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The Council of Trent RevisitedAuthor(s): Craig A. MonsonReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Spring 2002), pp. 1-37Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the American Musicological SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jams.2002.55.1.1 .
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The Council
of Trent
Revisited
CRMG A. MONSON
h e
lastfiftyyearshavewitnessed significanteinterpretationot
only
of the
Council
of
Trent,
but
also of
its aftermath.
Long
regarded
as
a
reaction and counterattack
against
Protestantism,
a
viewpoint
that
originally
arose out of northern
European
historiography,
he conclave
has
been resituatedwithina
continuity
of Catholicreform and
popular
devotional
movements
spanning
many generations.
The Council
is no
longer
perceived
as an
ultimately
decisive
event,
which
by
its decrees
effectively
turned
Catholicism
aside from
centurties f
corruption,
but as a
primaryepisode
in
severalhundred yearsof reform. From this new standpointthe old phrase
Counter-Reformation,
while
perhaps
still
applicable
to
German
religious
historiography,
appears
to
distort
the wider
reality
of
ecclesiastical
history
in
the rest
of
Europe
and
beyond.
Hubert
Jedin's
alternatives,
Catholic
Reformation-Counter
Reformation,
recognized
the
pluralism
of
the
Catholic
tradition,
provoking
in
turn
John
O'Malley's
Early
Modern
Catholicism. The
expanding
time frame
of Catholic
reform,
which
jean
Delumeau
had first
extended
from Luther
to
Voltaire,
subsequently
broad-
ened even
fuirther
o stretchfrom
the
thirteenth
to the
eighteenth
centuries.'
This
paper
is
respectfully
dedicatedto
Lewis
Lockwood.
Preliminary
ersions were
presented
at
the
Convegno
Internazionale
di Studi in
Occasione del
Quarto
Centenario
della Morte
di
Giovanni
Pierluigi
da
Palestrina,
Palestrina,
October
1994
(in
whose
proceedings
an
alternative
text
may eventually
be
published)
and at the
Sixty-sixth
Annual
Meeting
of
the
American
MusicologicalSociety,Toronto,
November
2000. It
has
greatly
benefited
from the
suggestions
and
observationsof
RichardSherr
andthe
two
anonymnous
eaders or this
Journal.
I
also
wish
to
thank
Leofi-anc
Holford-Strevens
or his
perceptive
advice
and
commentary
on
the
Latin
transla-
tions, and, indeed,
on
inaccuracies hat
had
crept
into
published
versionsof the Latin
originals.
1. See, in particular,Hubert Jedin, KatbolischeReformationoder Gegenreformation? in
Versuch ur
Kiarung
der
Begriffe
nebst
einer
Jubilaumsbetrachtung
uiber
das
Trienter
Konzil
(Lucerne:
Josef
Stocker,
1946);
John
W.
O'Malley,
Was
Ignatius Loyola
a Church
Reformer?
How to Look
at
Early
Modern
Catholicism,
The
CatholicHistorical
Review77
(1991):
177-93;
Paolo Prodi and
Wolfgang
Reinhard,
eds.,
II
Conciliodi
Trento
il
moderno
Bologna:
EI
Mulino,
1996);
as well as
Prodi's
earlier
writings
such
as II
binomio
jediniano
'Riforma
cattolica
e
Controriforma'
la
storiografia taliana,
Annuali
dell'Istituto
torico
talo-germanico n
Trento
6
(1980):
85-98,
and Controriforma
/o
Riforma
cattolica:
Superamento
di vecchi
dflemimi
nei
[
Journal
ofteheAmerican
usicological
ociet
2002,
vol.
55,
no.
1
?
2002
by
the
American
Musicological
ociety.
All
rights
eserved.
003-0139/02/5501-0001$2.00
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2
Journal of the American
Musicological
Society
The familiar
old
legend
of Palestrinaand his Missa
Papae
Marcelli
saving
church
music from the Council's
attacks,
first
apparently
aised
by
Agostino
Agazzari n 1607 and elaborated epeatedlyover the centuriesbeforereceiving
its most
artistic
treatment
in
Hans Pfitzner's
opera
Palestrina
(1917),
has
largely
been
laid to rest.2
Yet
considerable
confusion has continued to
sur-
round
the
place
of music
at Trent.
