futatsugi, interview). A file of policemen putthemselves behind the sound truck, forcing thedemonstrators to walk at a considerabledistance behind it. Futatsugi soon foundhimself arrested:

I was in charge of the DJ and raptruck , which was the mostpopular—humongous speakers upto here, the loudest sound. Itattracted so many people from thestreet that you could no longerdistinguish between the people ont h e s i d e w a l k a n d t h edemonstrators on the road. Thepolice hated that, because thedemonstration was going to getbigger and bigger. About twentyminutes into the demonstration,seven policemen came up to meand ordered me to separate thepeople on the sidewalk from thoseon the street. They commanded meto order those on the sidewalk toget onto the road wi th thedemonstration, or they'd arrest me.I told them that it was the personaldecision of these individuals tostay on the sidewalk, and that Ihad no right to tell them what todo. The police wouldn't listen. Theyhanded me three written warnings.Upon the third time, they suddenlyrushed about. Someone said,"Arrest him!" All of a sudden, abunch of them came upon me,knocked me down, grabbed mylimbs, stopped a taxi passing by,and pushed me into it. I got taken

straight to the Shinjuku policestation, on the suspicion that I wash o l d i n g a n " i m p r o p e rdemonstration." It was all over inan instant (Futatsugi, interview).

ECD, Shinjuku demonstration,September 11, 2011

Similarly, several demonstrators were pushedd o w n , d r a g g e d , a n d a r r e s t e d(http://youtu.be/xnruDaMxPO0) as the soundtruck passed by Shinjuku Station's crowdedSouth Exit. As ECD said, "People got arrestedfor bullshit reasons. The police suddenlyclaimed my acquaintance was pushing a girl,then reached out and handcuffed him. It'sharassment." More demonstrators werearrested around the punk-band truck. Alltwelve arrested were thrown in jail. Witnessingthe arrests greatly affected Rumi and ECD, whowere on the sound truck. In his performancethat day, ECD screamed a series of sarcasticquestions:

デモをやってもいいですか ?(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f0OqKfMWh8Y)

迷惑かけてもいいですか？

電気つかってもいいですか？. . .

子供つくっ てもいいですか?

東京にげ てもいいですか?

東京にのこってもいいですか?

Do you mind if we demonstrate?

D o y o u m i n d i f w e c a u s e anuisance?

Do you mind if we use electricity?

Do you mind if we have children?

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

12

Do you mind if we escape fromTokyo?

Do you mind if we remain inTokyo?

Shirōto no Ran conducted a campaign(http://911shinjuku.tumblr.com/) to get them allreleased; half of them, including Futatsugi,were released in two days, while the otherswere released within eleven. None werecharged, although the police did search someof their homes.

Reflecting on his experience, Futatsugiexplained that the Shirōto no Ran ethos had abuilt-in conflict with the police:

It's not that the police don't likethe antinuclear cause. They don'tnecessarily want to crush it. Theirjob is to maintain the order of thecity. As police, they disl ikeanything that disturbs the calm. Onthe other hand, what distinguishesa Shirōto no Ran demonstration isthat it is looking to see how muchchaos it could bring to the street.W e b e l i e v e t h a t i f t h edemonstration has even a littleimpact on the city, i t wouldcommunicate a political message.Our premise is that it is of no useto conduct a meek and obedientdemonstration. No matter what wed o , w e ' r e g o i n g t o e n d u pconflicting with the police. Even ifwe try to do a demonstration in anobedient way, we're inevitablyg o i n g t o c l a s h w i t h t h e m(Futatsugi, interview).

Futatsugi's view was confirmed while he was indetention, when the examiner told him that "itwas fine for us to demonstrate, but that our

demonstrations were against the rules." Fromthe police's point of view, it was against therules to have more and more people join in thecourse of a demonstration, or to have so manypeople come to watch that they overflow thesidewalk. Futatsugi surmised that the policestill considered a proper demonstration to bean "old-style" one, run out of organizations andtheir membership: "Those protest organizersknow how many participants there will be inadvance, because they have a regularmembership. If the organizer says 200protesters will come, then 200 protesters willcome. The po l ice th ink that ' s how ademonstration should be. But we thinkdemonstrations should be allowed to groworganically" (Futatsugi, interview).

Impact on Shirōto no Ran demos

After the arrests in the September 11demonstration, Shirōto no Ran pulled backfrom act ing as the so le organizer ofdemonstrations. As Futatsugi admitted, "Thearrest of twelve people in Shinjuku was a bigdeal. We saw right there the limit of what theloud, rough format of the sound demo could dofor making an impact, at least for our group. IfShirōto no Ran got a reputation as rowdy, andwe carried on organizing demonstrations afterthose arrests, then we risked worsening theimage of the antinuclear movement. We didn'twant that" (Futatsugi, interview).

Performers and protest organizers saw thearrests as a bad sign. ECD noted, "ThatShinjuku demonstration proved that the policeare targeting sound demonstrations. If therewere no sound truck, there wouldn't have beenso many police" (ECD, interview). Oda noted:

All the people who were arresteda t t h e S e p t e m b e r 1 1demonstrations were around thesound trucks. It showed thoseorganizing a demonstration—notj u s t S h i r ō t o n o R a n , b u t

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

13

anyone—that sound trucks werehigh risk. Perhaps it was a turningpoint for sound demonstrations. InJuly [2012], there was a 170,000-person gathering in Yoyōgi Parkorganized by Sayonara Genpatsu,and they had a sound truck. Thepolice treated that block differentlyfrom all the others; they were verystrict with it. We know the policetarget sound demos, making itdifficult to hold them. But theyseem easier to do in regional cities,where the police haven't targetedthem so much (Oda, interview).

Matsumoto explained his philosophy:

For the first six months, we all didthese demonstrations togetherwith many other people. It was agood way of doing it in the initialstages. People with differentphilosophies were coming togetherto do them. But if you continuedoing everything together, you getfrustrated that you can't do it yourown way. Then the movementstops getting stronger. You won'tsucceed if you just hold hugedemonstrations with everyone overa long period of time. The numberof participants will fall off. Peoplewill get exhausted and boredbecause they're continuing onlyout of a sense of obligation. That'snot good. So we thought we'd goour separate ways, so that eachgroup could protest in the way thatit would have the most impact. Thepeople who were coming to ourdemonstrations are now stagingthem themselves (Matsumoto,interview).

Futatsugi echoed the sense that the group'smission had been accomplished: "We saw ourrole as lighting a fire. . . Half a year is the limitfor staging monthly demonstrations with thatlevel of tension. " (Futatsugi, interview).

In addition, some performers also shared thisfeeling that the sound demo format, as initiallyconceived by Shirōto no Ran, had run itscourse. As ECD said in December 2011, "Up toSeptember 11, we were concentrating ongetting as many people out as possible. Sounddemos were good for raising interest andgetting people to come. Now, we want toconcentrate on delivering the message" (ECD,interview).

Refocusing demonstrations at the locallevel

Photo: Rankin Taxi, Datsu GenpatsuSuginami demo, February 19, 2012 (NorikoManabe)

Shirōto no Ran did not stop organizing sounddemonstrations. Matsumoto and his crewre focused on commun i t y - o r i en teddemonstrations primarily around their ownward of Suginami, teaming with local citizensincluding Harada Akira, a young councilor ofSuginami Ward and a member of theCommunist Party, under the name "DatsuGenpatsu Suginami" (Suginami for the

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

14

Abolition of Nuclear Power). The first of thesedemonstrations was held in Asagaya, SuginamiWard, on February 19, 2012, with subsequentdemonstrations held on May 6, December 22,and April 7, 2013. The sound demonstrations Iattended in February and May attracted about5,000-6,000 participants of a variety of agesand approaches, from punk, reggae, and technofans following their respective sound trucks, tofamilies with small children and the elderly.

Photo: Matsumoto Hajime of Shirōto noRan and Amamiya Karin, Datsu GenpatsuSuginami demonstration, May 6, 2012(Noriko Manabe).

When I met with Matsumoto prior to theFebruary 19 demonstration, he described itsgoal as bringing together "a real mix-up ofpeople at the local level—the aunts and uncles,the mothers, the shopkeepers" (Matsumoto,interview). In keeping with this goal, the groupbegan holding organizational meetings, open to

the general public and held in communitycenters, in January 2012 to discuss how theseantinuclear demonstrations should beconducted. In a blog post inviting participants,Matsumoto described a demonstration blockfor everyone imaginable: a karaoke truck forthe "aunts and uncles," a DJ sound truck, aband truck, a block for parents with baby carts(including a diaper-changing cart), aSprechchor block, a right-wing block, an"unprecedented business opportunity" block forlocal merchants (some of whom gave discountsto demonstrators), and a "fighting elderly"block, the latter flouting the power bestowedupon them through traditional respect for theelderly:

No one can match the magnificentpower of a demonstration blockwhose average age is 80! If apoliceman the same age as theirchildren fails to remember hisgratitude to the elderly, andthoughtlessly tries to placerestrictions on the demonstration,they might well end up shouting,"You idiot!," and deliver a firmsmack on the policeman's head! 9

In seriousness, Matsumoto was seeking toencourage people to speak up and spark localdemonstrations all over Japan; after all, it islocal constituents who elect many Dietmembers, and it is local governments who havesay as to whether or not nuclear plants couldbe built or restarted in their towns. As heexplained in February 2012:

What would be powerful about thislocal type of demonstration is thaty o u r n e i g h b o r s w o u l d b edemonstrating, which itself wouldbe a surprise. It's a big deal formoms, uncles, and shopkeeperswho have not been politically

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

15

active before to participate in ademonstration. People would seethem and think, hey, these people Iknow are demonstrating! Mostpeople think nuclear power isunnecessary. If all sorts of peoplecame to raise their voices, it wouldhave the greatest impact on publicopinion. Then it will become amajor issue that the governmentmust face. That would lead tochange.