By revisiting
he voluminous
primary
and
secondary
iteratureon
Trent,
some of which remains
unpublished,
this
essay
reconsiders
how the
Council
treated
the issue
of
music. It
attempts
to
distin-
guish
between what was
presented
about
music in
importantpreliminary
de-
liberations,
ess familiar
o
music
historians,
and the
specific
stipulations
hat
Council
members
eventually
chose
to make
official,particularly
t the
twenty-
second session. The failure
o
make such a distinction has contributed to
sig-
nificant
misunderstanding
n
musical
scholarship
until
very recently.3
For the
Council
actually
chose to
say
as
little as
possible
about
music-much
less,
in
nuovi
panoramistoriografici,
Romische
historische
Mitteilungen
31
(1989):
227-37; and,
finally,
John
W.
O'Malley's
recent Trentand All
That:
Renaming
Catholicism n the
Early
ModernEra
(Cambridge
and
London: Harvard
University
Press,
2000).
On
the
expanding
time frame of
Catholic
reform,
see
Jean
Delumeau,
CatholicismBetweenLuther
and
Voltaire:
A
New
View
of
the
Counter-ReformationLondon:Burns andOates, 1977); and idem, Lepeche t la peur:La culpa-
bilisation
en
Occident,
XIIIe-XVIIIe
siecles
Paris:
Fayard,1983).
2. Lewis H.
Lockwood, ed.,
Palestrina:
Pope
Marcellus
Mass,
prints
several ersionsof
the
leg-
end,
from
Agazzari(1607)
to
Giuseppe
Baini
(1828),
along
with
very
useful
commentary([New
York:
Norton,
1975],
28-36).
Jessie
Ann
Owens's reconsideration
f Palestrina's
eforming
role,
WasPalestrina
Reformer?
Rethinking
the
Myths
of
Reform,
presented
at
the
Yale
University
colloquium
series
Religious
Reformations:
Liturgy,Theology
and the Arts
in the
Early
Modern
Period
n
November
1998,
revisits he whole
question
but
remains
unpublished.
I wish
to thank
Professor
Owens
for
sharing
t with me.
3. Edith
Weber's Le
Concile
de
Trenteet la
musique:
De la
Reforme
a la
Contre-Reforme
ro-
vides one of the cleareroutlines of eventsat the Council,though it concentrateson events at the
general congregations
and
sessions,
and
misinterprets
he
outcome
of the
twenty-fifth
session as
it
concerned music
([Paris:
Honore
Champion,
1982],
65-95).
In
Ius musicae
liturgicae:
Dissertatio
historico-iuridica,
iorenzo
Romita
incorporates
a
wider
range
of documents in
a rela-
tively
brief discussion
([Taurini:
M.
E.
Marietti, 1936],
56-64).
Robert
F.
Hayburn's Papal
Legislation
on
Sacred
Music,
95
A.D.
to
1977
A.D.
provides
translationsof the documents from
Romita
but
is often
vague
or inaccurate
about
their contexts
([Collegeville,
Minn.:
Liturgical
Press, 1979],
25-31).
Events
at
the
Council
have
been
briefly
but
accurately
summarized in
Agostino
Borromeo,
La storia delle
cappelle
musicali vista
nella
prospettiva
della
storia della
chiesa,
in
La
Cappella
Musicalenell'Italia
della
Controriforma,
d. Oscar Mischiatiand Paolo
Russo (Cento: Centro studi G. Baruffaldi,1993), 229-37; Oscar Mischiati, I1Concilio di
Trento e la
polifonia:
Una diversa
proposta
di lettera
e
di
prospettiva
bibliografica,
n Musica
e
liturgia
nella
riforma
tridentina,
ed.
Danilo
Curti and Marco
Gozzi
(Trent:
Provincia
autonoma
di
Trento,
Servizio
beni librari
e
archivistici,
1995),
19-29;
and,
regarding
the
twenty-fifth
ses-
sion,
Robert
Kendrick,
CelestialSirens:
Nuns
and
Their
Music in
Early
ModernMilan
(Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press,
1996),
58-59. See
also
Craig
Monson,
Catholic
Reform,
Renewal,
and
Reaction,
n
vol. 4 of
The
New
Oxford
History
of
Music,
rev.
ed.,
ed.
James
Haar
(Oxford:
Oxford
University Press,
in
press
since
1993);
and
idem,
Another
Look
at Musical
Reform at the
Council
of
Trent,
in
Atti del
III.
Convegno
di Studi
Palestriniani in occasione
del
Quarto
Centenario
della
morte di
Giovanni
Pierluigi,
1994,
ed.
Giancarlo
Rostirolla
(Palestrina:
Fondazione
Giovanni
Pierluigi
da
Palestrina,n presssince 1995).
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The
Council
of Trent
Revisited 3
fact,
than
many
music
historianshave
commonly
suggested.
Such
a
reconsid-
eration of the deliberative
process
at
Trent
points up
the extent to which
the
Council lackeda clearprogram,was selectiverather han all-encompassingn
its
concerns,
and was
characterized
y
compromise
and,
in
some
cases,
confu-
sion.
Consequently,
historians'
attempts
to
single
out
looming,
individual
saviorsor
enemies
of
church
music at the Council
have
been
misguided.
I
fur-
ther
suggest
that when it came
to
music,
the
one
mandate that
proved
to
be
the most
important
to the future
implementation
of the Tridentine
decrees,
though largely
gnored by
modern
musical
historiography
ntil
quite
recently,
was
the
delegation
of
responsibilities
o
provincial ynods
and local
episcopal
authorities in the twenty-fourth session. It not only encouraged a post-
Tridentine sacred
music
considerably
more
diversethan
generally
envisioned
in
much modern
musical
scholarship,
but also
appears
o have
prompted
an
immediate
amplification
n
Rome of
criteria or
musical reform
at the local
level.
This
modification soon
came
to
be
widely
perceived
and
accepted
as
iuxta formam
concilii,
a
perception
that has
continued down
to
our
own
day.
Finally,
xpanding
our
view to
include the
Council's work for
the
twenty-
fifth session
(involving
the
reform
of
religious
orders)
sheds
light
on a
little-
known and
often
misunderstood
attempt
at Trent
to enact
measures that
would
severely
restrictmusic in
convent
churches.
Preliminary
Deliberations and
Official
Pronouncements
in
the
Twenty-second
Session
(1562)
For
prelates
at the
Council
of
Trent,
musical
mattersdid
not
loom
large.
This
is not
surprising,
f
course,
since
music
had little
connection with
questions
of
doctrineor politics,which characterizedhe issuespredominatingduringthe
third and final
period
of the
Council in
1562-63:
communion
in
both
kinds,
episcopal
residency,
clandestine
marriage,
and reform
of
the Curia.4
Only
in
4. Between
1545
and
1563,
the
Council of
Trent
met
during
three
periods
(1545-47,
1551-52,
and
1562-63).
The
majority
of
its work
took
place
in
informal,
often
private
gather-
ings,
which
culminated in
daylong
public sessions,
where
decrees
were
formally
approved
and
read.
Of
the
twenty-five
formal
sessions,
often
separatedby
weeks or
months of
preliminary
de-
bate,
only
seventeen
concerned
doctrine
and
reform;
the
remainder
were
ceremonial,
nvolving
the
formal
opening
and
reopenings,
prorogations,
and
closing
of
the
convocation.
Issues of
doc-
trine and reform
were
considered
simultaneously,
ommonly by subcommittees,
meeting
concur-
rently,
with the
intention
that
each
doctrinal
decree
be
accompaniedby
relevant
reform
decrees.
In
initial,
so-called
particular
ongregations,
bishops
witnessed
debates on an
issue
by specialists,
after
which the
papal egates,
who
managed
the
Council,
presided
over the
bishops'
private
discus-
sions of
the
matter in
general
congregations.