If only a central group of people isdemonstrating and everythingdepends on them, then you wouldjus t have " the peop le whospecialize in demonstrating." Thepolice will think, "We'll show theseguys a thing or two." We have toavoid that kind of situation. Theworld is not going to change thatway (Matsumoto, interview).

Criticism against sound demonstrations

While sound demonstrations were credited withattracting people to protests, many activistshad qualms about them. As Noma explained:

W h e n y o u h a v e m u s i c a t ademonstration, it's difficult toavoid the appearance that it's justfor fun. . . If there is a famous DJheading a sound truck, you'llattract a lot of people, but thosepeople would be coming for the DJ.You reverse the priorities frommaking a political statement toentertaining a crowd. You'd see abunch of people whooping,hollering, and getting excited tomusic from a sound truck. Thepol ice push and shove, andsomeone gets arrested. That won'tlook good for the cause, and the

message would be lost to thepassers-by (Noma interview).

Contrary to Matsumoto's view that fun atdemonstrations encouraged participation,Noma believed it actually discouraged it: "Itgives the impression that the fun is shared onlyamong an inner circle. It's alienating tooutsiders. They will think it's something theyshouldn't join" (Noma, interview).

Decorum at sound demos was an issue.Because they were originally conceived as astreet party, many protesters at sound demosdrank beer along the route. In the context ofthe antinuclear movement—a serious matter ofnational policy—activists raised questions as tothe appropriateness of this behavior. As RankinTaxi commented, "It doesn't look good whendemonstrators at a sound demo are seendancing with beers in their hands. That's finefor events like LGBT parades, but not forantinuclear demonstrations. It looks too rowdyfor the political theme" (Rankin Taxi, Cactus).

As previously mentioned, the musical genres insound demos were potentially controversial.Indeed, differences in musical taste or socialassociations of genres had the potential toundermine attempts at finding a commonground. Noma explained, "In demonstrations,the underground subcultures tend to come tothe fore and dominate. It can make thedemonstration look like a gathering ofsubcultures, or demonstrating itself to be asubcultural activity." Furthermore, thesesubcultural musics excluded different groups:"Folk music is associated with an oldergeneration. Punk and techno are associatedwith a younger generation. They're allsubcultures: they don't represent everyone." Hecontinued:

The antinuclear movement can't bes e e n a s a m i n o r i t y r i g h t smovement or a subcultural social

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

16

movement. We have to appeal tothe masses. And from that point ofv i e w , t h e S h i r ō t o n o R a ndemonstrations reached a limitthere. They came to have areputation of appealing more toyoung music lovers, punks, andanarchists. The movement neededto appeal to ordinary men andwomen, mothers and fathers, theelderly (Noma, Cactus).

A more stoic model: the TwitNoNukes andKantei protests

At the same time as the sound demonstrations,a m o r e s t o i c s t y l e o f a n t i n u c l e a rdemonstrations was taking root. One of thefirst new series of demonstrations wasTwitNoNukes, its name derived from the factthat it was organized through Twitter. HiranoTaichi, who was then 26 years old, hadattended protests in front of TEPCOheadquarters and METI, but had beendisappointed by the emptiness of Kasumigasekion the weekends.10 He then participated in aGensuikin-organized antinuclear demonstrationin the Ginza on March 27, 2011, where hefound 1,200 participants, many of whom, likehim, had learned of the protest throughTwitter. Also present at that demonstrationwere severa l future part ic ipants inTwitNoNukes, including Noma; Ishiguro Keita,MC in rap group Kimidori and former memberof ASC; and the rapper Akuryō. After thedemonstration, Hirano found his timeline fillingup with comments such as, "Why aren't theredemonstrations in Shinjuku or Shibuya?" OnApril 5, Hirano tweeted, "Hypotheticallyspeaking, if you would be interested inparticipating in a demonstration aroundShibuya calling for the end of nuclear power,for which we'd recruit people via Twitter,please retweet." By the following day, themessage had been retweeted over 300 times.11

The first TwitNoNukes demonstration took

place in Shibuya on April 30, 2011, attractingabout 1,000 people. It was held about once amonth until May 2012; took a hiatus while itsorganizers were overwhelmed with managingthe weekly Friday protests in front of the primeminister's residence, which had grown to150,000–200,000 participants that summer;then continued again from August to November2012, and March and May of 2013. Its formatwas replicated in several places across thecountry, including Osaka, Nagoya, Kanagawa,Hiroshima, Gunma, Fukuoka, and other areas.

A l though the o rgan i z ing group fo rTwitNoNukes included well-known musicians,music writers, and bloggers, it decided not toinclude music in the demonstration or have liveperformances at rallies before or after thedemonstration. Instead, it aimed for a simpleand stoic demonstration, centered onSprechchor and placards, without a soundtruck. As Noma explained, "For young peoplewho don't belong to a political organization,there were only two choices of demonstrations:one organized by Shirōto no Ran or one bylabor unions. Many people did not want to go toeither of these. We wanted to put together analternative" (Noma, Cactus).

The Twitter demos attracted a steady rate ofparticipation of about 1,000 people each time.Its simple concept made it easy to join, whilethe drum circle, Kodomo no Mirai Orchestra,and the colorful banners made by SayonaraAtom made the demonstration more inviting tofirst-time protesters. Several musiciansparticipated in these demonstrations, but onlyas participants; they included those who hadperformed in sound demos, like ECD andRankin Taxi, as well as Gotō Masayoshi of thepopular rock band Asian Kung-Fu Generationand Nakagawa Takashi of the activist rockgroup Soul Flower Union. But when thegovernment began discussing the restarting ofnuclear power plants that had been shut downfor periodic maintenance, the once-a-montheffort no longer felt sufficient.

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

17

Photo: TwitNoNukes demonstration,Aoyama Dōri, Tokyo, August 2012 (NorikoManabe)

From November 2011 onwards, part of thisgroup began shouting criticisms at TEPCO infront of its headquarters. This type ofstationary demonstration did not needpermission from the police, as it did not affectaccess to roads. These demonstrations servedas the seeds for the stationary protests thatwould develop in front of the prime minister'sresidence (Kantei-mae kōgi). Based on thesimplest of ideas—shouting Sprechchor notingone's opposition to nuclear power directly atthe politicians in charge—the Kantei-maeantinuclear protest distinguished itself in itspersistence and numbers. As previouslymentioned, the protests had been goingwithout a break for nineteen months, sinceMarch 29, 2012. As tension and outrage grewover the restarting of the Ōi nuclear reactors,these protests attracted impressive numbers ofparticipants—about 45,000 on June 22, 2012;200,000 on June 29; 150,000 on July 6 and July13; and 80,000–90,000 on July 20, August 3,and August 10 (Noma 2012; Williamson 2012).

Much of this growth was due to word of mouthamong individuals or through individuals'tweets. The protests were being organized by

the Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes—acoalition, formed in late 2011, of severalprotest organizations, including TwitNoNukes,No Nukes More Hearts, Drums of Fury, DatsuGenpatsu Suginami, Tanpopo-sha and others.This coalition did not have its own Twitteraccount until June 21, 2012. Unable to reachthe Kantei itself due to barricades andrerouting by the police, many protesters beganprotesting in front of other governmentaloffices at the same time, such as the DietBuilding, METI, MEXT, and the Ministry of theEnvironment (in which the new nuclearregulatory agency is housed), in what Nomadescribed as Occupy Nagata-chō (Noma,Cactus). With those types of numbers, not seensince the antiwar protests of the 1960s, theantinuclear movement was no longersubcultural. It had become mainstream.

Participatory models (1): drum corps

A reliable presence in the TwitNoNukes andKantei demonstrations is the drum corps TDC,founded by Oda Masanori. He operates on thephilosophy that "music is most powerful andeffective [in social movements] when anyonecan participate in it. . . It's not about whatgenre you have or who performs." He has heldthis belief in the participatory approach tomusic s ince the ear ly days o f sounddemonstrations:

I was on the planning committeefor the Iraq War sound demos, butI had some doubts about havingsound systems in demonstrations.Why? Because there's a DJ, and theDJ p lays tracks that the DJselected. The DJ is the performer.Everyone else dances, which is aform of participation, but youestabl ish th is s tructure ofperformer vs. audience. I had realdoubts about that. I think oneshould avoid having a centralfigure in a demonstration. It

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

18

shouldn't be the case that oneperson is the performer, andeveryone else is the audiencewatching the performer. Everyoneshould be a performer. That's whyI s t a r t e d T C D C(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EBj7pPuMYck) [in 2003] (Oda,interview).