Only
then
were the
resulting
canons
and
decrees
publicly
presented,
voted
upon,
and
promulgated
in
a
session.
The
first
period
(13
December
1545 to 2
June
1547,
first o
tenth
sessions)
confronted
the
primary
points
of
doctrine
previously
raised
by
the
Protestants:
he
function
and
interpretation
of
the
scriptures
and
their
essential
relationship
o
tradition;
original
sin
and
justification;
he
sacraments n
general,
and
bap-
tism and confirmation n particular; nd initialdiscussionsof episcopalduties, obligations,and
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4
Journal
of the
American
Musicological
Society
the
twenty-second
and
twenty-fourth
sessionsof
that
period,
as has
frequently
been
discussed,
as well as in
the much less
familiar
wenty-fifth
session,
did
musicfinally ind aplaceamidstthesetopics.
Attitudes toward
major
doctrinal
issues,
especially
as
expressed by
the
French and
Austro-German factions most
strongly
beset
by Protestantism,
reflected
a
direct reaction to that threat
and
were sometimes couched
in
counter-reformational
erms. When it came
to
music,
however,
the
pro-
nouncements of the more
reform-minded
participants
t Trent seem
less a re-
action to
Protestantism han
a continuation of
the reform tradition
extending
back
substantially
before
the Council. In
this
respect,
interest
in
musical re-
form at
the Council was
part
of
long-standing
concerns with
Catholic reform
and renewal whose
continuity
with the
post-Tridentine
period
has been ex-
plored
in
recent
years.5
n
many
details,
prelates'
attitudestoward
musicalre-
form
were
also
closely
akin
to some of the less
extreme
Protestant
reactions o
music,
both before the
third session of the
Council
(e.g.,
Luther's)
and more
or less
concurrently
e.g.,
Queen
Elizabeth
I
of
England's).
Scholars such as Karl
Gustav Fellerer
and
Lewis Lockwood
recognized
Tridentine
pronouncements
on music as the
continuation
of an
earlier radi-
tion of
complaints
about the
state of church
music.6But music
historianshave
not alwaysrecognizedhow closelysome of the most significant iguresat the
Council
were linked to the
earlier raditionof
Catholic
reform,
even as it re-
lated to
music.
Musicologists
tend to remember
Angelo Massarelli,
or exam-
ple,
who,
as
Pope
Marcellus
II's
secretary,
ecorded his familiar
diaryentry
in
1555
about Marcellus's
negative
reaction to
the
papal
choir's
inappropriately
joyful
Good
Friday
music,
as
well as the
pope's
subsequent
exhortation for
textual
comprehensibility.7
ut
before
his
election as
pope
in
1555,
Marcello
Cervini
had
already
served as
papal legate
at
the Council of
Trent
during
its
first
period,
while
Massarelli
also acted
as
secretary
o the
Council,
as scruti-
neer of
the
votes,
and as
protonotary
of the
sessions
during
all
three
periods,
from
1545
until
1563.
residency.
The second
period (1
May
1551 to
28
April 1552,
eleventh
to sixteenth
sessions)
con-
tinued
work on
the sacraments
penance,
extreme
unction,
Christ'sreal
presence
n
the
eucharist),
episcopal urisdiction,
and
benefices.
The third
period (17
January
1562 to 4
December
1563,
seventeenth
to
twenty-fifth
sessions)
addressed ssues of
the
Mass,
reception
of
both
bread and
wine at
communion,
marriage,purgatory,episcopalresidency,
and
severalother
matters,
nclud-
ing
veneration
and invocation
of
saints,
relics
and
images,
holy
orders,
clerical
education,
service
books,
and
music.
5.
Of the
sources in
note 3
above,
see in
particular
he
insightful
summary
and
analysis
n
Kendrick,
Celestial
Sirens,
1-8;
and
Borromeo,
La
storia delle
cappelle
musicali.
See also
Monson,
Catholic
Reform,
Renewal,
and Reaction.
6.
Karl
Gustav
Fellerer,
Church
Music and
the
Council
of
Trent,
Musical
Quarterly
39
(1953): 578-80;
and Lewis H.
Lockwood,
The
Counter-Reformation
nd the
Masses
f
Vincenzo
Ruffo
(Vienna:
Universal
Edition,
1969),
74-75.
7.
Printed n
Lockwood,
ed.,
Palestrina:
Pope
Marcellus
Mass,
18.
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The Council
of Trent Revisited
5
More
significant,
Girolamo
Seripando,
sometime vicar
general
of
the
Augustinians,
who
attended the first
period
of the Council on behalfof his
or-
der and served aspapal egate at the thirdin 1562-63, had begun instituting
regional
reformsof church
music
in
the
1540s,
a fact
previously
unnoticed
by
musicologists.
His
successor
as
papal egate,
Giovanni
Morone,
more
familiar
to
music
historians,
had made similarreforms at Modena
in
the 1530s.8
The
committee
appointed
to
gather
the
abusesof the
Mass,
in
preparation
or
the
twenty-second
session,
was chaired
by
the humanist Ludovico
Beccadelli,
archbishop
of
Ragusa,
a chief
figure
of the
reforming
party,
and former
secre-
tary
to
the remarkableCardinal
Gasparo
Contarini,
who
had
been at
the
cen-
ter of Paul
III's
pre-Tridentinereform movement. It was Beccadelliwhom
Bishop
BernardinoCirillohad
urged
in
an
oft-quoted
letter of
1549
to
see to
it that
the
praises
of
the Lord are
sung
well and
in
a manner
different from
those
of secular
texts. 9
A
dozen
years
later,
back at
Trent,
Beccadelli was
attempting
to do
just
that.
Musical
practices epresented
ust
one
of
manyrelatively
minor matters hat
were to be
taken
up
among
abuses
of
the Mass at the
twenty-second
session
in
September
1562. The
preliminary
work for the
session has been
called a
parenthesis
between the
major
tumults of
the
twenty-first
session
in
mid
Julyand the new tensionsprovoked by the revivalof the issue of episcopalres-
idency
and
by
the arrival f the
cardinalof Lorraine
and the French
contingent
in
the
autumn.10
All
the
issues
for
that
session were
repeatedly
revised,
specifically
o
avoid
extreme
positions
that
might
provoke
long-winded
discussions n
the
general
congregations.
To
this
end,
Beccadelli'smultinational
committee,
appointed
on
20
July
1562
and
including
representatives
of
Italy,
Spain,
France,
and
Austro-Hungary,
met several
imes
betweenlate
July
and 8
August,
collecting
and collatingvarioussuggestionsregardingreforms.11As Beccadelliput it on
8. On
Morone's
reform,
see
Lewis
H.
Lockwood,
Vincenzo
Ruffo and
Musical Reform
After the
Council of
Trent,
Musical
Quarterly
43
(1957):
esp.
343 and n.
5;
idem,
Some
Observations
on the
Commission of
Cardinals and
the Reform of
Sacred
Music
(1565),
Quadrivium
7
(1966):
esp.
41-44;
and
idem,
The
Counter-Reformation,sp.
44-45 and
74-79.
On
Seripando's reform,
see Hubert
Jedin,
Papal Legate
at the
Council
of
Trent,
Cardinal
Seripando,
rans.
FredericE. Eckhoff
(St.
Louis, Mo.,
and
London:
Herder,
1947),
201.
Jedin
also
comments that
Morone
had
banned
figured
singing
at Modena in
1537,
citing
Pietro
Tacchi
Venturi,
Storiadella
Compagnia
di
Gesu
n
Italia,
vol.
1
(Rome:
Civilta
cattolica,
1950),
203.
9. BernardinoCirillo's letter is printedin Lockwood, ed., Palestrina:PopeMarcellusMass,
10-16.
10.
Paolo
Prodi,
II
Cardinale
GabrielePaleotti
(1522-1597)
(Rome:
Edizioni di
storia e
let-
teratura,
1959-67),
1:137.
11.