The version of the drum corps currently inoperation is TDC. This collective was formed in2010 among drummers who had met atdemonstrations against Nike's buyout ofM i y a s h i t a P a r k(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UIjN5N-619A) in Shibuya and its plans to remake it as afee-collecting park. The group became activeagain after 3.11, participating in the April 10demonstration in Kōenji as the "Doka DokaUrusai Marching Band" (The Boom-Boom NoisyMarching Band). The group also participated int h e T w i t N o N u k e s p r o t e s t s(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JrdBp0bvO-c). The collective also formed the project," D r u m s o f F u r y(http://drumsofprotest.blogspot.com/)," underwhich it organizes its own demonstrations andp a r t i c i p a t e s i n t h e w e e k l y K a n t e idemonstrations.

The philosophy of TDC and "Drums of Fury"remains highly egalitarian. As Oda describes:

There's no leader, conductor,instructor, or facilitator. We onlyhave one rule at TDC. As HenryDavid Thoreau wrote in Walden,"We must not find fault with theperson who drums to a differentrhythm. He might be drumming toa more generous, freer rhythm thatyou've forgotten."12 We run TDCwith that philosophy. That way,people who don't belong to TDCcan join us and beat drums with us

at demonstrations. We don't tellthem if their playing doesn't gowith ours. TDC has a structurewhere the gap between people whoare skilled in music and peoplewho aren't can be closed. Moreand more people join us in front ofthe Kantei who are not part ofTDC. We never say, "Your rhythmis wrong," to any new person (Oda,interview).

The group almost never rehearses. As ofAugust 2012, Oda claimed that TDC had onlyrehearsed three times, each in advance ofspecial occasions.13 This lack of polish iscultivated so that anyone would be able to jointhe group at any time: "If you do anythingdifficult, new people won't be able to join. Ifyou get too good, then for the people who'vecome for the first time, there will be adistinction between player and audience, ormaster and follower, which I absolutely hate.So it's best not to get too good, and play reallysimple music." Furthermore, all but three of themembers (at the time of the interview) werebeginners, having just joined after 3.11, andonly one of them was a trained musician.Sometimes members of TDC play windinstruments; in keeping with the DIY spirit, Odalends them various instruments out of hiscollection so that they could identify "whichinstrument makes them happiest when theyblow into it. After that, they buy a cheapinstrument on Yahoo Auctions for 1,000 to10,000 yen [about $10 to $100 US]." Hence,Oda's group practices a strategic amateurism;it is a similar strategy to the open membershipsoften espoused by radical marching bands liket h e R u d e M e c h a n i c a l O r c h e s t r a(http://rudemechanicalorchestra.org/) inBrooklyn and the activist street bands ofHONK! festivals (http://honkfest.org/) (Garafalo2011). Furthermore, this amateur stance iscelebrated: "We rely on the enthusiasm ofamateurs and beginners, who might have no

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

19

sense of pitch and a bad sense of rhythm.Anyone can join, and no one would mind if yourrhythm was off."

Drum Corps playing "saikadō hantai"riff at Kantei kōgi, July 6, 2012

The group also tries not to play songs so muchas create simple riffs. According to Oda, the riffthat accompanies the call, "saikadō hantai,(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ugt7uHkFHWc)" was formed spontaneously in front of theKantei and is taken from "the most basic part ofthe samba rhythm." The thinking is that if thegroup plays "simple phrases that are so easythat you don't need to practice, then there willbe more people who will be able to play along."In contrast to this inclusivity throughsimplicity, attempts at playing pieces had anegative impact:

What really was a no-go was whena sax player joined us, playing apre-written jazz number. Wecouldn't match the rhythm. Eventhough our drums are big, thatmelody ended up dominating thesound. It interfered with the calland response between theprotesters' Sprechchor and thedrums. So when we do a piece, wetry to make it a piece no oneknows, or a riff, like a simplifiedversion of "Tequila." We leave it asa riff so that it doesn't become asong (Oda, interview).

Despite the potential boredom of repeatingsimple riffs over weeks and months, Oda foundthe predictability to be important: "People willsee the riffs on YouTube and come along withthe intention of playing them. If you dosomething different, they'll be disappointed,and that won't be good."

Hence, TDC exhibits the characteristics of

participatory music, as defined by Turino: anemphasis on inclusivity over technicalcompetence, and a preference for easy,repetitive riffs that anyone could play. Odathought of these riffs as an oral tradition anddid not feel exclusive ownership of them:

The saikadō hantai riff has becomea signature number for us. If itgets adopted in demonstrations inKyushu or Shikoku or Hokkaido,that would make us very happy. Itwould make us even happier if theychanged the riff in a way we hadn'tthought of (Oda, interview).

Photo: Drum Corps, with Oda Masanori(center, red drum). (masa, used withpermission)

Participatory models (2): CombiningDrums and Sprechchor

In the beg inn ing , the Twi tNoNukesdemonstrations were dominated by protestersshouting Sprechchor a cappella, sometimespunctuated by tambourine or other percussioninstrument. Already there was a beat; asAkuryō noted, "There was a groove just fromeveryone shouting, 'Genpatsu hantai.' It was soawesome."14 As the number of participating

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

20

percussionists grew, the drums became a morepervasive accompaniment, providing not only abeat to which the protesters walked but also arhythmic bed to which they fitted theirSprechchor. Meanwhile, Drums of Fury stagedits own demonstrations on October 9, 2011,November 26, and February 11, 2012; whilemuch of the first was dominated by the sheersound of drums, later demonstrations showedt h e d r u m s i n c r e a s i n g l y a c t i n g a saccompaniment to Sprechchor, sometimesexchanging turns with the protesters in calland response. Both ECD and Rankin Taxi feltthat drum corps were more effective thanmusic in a demonstration, as protesters couldboth walk and shout Sprechchor to the rhythmof the drums. Rankin also felt that "drums lenda sense of urgency, so that the words andmessage might be better communicated"(Rankin Taxi, interview).

When the weekly protests in front of the primeminister's residence began in March 2012, Odainitially refrained from bringing drums, as thearea around the Diet Building is covered by theNoise Regulation Law. Once large crowdsbegan to gather in June, however, he broughtdrums and found there was no problem withthem:

Apparently the Noise RegulationLaw isn't as restrictive as wethought. We've never been warnedabout them—not even once.According to the letter of the law,what it restricts are megaphones,and there's nothing specificallyabout drums. The police have ledus to a spot and said, 'Please playthem here.' Perhaps if the policewanted to, they could include allsorts of noisemakers beyondmegaphones. But there have beenso many people around the Kanteiand the Diet Building [as of August2012] that they don't seem to want

to force the issue (Oda, interview).

Akuryō, who had been a frequent participant inthe TwitNoNukes demonstrations and led callson them, was invited to lead Sprechchor on theDrums of Fury and Kantei demonstrations.Every Friday evening that hot summer, he andthe drum corps could be seen making therounds of Kasumigaseki, playing in front ofvarious ministries and the Diet, shoutingSprechchor in time to the drum beats. Thisexperience of having participated in theTwitNoNukes and Kantei demonstrations had agreat impact on Akuryō's rap style in sounddemonstrations, as he understood howdemonstrations work and how demonstratorsact.

Participatory model (3): The sound demo,re-stylized

Conception

In the weeks following the arrests at theShinjuku demonstration, sound demos becamemore scant as Shirōto no Ran retreated fromorganizing sound demonstrations. Tocounteract this trend, the illustrator MisaoRedwolf took the initiative to organize sounddemos herself through No Nukes More Hearts,the antinuclear group she heads (Akuryō,interview with the author, Tokyo, August 15,2012). Dubbed the No Nukes All Star Demo,these demonstrations took place in Shibuya,Tokyo, on September 19 and December 3,2011, and February 25, May 20, and July 7,2012. 1 5 These events were f i l led withperformers, as the rallies held both before andafter the sound demo featured musiciansranging from the 1970s rockers Panta (of ZunōKeisatsu, or Brain Police) and Magical PowerMako, to musicians who had also performed forthe Shirōto no Ran demos, like Rankin Taxi andLikkle Mai. Generally the musicians thatperformed on the sound truck—Rankin Taxi,Deli, Hibikilla, DJ Mayuri—performed inpresentational style, where the emphasis was

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

21

on performing prepared songs with occasionalcall-and-response patterns. But Noma hadanother idea. As he explained:

P e o p l e w e r e c o m i n g t odemonstrations because theywanted to shout Sprechchor like'Genpatsu hantai!' (We are againstnuclear power). But instead, theywere just listening to music fromthe DJ. There wasn't much time forSprechchor . I t was rea l l yfrustrating. Meanwhile, the blocksof demonstrators without soundtrucks would have someonescreaming into a megaphone,"Genpatsu iranai!" (We don't needn u c l e a r p o w e r ! ) , a n d t h eprotesters were joining in theSprechchor with that call. Wethought, why not lead theseSprechchor from on top of a soundtruck? It will be easier to say theSprechchor if you put a beatbehind it. That was the idea"(Noma, interview).

Early participatory sound demos: December2011–February 2012

Akuryō's first performance in a sound demowas in the second No Nukes All Star Demo onDecember 3, 2011—the first demonstration byNo Nukes More Hearts with a sound truck.Misao Redwolf had heard his recordings of "NoN u k e s(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XHEuSy0egk E ) " a n d " F o r C h i l d r e n(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f6UaabMdAn0)" on the internet and had been impressed bythem. Noma, who had met Akuryō atTwitNoNukes demonstrations, extended theinvitation.

Having participated in demonstrations for along time, Akuryō had also seen that "just

playing a bunch of songs wasn't motivating thedemonstrators" and had been thinking aboutanother format for sound demos in line withNoma's thinking: "I came to think that you'drev people up more by doing call-and-responsesto the beats than by doing songs. It would alsobe more effective in appealing to the people onthe street. You can do songs, too, but it's moreworthwhile for a sound demo to be basedmainly on agitation and call-and-response"(Akuryō, interview).

When Akuryō performed in the No Nukes MoreHearts sound demo of December 2011, he splithis time evenly between Sprechchor andprepared raps and got an excited response.Noma was impressed:

When Akuryō got on the soundtruck, his speeches, Sprechchor,and provocation of the crowd washighly skilled and really effective. Ithought, "This style is just right."What he's saying was so direct andeasy to understand that passers-bywere responding too.

Until Akuryō came along, mostsound trucks just played music.When he's on the sound truck,you're not just listening to music.You're interacting. You yell"Genpatsu hantai!" (We are againstnuc lear power! ) and otherSprechchor from the beginning tothe end of the sound demo. Thatstyle was completely new (Noma,interview).

Akuryō credited his success to his experienceparticipating in demonstrations:

Because I'd participated as aprotester in demonstrations fromMarch to December, I knew which

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

22

calls were familiar and got goodresponses, and how everyonewanted to appeal to people in thestreets. I had thought for a longtime how I would perform in asound demo if I got the chance. Iwould probably have done itdifferently if I had suddenly beenthrust into performing at a sounddemo. I'd probably just done somesongs, and that would have been it.If I hadn't had that experience ofhaving walked with everyone elsefor all that time, I wouldn't havebeen able to perform in this style(Akuryō, interview).

Akuryō was invited back to all of No NukesMore Heart's sound demonstrations, as well asthe Datsu genpatsu sekai kaigi (GlobalConference for a Nuclear Power Free World) inYokohama in January 16, 2012. He was alsoinvited to demonstrations organized by Shirōtono Ran's associates, including a demonstrationin Funabashi (Prime Minister Noda'shometown) on June 24, the Datsu GenpatsuSuginami demo in Shinjuku on July 1, and theDatsu Genpatsu Nakano Mo demonstration inNakano Ward on July 28, 2012.

The pace of sound demos picked up in July2012 in reaction to the restarting of the Ōinuclear power plant on July 5. This widespreadanger over the restart, combined withprotesters' accumulated experience withdemonstrations, helped to solidify theparticipatory style of demonstrations. AsAkuryō recounts,

What really left an impression onme was the July 1 demonstration inShinjuku. The Ōi nuclear plant hadjust restarted. Before I came on,there were two other groups. Theywere playing tunes, but thedemonstrators weren't paying any

attention to them. They werespontaneously calling out, "saikadōhantai" (we are against restarts) tothe beats. It was amazing. Ifeveryone was going to shout"saikadō hantai" on top of anysound, no performance couldpossibly beat it. And becauseeveryone was calling out withoutany prodding, I myself felt muchm o r e m o t i v a t e d . T h edemonstrators were overwhelmingme! Everyone was so hungry. So Iplayed to that, and their reactionwas even more powerful (Akuryō,interview).

Photo: "Genpatsu yamero, Noda yamerodemo" (Quit nuclear power! Quit, Noda!),demo by Datsu Genpatsu Suginami inShinjuku, July 1, 2012. Note the placardscalling for the ouster of Prime MinisterNoda. (Noriko Manabe)

Noma, ATS, ECD join the sound demo,May–July 2012.

Noma had never DJ'd himself when he took the(truck) stage during the No Nukes More Hearts

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

23

s o u n d d e m o n s t r a t i o n i n M a y 2 0 1 2(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yGvHAGWEyJM&feature=youtube_gdata_player). Heenlisted ATS, the rapper from his i Zoom iR o c k e r s(https://soundcloud.com/i-zoom-i-rockers)Afrobeat unit, to perform as well. As ATSrecounted, "I was wondering how we wouldperform, and Noma said, 'It's fine if we makecall-and-responses the main thing. We don'tneed to do songs.' I thought that made sense.Noma suggested inviting Akuryō and doing itwith him. And the combination worked,"despite an astonishing lack of rehearsal: thegroup rehearsed for an hour before the firstjoint performance in May 2012, but hasn't hadone since. Furthermore, Noma never let therappers know in advance what he would play,forcing them to improvise to a wide variety ofunexpected tracks during the actual sounddemo.16

ECD, Akuryō, ATS, i Zoom i Rockers, Antinuclear demonstration, July 29, 2012I Zoom i Rockers antinuclear demonstration July 29 2012 Round 1(http://www.mixcloud.com/nmanabe/i-zoom-i-rockers-antinuclear-demonstration-july-29-2012-round-1/?utm_source=widget&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=base_links&utm_term=resource_link)by Nmanabe (http://www.mixcloud.com/nmanabe/?utm_source=widget&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=base_links&utm_term=profile_link) on Mixcloud(http://www.mixcloud.com/?utm_source=widget&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=base_links&utm_term=homepage_link)

O n J u l y 7 , 2 0 1 2(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E-86MPCs8GA), this ensemble was joined by ECD. Therapper had been turning down invitations toperform in sound demonstrations after thearrests at the Shinjuku demonstration inSeptember 2011, as he had come to believethat performances were not helping the cause.The July demos hence marked his return to thesound-truck stage. As ECD was a familiar figureat demonstrations, frequently participating inprotests in front of METI and TwitNoNukes, hewas well-versed in the rhythms of Sprechchor.

MCAN began to organize large protests in theHibiya Park-Kasumigaseki area every three tofour months, which include a ral ly, ademonstration march through the area, and avigil surrounding the Diet Building. The first ofthese protests was on the anniversary of theearthquake and tsunami on March 11, 2012,when 14,000 people attended. For the nextdemonstration on July 29, 2012, Redwolf

suggested adding a sound truck. As Nomarecounted, "Since it was neither a staticdemonstration like Kantei nor named aTwitNoNukes demonstration, we thought, whynot? We suggested asking Akuryō to performon the truck because he is an effective callleader" (Noma interview). As in the July 7demonstration, ECD, ATS, and Noma joinedAkuryō on the sound truck.

Musical tactics in a participatory sound-truck performance

Format of a participatory sound demo

An analysis of the performance of Akuryō, ATS,E C D , a n d N o m a i n t h e a n t i n u c l e a rdemonstration in Kasumigaseki, Tokyo, on July29, 2012 is shown in a separate PDF file(https://apjjf.org/data/MANABE_Demonstrations_21Oct2013.pdf) in Fig. 1; the recording canb e h e a r d o n S o u n d c l o u d(https://soundcloud.com/i-zoom-i-rockers/ecd-akuryo-ats-on-i-zoom-i).17 True to Noma andAkuryō's intentions, Sprechchor comprisedsixty percent of the time of this performance(Fig. 2); with this emphasis on call-and-response, this sound demo was moreparticipatory than presentational. The rappersalso engaged with the audience and passers-byin several other modes. They talked to theaudience, explaining the demonstration topassers-by, introducing the performers, ortalking about their views in regular speechrhythm (without fitting them to the beat); theseinstances, which I call the speech mode,accounted for twenty-three percent of the time.Rappers a lso de l ivered speeches asimprovisations fitted rhythmically to the beats,which I call the freestyle mode; these instancesa c c o u n t e d f o r f i v e p e r c e n t o f t h i sdemonstration. Rappers also performed rapsthat they had either written or recorded; thismode of prepared raps, including improvisationand repeating of refrains, accounted for abouttwelve percent of the performance. Hence, them o r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l p a r t s o f t h e

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

24

performance—the prepared raps andfreestyle—only accounted for a sixth of the totaltime. In contrast, in the more presentationalperformances of the 2011 Shirōto no Ran sounddemos, prepared songs took up most of theperformance. Furthermore, the rappers rotatedthrough these modes—Sprechchor, preparedraps, freestyle, and speeches—with greatfrequency, with each mode usually lasting lessthan a minute. The longest lasting episodeswere the Sprechchor.

Fig. 1: Performance at sound demo of July29, 2012: Akuryo, ATS, ECD, and Noma( p l e a s e s e e s e p a r a t e p d f f i l e(https://apjjf.org/data/MANABE_Demonstrations_21Oct20131.pdf))

Fig. 2: Percent of total time spent inactivities; July 29, 2012 protest, Round 1

Sprechchor

Call-and-response Sprechchor existed beforesound demonstrations; the incremental changein sound demos is that they are in meteredrhythms, whereas they are not to a beat in anolder-style demonstration (e.g., the Gensuikindemonstration in the Ginza, March 2011(http://youtu.be/Llr7UTFRTTg?t=8m15s)).Some typical calls, with their typical rhythms,are given in Fig. 3. Note that both the tempo(ca. 70 bpm) and rhythm of these patterns (infours) are suitable accompaniments towalking.

Fig. 3: Basic Sprechchor patterns

The rhythms of these patterns tend not tochange from performance to performance,despite the diversity of musical tracks to whichrappers enunciate them. This constancy helpsprotesters to participate, no matter what trackis being played. To give variety to often-repeated slogans, rappers change the pacing.For example, at 4:07 on the Soundcloudrecording, ECD slows down the usual pace of"saikadō hantai" to double its length, in anaugmentation; conversely, he doubles thespeed of "Genpatsu hantai" (26:57 on therecording), in a dimunition. They also shift theirpitches and sometimes sing Sprechchor ineasy-to-remember (and often-repeating)melodies.

Sprechchor episodes lengthen when theprotesters' emotions are stirred—typically infront of offices of pronuclear organizations orcrowds of passers-by. The longest and mostdramatic stretch of Sprechchor in the July 29demonstration, lasting over six minutes,occurred in front of METI—the ministry then incharge of promoting and regulating nuclearpower, and thus responsib le for thebreakdowns in oversight and the restarting ofthe Ōi nuclear reactors (38:19ff). As the soundtruck approached the offices of METI, Akuryōb e g a n f r e e s t y l i n g(http://youtu.be/iryE3UXJAo4?t=19m00s)(37:49):

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

25

みんな見えてるか、左手には　そびえる経産省

あいつらが再稼働認めたも同じだぜ

マジで、くそったれ、経産省　原子力安全保安院？

マジで、呆然、全てがデタラメで

大飯原発　活断層があるって話じゃねえかよ

てめえらはちゃんと仕事しやがれ、この野郎！

Everyone, can you see coming upon your left, the towering METI[building]?

They're the guys who approved therestarting [of the nuclear powerplants], the one and the same.

Can you believe that? Scumbags!METI Nuclear and IndustrialSafety Agency?

Seriously, it's dumbfounding.Everything they say is bogus.

Isn't there talk that there's anactive fault at the Ōi nuclear powerplant?

Do your jobs right, you bastards!

Akuryō's freestyle, July 29,2012 (Original video by ken23qu,subtitles by Noriko Manabe).

Riding the groove of the Doors' "LA Woman(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pDlx-ZUj9qs)" at this symbolic location, Akuryō's freestyleeffectively riled the crowd. The shouts of"saikadō hantai" intensified as the soundbounced between the METI building and theglass exterior of the building facing it, and theepisode was lengthened as the sound truck was

stopped at a light. It made for a dramatic entryback to the starting point of Hibiya Park.Sprechchor also intensify in front of crowds ofpassers-by to whom the protesters perform,such as at intersections, in front of trainstations or plazas, or near overhead pedestriancrosswalks (e.g., 23:28ff, a four-minute episodeapproaching a crosswalk).

Photo: DJ Noma and rapper Akuryō, MCANantinuclear protest, July 29, 2012 (NorikoManabe)

Prepared raps and freestyle

As with presentational-style sound demos, ECDalso performed prepared raps that arepertinent to the antinuclear theme: theaforement ioned "Record ing ReportHangenpatsu Remix"; "Straight Outta 138," inwhich he implores people to speak out againstn u c l e a r p o w e r ; 1 8 a n d " B a b y C a r t(https://soundcloud.com/ecd-1/ecd) andPlacard," an ode to demonstration participants,particularly mothers holding a baby cart in onehand and a placard in another, who will "surelybe the ones who overturn nuclear power." Inthe context of a participatory sound demo, aprepared rap has the function of giving theprotesters a break and is particularlyappropriate in long stretches of road. Hence,ECD broke in to "Record ing Repor t

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

26

H a n g e n p a t s u R e m i x(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iryE3UXJAo4)" around the mid-point of the long walk upSotobori Dōri, which is empty on Sundays andcan therefore bore the protesters. Rather thanperform the rap as on their recordings (or as ina presentational-style demo), however, therappers tended to improvise around the refrainor repeat it, allowing other rappers andprotesters to join in. Hence, ECD only took 34seconds to recite his verse for "Straight Outta138" (Time 11:23 on Fig. 1), while he and theother rappers spent more time (one minute)repeating and responding to its refrain, "Yūkotokikaseru ban da, oretachi ga" (It's our turn tomake them listen to what we say).19 Similarly,he delivered only one verse for "RecordingReport" and "Baby Cart and Placard(http://youtu.be/iryE3UXJAo4?t=14m14s),"taking up only half a minute each. In contrast,most musicians at a more presentationallyoriented demonstration usually sing their entiresong, over multiple verses. Furthermore, in allcases but "Baby Cart," ECD rapped on the trackthat was playing rather than the backgroundtrack on his recordings; by not disturbing theflow of Noma's track choices and using analternative track, the improvisatory nature ofthe participatory performance was preserved.

Like prepared raps, a freestyle episode givesthe protesters a break from shoutingSprechchor. In the July 29 demonstration,Akuryō freestyled while the truck was stoppedin the middle of the long walk up Sotobori Dōri.More importantly, freestyling gives the rapperan opportunity to comment on landmarks alongthe route, as in the aforementioned example infront of METI.

Frequent rotation of microphones

Rappers in participatory style rotate the leadmicrophone frequently; in the July 29demonstration, the rappers generally did nottake the lead for much above three minutes,one exception being Akuryō's aforementioned

episode in front of METI. In contrast, inpresentational sound demos, each artist takesthe microphone through a set of about foursongs, lasting about 20 minutes. Theserotations help to support the aura of aparticipatory performance rather than apresentational one, as the performancebecomes a team effort, and no single performerhogs the stage to him/herself.

Interaction with musical track

Photo: Akuryō in front of METI, July 29,2012 (Noriko Manabe)

In addition to frequent rotations of rappers,Noma was constantly changing musical tracks,usually switching them over every two-to-threeminutes. The rappers had to react to the musicon the spot, helping to keep the performancelively. Periodically, Noma would cut out partsof the musical track during responses in theSprechchor; doing so allowed the protesters tohear the full force of their own volume,encouraging them to participate. He also cutthe track during prepared raps to emphasizethe punch line; for example, he let ECD rap"That's nuclear power—no doubt about it," thepunch line from "Straight Outta 138,"unmasked by accompaniment (11:57).Similarly, he anticipated the punch lines inAkuryō's freestyles, cutting the track to makestand out the words "Hoanin" (Nuclear andIndustrial Safety Agency) and "Do your jobs

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

27

right!" (37:49).

While Noma chose his selections out of musicalinterest, from time to time he played songs outo f t hemat i c i n t e res t . I n the MCANdemonstration on December 15, 2012, hebegan the demonstration by playing "New KidsI n T h e C i t y(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X8Sr5bE5FaM)" (1979) by Lizard, one of Japan's first punkrock bands. He explained,

I played it because the old guy whodrives the sound truck is Waka, thebassist from Lizard. Not only doeshe drive the truck, but he's also theguy who picks up the truck fromthe rental company, loads theequipment, and breaks it downafter the demo. The sound truck isnamed after him—The Lizard. I'doriginally decided to play itbecause I thought it would makehim smile. But then I listened tothe words, which say that weshould leave a new future for ourchildren. That's very much like ourSprechchor, "Protect our children,"and "Protect our future." And Ithought, "I have to play this"(Noma, interview).

Establishment of the participatory sounddemo style

It was a cold day on March 10, 2013, the eve ofthe second anniversary of the triple disastera n d t h e d a y o f M C A N ' s q u a r t e r l ydemonstration in Kasumigaseki. I joined thelarge crowd following the sound truck, whereATS and Akuryō took turns on the microphone,and Noma provided the tracks. Some tacticsfrom the July 2012 demonstration hadcongealed as an expected part of theperformance. When we passed METI, Akuryōfreestyled about METI's role as promoter of

nuclear power and launched into his sing-songcall , "Keisanshō wa genpatsu yamero(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1zPPwFotNTY&feature=youtu.be)," just as he had done onhis second round on the sound truck in the July2 9(http://www.youtube.com/edit?video_id=qeC_8IveT_g&ns=1) demonstration; protesterspumped their fists in the air. Noma againstopped tracks at the responses of theprotesters, so that they could hear the power oftheir calls. Meanwhile, the drum corpsalternated between Sprechchor and the"saikadō hantai" rhythm.

Photo: Noma, ATS, Akuryō at antinucleardemonstration, March 10, 2013 (NorikoManabe)

I did notice a few changes. Both Akuryō andATS seemed to fall into presentational style,with prepared raps and freestyles, more oftenthan in July 2012. Furthermore, the drum corpsseemed to have more people, giving rise toinevitable differences in skill levels. Both mayhave been consequences of time, as the rappersand the drum corps had had more time to settheir routines and try out a few new things.They may have also been responses to politicalcircumstances; since the LDP won the Lower

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

28

and Upper House elections, the number ofpeople at the weekly Kantei protests had fallento about three thousand—still substantial, butnot the headline-grabbing 200,000 of summer2012. While the March 10 demonstrationattracted 40,000 people throughout the day,the June 2 demonstration, 60,000, and theOctober 13, 2013 demonstration, 40,000, thesenumbers were lower than the 200,000 that hadcome to the July 29, 2012 demonstration.Perhaps this situation pushed the role of musicslightly back to that of attracting attention, sothat performances seemed to place a bit moreattention on the rappers themselves than inJuly 2012. Such incremental swings inrepertoire would be expected to adjust topolitical circumstances.

Changed circumstances also led to a differentperformance in MCAN's October 13, 2013demonstration. With the Ōi reactors shut downfor maintenance on September 15, 2013, thecountry is once again operating withoutnuclear power, yet awareness of this factappears low: in a recent survey, only 15% offreshmen at Osaka University were aware ofthis fact. 2 0 In response to this lack ofawareness, ECD rapped, "Nando tashikametemo genpatsu zero" (No matter how manytimes you check, there's no nuclear power), andcalled out the names of nuclear power plantsthat have applied to restart or were underconstruction (e.g., Ikata o yamero! Kaminosekiyamero!). ECD and ATS also shifted the focusof their calls to "Osensui tomero" (Stop thecontaminated water), referring to the ongoingleakage at Fukushima Daiichi. The mostdramatic performance that day was not in frontof METI, but in front of TEPCO, calling on it totake responsibility.

ATS, speech in front of TEPCO

The accumulated experience also helpedprotesters to voice their own protests. Much ofthe route on March 10, 2013 was through theperimeter of the Diet Building and LDP offices,

where the demonstrators were not allowed toplay instruments or show their placards andflags. At the threshold of this silent area, MisaoRedwolf stood on a truck with a megaphone,shouting Sprechchor. Not sure what to do, wemarched silently for a while up the hill towardthe Diet Building, until we passed by a fewsmall speakers, set up discreetly along theroad; they were projecting a caller shoutingS p r e c h c h o r(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8rwdoE_rppE). Hearing him inspired us to chime in withresponses to his calls. Our Sprechchor revivedand maintained a certain rhythm, without thebenefit of accompaniment or clear leaders.Having regained momentum, we carried on to aside street on which the headquarters of theLiberal Democratic Party are located. Theprotesters spontaneously erupted into theSprechchor, "Abe Shinzō wa genpatsu yamero(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FKbkoQzTxIc)" ([Prime Minister] Abe Shinzō, quit nuclearpower), shaking their middle fingers. The sceneechoed Akuryō's routines in front of the METIoffices, closely matching his rhythm, eventhough neither Akuryō nor any other performerwas present; it would have been hard toimagine that scene without the protestershaving seen and participated in his routine. Itwas this accumulated experience of protestingalongside musicians that allowed us to go onshouting Sprechchor, even without the benefitof their encouragement.

ATS, calls in front of TEPCO

Conclusion

The performances of Akuryō, ATS, ECD, andNoma emphasized participatory practices, asoutlined by Turino. The rappers made short,highly repetitive calls to which the protesterscould easily respond; they kept the rhythm ofindividual calls constant, also facilitatingparticipation. Upon this basis of Sprechchor,the rappers built an intensive series ofvariations, changing the speed of text

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

29

consumption, pitch, and melody. While thetracks changed every few minutes, they usuallyretained the groove of the previous track,providing smooth, continuous transitions to thenext track rather than the individual piecesthat are more typical of presentationalperformances. The style allowed protesters toshout Sprechchor with more energy andexcitement than they likely would have withoutthe music; as ATS explained, "If you call out aSprechchor with music, it comes back to you inan upsurge of energy."

The participatory style, which aims to minimizethe gap between performer and protester,required that rappers downplay their individualvirtuosity to serve the cause—a seemingcontradict ion with the braggadociostereotypically associated with rap. In keepingwith this philosophy, the rappers limited theirprepared raps to short segments and frequentlyrotated the microphone, never hogging it.

Let us now return to Tilly's point that changesin protest repertoires are driven by changes inpolitical opportunity structure, availableperformance models, and connections amongactors. In the case of the original sounddemonstrations of 2003, the idea of having atruck with a sound system itself was not new,as they had been used in Japan previously inChance! Peace Walks and LGBT parades. Whatwas truly new was the coming together ofAgainst Street Control, whose members had amore confrontational, reclaim-the-streetsphilosophy of demonstrations compared withWorld Peace Now; the f lavor of thesedemonstrations was hence sufficiently differentto merit a new name.

Between those demonstrations and theantinuclear demonstrations of 2011–13, thepurpose of the protest shifted from largely anexpression of discontent to a desire to changenational energy policies—a social movementseeking specific actions and long-term politicalchange. Such a movement required the

articulation of concrete messages, therebyshifting the predominant genre more towardthe verbally oriented one of rap. It alsorequired the building of solidarity andcommitment among protesters, orienting thedemonstrations toward more participatoryforms that involved the shouting of Sprechchor.The aggression of the police toward sounddemonstrations prompted a rethinking of thepotential roles of music, paving the way to amore participatory model.

The blossoming of participatory style grew outof a confluence of factors: the participation ofrappers in demonstrations as protesters ratherthan performers; the presence of Oda's drumcorps, with its participatory philosophy, atmany demonstrations, providing a rhythmicbase to Sprechchor; and surge in citizenoutrage over the restart of the Ōi nuclearpower plant in July 2012, giving them impetusto raise their voices at demonstrations. Theseperformance tactics were hence born of thestage in which the antinuclear movement founditself. As Futatsugi recounted:

A f t e r m o r e t h a n a y e a r o fparticipating in demonstrations,everyone has gotten used toshouting Sprechchor, and a fewphrases have become established.The rappers know to say them.That makes it possible to do a call-and-response style. It's a bigchange: you wouldn't have beenable to do that on April 10, even ifyou tried. On the other hand, ifMayuri were to play some brillianttechno track now, I don't think itwould have so much impact. In thepast year and a half, everyone'scaught on to making a politicalclaim and verbalizing a concretemessage. If back on April 10, wehad wanted to destroy some murkything we couldn't identify, we now

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

30

know much more clearly who theenemy is, and whom we have todefeat. We all want to say wordsand shout Sprechchor. ECD,Akuryō, ATS, and Noma take thatdesire and combine Sprechchorwith a live performance. That is abig change (Futatsugi, interview).

In the year since the peak of the antinuclearprotests in July 2012, the performance tacticshave solidified so that there are some expectedroutines, yet flexible enough to respond tochanges in priority, as in the shift in emphasisto the contamination issue and planned restartsin the October 13 demonstration. This formulahas proved portable: in 2013, other performerslike Rankin Taxi have adopted aspects of it onsound demos, and Sapporo and other citieshave held sound demos with participatoryperformances.

Furthermore, the participatory style of sounddemos has proven adaptable to other causes. In2013, Noma has busied himself as head of theCounter-Racist Action Collective (C.R.A.C.,formerly Reishisuto Shibaki-tai), a groupdedicated to countering the Zaitoku-kai, a neo-nationalist group denouncing the "privilegesgiven" to ethnic Koreans residing in Japan. The"tai," written as 隊 (corps), is a pun with たい(would like to), so that "shibaki-tai" means "thecorps that would like to tie up the racists."Despite i ts name and rough outwardappearance, the group has a non-violentphilosophy. Whenever the Zaitoku-kai stagedemonstrations through Korean neighborhoodsin Tokyo, in which they shout "die" and "gohome to Korea" at ethnically Korean children,the Shibaki-tai attempt to blockade itsprogress, by sitting in front of their trucks ifnecessary. On September 22, 2013, a "MarchAgainst Discrimination" took place in Shinjuku;it was a sound demo, with a rap sound truckwith Akuryō and ATS, a DJ sound truckdedicated to LGBT rights, and Oda's marching

musicians. Just as they had in the antinucleardemonstrations, Akuryō and ATS took turnsshouting the call-and-response patterns, butinstead of "Genpatsu yamero" (Stop nuclearpower), they shouted, "Sabetsu wa yamero"(End discrimination) and "Issho ni ikiyō" (Let'slive together). Meanwhile, Oda's band played"We Shall Overcome," its members havinglearned it from hearing Jintaramūta play it atpractically every antinuclear demonstration.Three thousand enthusiastic demonstratorsparticipated, some in traditional Koreanclothing. The participatory style of sounddemos, centered on rapped Sprechchor to thebeats, is here for the long haul, and is beingapplied to multiple causes.

Appendix: Deterrents to Musicians'Participation in Antinuclear Politics andDifferent Roles Taken

Since the early days of the Fukushima crisis,music has been one way by which citizens haveexpressed their antinuclear views. Songs likeSaitō Kazuyoshi's "Zutto uso dattandaze" (ItWas Always a Lie) and "Tōden ni hairō" (Let'sJoin TEPCO) have echoed the thoughts of manycitizens. Music has also helped citizens givevoice to their thoughts: Saitō's song was sungin street protests as early as April 2011; as Idiscuss, by mid-2012, rappers were helpingcitizens to verbalize their claims against thegovernment. However, the majority ofmusicians—particularly artists on major recordlabels— have been hesitant to make their viewsknown (Manabe 2012).21 The electric powercompanies, associated agencies, and nuclear-industry suppliers combined were not onlyamong the top advertisers in Japan but wereparticularly important sponsors of television -programming (Nikkei Advertising ResearchInstitute); as television was still the mostimportant venue for introducing recordingartists,22 most entertainers and industry staffconsidered it unwise to speak out againstnuclear power (Sakamoto Ryūichi, interviewwith the author, September 2012). Entertainers

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

31

who have spoken out have su f feredconsequences: in 2011, Yamamoto Tarō wasfired from his drama series and found himselfunable to find acting jobs after he participatedin demonstrations and made a video forOperation Kodomotachi, encouraging parentsto evacuate children from the 30-kilometerzone (Yamamoto 2012); only recently was hevindicated through winning a seat in the UpperHouse. Chindon band Jintaramūta lost a majoroverseas performing opportunity when themedia company realized it had participated inanti-nuclear power demonstrations (ŌkumaWataru, interview with the author, July 2012).23

In 2011, Saitō was one of very few Oricon24-charting artists to make his antinuclear viewsknown, and the initial YouTube video of his "ItWas Always a Lie"—in which he appears inanonymizing dark glasses—was claimed to havebeen accidently uploaded by an acquaintance(Asahi Shimbun, April 27, 2011). Many of thebetter-known artists playing antinuclear songsare those who had been brave enough to playin antinuclear events such as Atomic Cafe inthe 1980s (e.g., Katō Tokiko, Hamada Shōgo)or who have achieved an elder statesman'sstatus (e.g., Sawada Kenji). It has taken time,an upsurge of antinuclear sentiment in 2012,and events such as Sakamoto's No Nukes seriesof concerts (Manabe 2012) to encourage someyounger musicians to speak out. Nonetheless,an atmosphere still exists where artists, andthe population generally, feel uncomfortabletalking about the nuclear issue; as GotōMasayoshi of Asian Kung-Fu Generation saidduring the No Nukes 2013 concert in March,"I'd stopped saying antinuclear things recently.I'd started to wonder if I were a strange person[for being antinuclear]."

The recording industry censors itself,refraining from releasing recordings that namespecific persons or corporations (Dorsey 2013).In addition, it tends to avoid releasing explicitlyantinuclear songs: in 1988, Toshiba EMIdeclined to release RC Succession's Covers,which contained Iwamano Kiyoshirō's

antinuclear versions of "Summertime Blues"and "Love Me Tender"; and in 1997, Sonypulled Katō Tokiko's "Genpatsu Gypsy," aboutworkers at nuclear power plants, claiming thatthe word "gypsy" was discriminatory.25 Saitō's2011 album 45 Stones, much of which dealswith the nuclear crisis, relies heavily onmetaphors and allegories, never mentioning theword "genpatsu" (nuclear power)26 and onlyusing the word "hōshanō" (radiation) once inthe entire album, while Asian Kung-FuGeneration's antinuclear song is named "N2"rather than "No Nukes," for which it stands(Gotō Masafumi, No Nukes 2012). Generallyspeaking, the recording and broadcastingindustry has greatly preferred charity and ouen(encouragement) songs over explicitlyantinuclear songs, and events aimed at moralsupport for the stricken region (e.g., ProjectFukushima) have gotten more media coveragethan those with an explicitly antinucleartheme.27 The majority of antinuclear songs post-Fukushima have been contributed by musicianson independent labels; moreover, many ofthese songs began as anonymous uploads onYouTube, such as "Let's Join TEPCO" or theoriginal upload of Saitō's song.

Photo: Pronuclear Counter-Demonstratorsat Antinuclear Demonstration, July 29,2012 (Noriko Manabe)

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

32

Indeed, antinuclear music has appearedp r i m a r i l y i n f o u r c o n c e p t u a lspaces—cyberspace, festivals and concerts,recordings, and public demonstrations—whichdiffer in risk to both the performer and thelistener, as determined by 1) the degree towhich those within earshot of the performancehold views contrary to those of the performer,and 2) the level of privacy with which thelistener can listen to them. As explained above,it is r isky for a performer to state anantinuclear view; however, in front of a like-minded crowd at a protest rally or a no-nukes-themed festival (e.g., No Nukes 2012 and 2013,No More Fuckin' Nukes 2013, the Atomic Cafeat Fuji Rock), s/he might feel encouraged tomake more antinuclear comments (as with Gotōabove) or sing more antinuclear songs than at ageneral-interest festival like Summer Sonic orRock in Japan. From the listener's point ofview, Japanese citizens can feel themselves atrisk when they attend a demonstration, givenlarge police presence, while they can safelylisten to recordings of antinuclear music, on aCD or on the internet, in the privacy of theirown homes. A general schematic for thisconcept is sketched out in Fig. 4, with thehorizontal axis illustrating the potential numberof contrary-minded, pronuclear listeners("disagree") and the vertical axis denoting thenumber of other (physically present) peoplewith which the listener is experiencing themusic. Musicians typically separate themselvesin the environments in which they participate,balancing their commercial prominence againstthe riskiness of the environment. In Fig. 4, therange of environments in which differentsegments of musicians tend to participate isindicated in italics and through color filling,with yellow denoting independent artists, bluemajor-label artists, pink amateur musicians,and grey anonymous musicians.

Fig. 4: Schematic of different spaces inwhich protest music is heard

As v i sua l i zed on th i s char t , s t ree tdemonstrations are particularly high risk forboth performers and protesters: in walkingthrough the streets, they may encounter notonly passers-by who glare at them inannoyance but also counter-demonstrators whohold up their own placards and hurl epithetssuch as "Denki o tsukauna!" (Stop usingelectricity!) or "Hikokumin!" (Traitors!). Suchhostility compounds the less-than-idealcircumstances these musicians are alreadyfacing, such as bad weather, malfunctioningequipment, and the difficulties of performingwhile on top of a moving truck. Given thesedifficulties, major-label artists rarely perform inmarching demonstrations; while long-timemusician-activists like Katō Tokiko or Panta (ofZunō Keisatsu) have performed at rallies bySayonara Genpatsu and No Nukes More HeartsAll Star Demos, these rallies have much moresympathetic audiences than marchingdemonstrations: they are usually in the middleof parks, and people reach them purposefullyrather than stumble upon them, as with amarching demonstration. Only musicians whoseconvictions greatly exceed their potentialopportunity losses could afford to performunder such circumstances, and these musiciansare usually independents.

Noriko Manabe is Assistant Professor of Music(Ethnomusicology/Music Theory) andAssociated Faculty in East Asian Studies at

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

33

Princeton University. She is the author of abook on antinuclear protest music, tentativelytitled The Revolution Will Not Be Televised:Music, Media, and the Antinuclear Movementin Post-Fukushima Japan (Oxford UniversityPress, forthcoming). She has published articleson Japanese rap, hip-hop, new media, children'ssongs, and Cuban music in Ethnomusicology,Popular Music, Asian Music, Latin AmericanMusic Review, and several edited volumes.More information is available on her website(http://www.norikomanabe.com) or on hera c a d e m i c s i t e(http://princeton.academia.edu/NorikoManabe).

Recommended Citation: Noriko MANABE," M u s i c i n J a p a n e s e A n t i n u c l e a rDemonstrations: The Evolution of a ContentiousPerformance Model," The Asia-Pacific Journal,Vol. 11, Issue 42, No. 3, October 21, 2013.

References

Abe, Marié. 2010. "Resonances of Chindon-ya:Sound, Space, and Social Difference inContemporary Japan." Ph.D. Dissertation,Music, University of California, Berkeley.

Bakhtin, Mikhail. 1998. "Carnival and theCarnivalesque." In Cultural Theory and PopularCulture: A Reader, ed. John Storey, 250–59.New York: Pearson Education.

Deguchi, Masatoshi. 2008. “Toshi shukusai toshite no saundodemo: Senjutsu to shite noshukusa i . ” Se ika tsu gaku ronsō 13(September): 44–58.

Dorsey, James. 2013. "Breaking Records:Media, Censorship, and the Folk SongMovement of Japan's 1960s." In Asian PopularCulture: New, Hybrid, and Alternate Media, ed.John A. Lent and Lorna Fitzsimmons, 79–107.Lanham: Lexington Books.

ECD. 2007. Irubeki basho. Tokyo: Media SogoKenkyujo.

ECD, Ishiguro Keita, Isobe Ryō, Oda Masanori,Futatsugi Shin. 2005. "Tōkyō saundo demokaigi." In Oto no chikara: Sutoriito senkyohen,ed. De Musik Inter, 118–143. Tokyo: InpakutoShuppankai.

Garofalo, Reebee. 2011. "HONK! Pedagogy: ANew Paradigm for Music Education?" TheRadical Teacher 91 (September 11): 16–25.

Hayashi, Sharon, and Anne McKnight. 2005.“Good-bye Kitty, Hello War: The Tactics ofSpectacle and New Youth Movements in UrbanJapan.” Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique13/1 (Spring.): 87–113.

Manabe, Noriko. 2012. "The No Nukes 2012Concert and the Role of Musicians in the Anti-N u c l e a r M o v e m e n t . "(https://apjjf.org/-Noriko-MANABE/3799) TheAsia-Pacific Journal, Vol 10, Issue 29, No. 3,July 16.

______________. 2013. "Straight Outta Ichimiya:The Rise of a Rural Japanese Rapper(https://apjjf.org/-Noriko-MANABE/3889)." TheAsia-Pacific Journal (https://apjjf.org/), Vol. 11,Issue 5, No. 1, February 4.

Matsumoto Hajime. 2008. Binbōnin nogyakushū! Tada de ikiru hōhō. Tokyo: ChikumaShobō.

Mōri, Yoshitaka. 2003. Bunka=seiji. Chofu-shi:Getsuyosha.

_____________. 2005. “Culture = Politics: TheEmergence of New Cultural Forms of Protest inthe Age of Freeter.” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies6/1 (March): 17–29.

_____________. 2009. Sutoriito no shisō:Tenkanki to shite no 1990-nendai. Tokyo: NHKBooks.

Noiz. 2011. “'Saundo demo' shi kō: Hito wadonchansawagi no naka ni shakai henkaku noy u m e o m i r u k a

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

34

(http://mukofungoj.sanpal.co.jp/memorigilo/4677)." Mukofungoj Ĉiuloke, last modified October27, 2011, accessed July 21, 2013. Firstpublished in Anakizumu 12, August 2009.

Noma Yasumichi. 2012. Kinyō kantei mae kōgi:Demo no koe ga seiji o kaeru. Tokyo: KawadeShobō Shinsha.

Oda Masanori. 2003. "Bokura no sumu konosekai ni wa demo ni deru riyū ga ari, inu wahoeru ga demo wa susumu." Jōkyō 3/4/9(October): 210–23.

Oguma, Eiji. 2013. Genpatsu o TomeruHitobito: 3.11 Kara Kanteimae Made. Tokyo:Bungeishunjū.

Redwolf, Misao. 2013. Chokusetsu Kōdō NoChikara: “Shusō Kanteimae Kōgi.” Tokyo:Kureyon Hausu.

Reed, Thomas. V. 2005. The Art Of Protest:Culture And Activism From The Civil RightsMovement To The Streets Of Seattle.Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Tilly, Charles. 2008. Contentious Performances.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Turino, Thomas. 2008. Music as Social Life:The Politics of Participation. Chicago:University of Chicago Press.

Von Wilpert, Gero. 1989. Sachwörterbuch derLiteratur. Stuttgart: Kröner.

Wi l l i amson , P i e r s . 2012 . "Larges tDemonstrations in Half a Century Protest theRestart of Japanese Nuclear Power Plants(https://apjjf.org/-Piers-_Williamson/3787)." TheAsia-Pacific Journal 10/27/5 (July 2).

Yamamoto Taro. 2012. Hitor i buta i :Datsugenpatsu—tatakau yakusha no shinjitsu.Tokyo: Shueisha.

Notes

1 See the Appendix for an explanation of thesedifferent spaces in which musicians engage inthe antinuclear movement and some of themusicians involved. It also discusses the musicindustry's general reluctance to voice politicalopinions

2 Chindon bands are street bands that havetraditionally been hired for commercialpurposes but have also often been involvedwith social causes (Abe 2010).

3 Earlier demonstrations after March 11, 2011included those in front of TEPCO headquartersfrom March 18 onwards; by the Zenkoku RōdōKumiai Kōryū Sentaa (National Trade UnionExchange Center) in Shibuya, Tokyo, on March20; by Gensuikin in the Ginza, Tokyo, on March27; in Kasumigaseki, Tokyo, on March 31; andi n F u k u o k a o n A p r i l 9 . T h e r e w e r edemonstrations in several cities on April 10,including Kamakura, Nagoya, Sapporo, andToyama, as well as Shiba Park, Tokyo.

4 Some major-label musicians have performedon sound trucks. DJ Tasaka, who records on theKi-oon (Sony) label, performed in the May 7,2012 Shirōto no Ran demonstration. It is moreusual for him, however, to perform in an after-party than the demonstration itself.

5 Futatsugi Shin, "Rensai [dokyumento hangenpatsu demo (3)]: 'Tsuittādemo' to SayonaraA t o m(http://astand.asahi.com/magazine/wrnational/special/2012030200020.html)," Webronza (AsahiNewspapers), March 5, 2012.

6 Throughout the book, rhymes in lyrics areital ic ized, whi le repeated words areunderlined.

7 The Japanese have been using the Germanword "Sprechchor" to describe the call-and-response of slogans at demonstrations,marches, and other gatherings since at least

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

35

the worker's movements of the 1920s. InGermany, Sprechchor had been popular in thedrama and literature of the worker's movementof the 1920s and was appropriated later by theNazis (Von Wilpert 1989: 878–9).

8 Ryūsaku Tanaka, "Shinjuku Aruta ZenKakoikomi,'9 11 Datsu Genpatsu Demo' NiS o n a e(http://tanakaryusaku.jp/2011/09/0002881),"Tanaka Ryūsaku Journal, September 10, 2011.

9 Matsumoto, "Zendaimimon," MatsumotoHajime no nobi nobi daisakusen, op.cit.

10 Futatsugi, "Rensai," Webronza, op. cit.

11 Futatsugi, "Rensai," Webronza, op. cit.

12 The actual quote is "If a man does not keeppace with his companions, perhaps it isbecause he hears a different drummer. Let himstep to the music which he hears, howevermeasured or far away."

13 The first time was before the demonstrationon March 11, 2012, the one-year anniversary ofthe disaster, when the group wanted to exhibitmournfulness. The second was for the DatsuGenpatsu Suginami demonstration on May 6,commemorating the shutdown of all nuclearreactors in Japan for maintenance, where thegroup wanted to be celebratory. The third wasin August 2012, when the group had beeninvited to participate in a bon dance in Kōenji,prompting it to put together a ondō-rhythmversion of "Meltdown Blues," an improvisationpopularized in demonstrations in July 2012.

1 4 Akuryō, "Akuryō: 311 kara no kotoba(http://bmr.jp/feature/60138)," interview inBmr, accessed July 8, 2013.

15 The September 19, 2011 demonstration didnot feature a sound truck. All other No NukesAll Star Demos had sound trucks.

16 For the May 2012 demo, Noma played

breakbeats of Fela Kuti, reggae, and dub; in thedemonstrations of July and later, he added rockand funk. In December, he began using AbletonLive, which arranges pre-recorded clips along agrid and allows the DJs to pick which ones areplayed in real time (Noma, interview with theauthor).

17 i Zoom i Rockers, with ECD, Akuryō, andATS , "7 .29 F loa t Sess ions Round 1(https://soundcloud.com/i-zoom-i-rockers/ecd-akuryo-ats-on-i-zoom-i)," Soundcloud, July 29,2012.

18 See Manabe 2013 for an explanation of thissong.

1 9 This refrain is significant in that itintentionally recalls "Yūkoto kiku yōna yatsuraja naizo," ECD's rap of defiance againstexcessive police at the antiwar sound demos of2003. It became an anthem of the sound demosof the 2000s.

20 "'Genpatsu kadō zero' to kotaeta gakusei watatta 15%—handai ichinensei e no ankeeto de(http://www.alterna.co.jp/11771)," Alterna,accessed October 21, 2013.

21 This situation, and the varieties of responsesmusicians have taken to it, is explained indetail in my forthcoming monograph,tentatively titled The Revolution Will Not BeTelevised: Music and Musicians in theAntinuclear Movement Post-Fukushima (OxfordUniversity Press, forthcoming).

2 2 R e c o r d I n d u s t r y A s s o c i a t i o n o fJapan,"Ongaku media yūzā jittai chōsa(http://www.riaj.or.jp/report/mediauser/2012.html)," Fiscal Year 2012.

23 The company gave Jintaramūta a chance toregain the gig if they did not perform in theDatsu Genpatsu Suginami demonstration ofFebruary 19, 2012. The band performed in thedemonstrat ion. Matsumoto Haj ime,"Zendaimimon no uzōmuzō ga machi ni

APJ | JF 11 | 42 | 3

36

shutsugen! Datsu Genpatsu Suginami demo,i y o i y o s e m a r u !(http://www.magazine9.jp/matsumoto/120215/)," Matsumoto Hajime no nobi nobi daisakusen,February 15, 2012.

24 Oricon compiles sales data of musicalrecordings, like Billboard in the United States.See www.oricon.co.jp.

25 The song was originally written in 1981 as"Yami no jipushii."

26 His song, "Ōkami chūnen" (Middle-AgedLiar), begins with the exclamation "No Nukes!"Its directness was remarked upon bypractically every interview in the music press.The album climbed to number 2 on the Oriconcharts.

27 Project Fukushima, organized by musiciansŌtomo Yoshihide and Endō Michirō and poetWago Ryōichi, was held in August 2011, 2012,and 2013. Examples of the (many) charity/ouensongs include "Hana wa saku" and KuwataKeisuke's "Let's Try Again" (2011).