In
addition
to
Beccadelli,
he
committee
included Giulio Pavesi,
archbishop
of
Sorrento;
Urbanus
Vigerius
della
Rovere,
bishop
of
Senigallia;
Martin de
Cordoba
y
Mendoza,
bishop
of
Tortosa;
Bernardo
del Bene,
bishop
of
Nimes;
Martin
Rettinger,
bishop
of
Lavant;
and
Andreas
Dudith,
bishop
of
Knin.
See
Concilium
Tridentinum:
Diariorum,
actorum,
epistularum,
rac-
tatuum,
nova
collectio,
didit
Societas
Goerresiana,
3 vols.
(Freiburg:
Herder,
1901-
) (hence-
forth
indicated
CT),
8:721.
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6
Journal
of the American
Musicological
Society
23
July,
We're n the midst of
the abuses
of the
Mass,
which
is a
field
filled
with
prickly
burdock. '12
Although
not
actuallyappointed
to the
subcommit-
tee, nor a voting member of the generalcongregations,a key figure in the
drafting
of
documents
during
the hectic final
days
before
the
twenty-second
session was Gabriele
Paleotti,
auditor
of
the
rota and future
archbishop
of
Bologna,
who is
credited
with
having composed
the
canons on abuses.13
Paleotti
records
n
his
history
of the Council that
during
the
subcommittee's
deliberations,
various
prelatesbrought up many
abuses
in
the
Mass that
did
not all merit consideration
ndividuallyby
the
generalcongregations.14
There was considerable elevant
material,
ome
of it
twenty years
old.
A
few
musicalreferences
dating
from
significantly
efore the
meetings
of Beccadelli's
committee are outlined below
in
Appendix
1. The decrees of the Council
of
Poissy
of
October
1561,
which articulated he Gallican
view,
and the much
discussed reform
suggestions
of the
Emperor
Ferdinand,
offered
early
in
1562, had
a
major
mpact
on the
Council,
though
music is a
relatively
minor
matter
in
them.
Significantly,
a
comparable
Italian list of reforms
virtually
ignores
music.
Precious
ittle, however,
has come down to us from
the
directsubmissions
to Beccadelli's committee
in
the summer of 1562. The observations of
StanislausHosius, bishop of Ermland,sometime nuncio to the Holy Roman
Emperor,
and one of the less effective
papal legates
who
governed
the
Council,
survived
n
Beccadelli's
personal
papers:
Abuses
egarding
he sacrifice f the Massnoted
by
the Most
Reverend
ishop
of Ermland nd
presented
o the
council....
Abuses,
ith
regard
o ceremonies
and solemn ites....
Around he momentof the elevationof the most
holy
sacrament, hen,
as it
were,
a
lofty
silence
ought
to be observed
by everyone,
anda
focused ommemorationf the
Lord's
death,
organs
makea
great
noise
and musiciansing,and some otherthings ntrudewhich,apartromthe fact
that
hey
are
untimely,
lso
requently
ppear
o recall
omething
icentious nd
to distract
ouls rom
piritual
nclinations.
In
the
singing
at the timeof
the
sacrament,
herehas
begun
o be much
i-
centiousness,
gainst
he
custom of the ancient
church.For
prophetic
and
apostolic
words in
the
Epistles
are
sometimesomitted andmutilated.The
Creed s not
recited
omplete,
nor the
Preface,
which s
also
an
expression
f
thanks,
nd the
Lord's
prayer,
oo,
is
suppressed,
or the
sakeof musicmade
12.
Saremo
ntorno
agli
abusidella
Messa,
he e un
campopieno
di
lapole.
Beccadelli's
comment
appears
n
Giambattista
Morandi, ed.,
Monumenti
di
varia letteratura
ratti
dai mano-
scritti di
Monsignor
LodovicoBeccadelli
arcivescovo
i
Ragusa,
vol. 2
(Bologna: Stampe
di S.
Tommaso
'Aquino,
804),
355.
13.
Fora detailed
nd
meticulously
ocumented
nalysis
f Paleotti'sole
at
Trent,
ee
Prodi,
II
Cardinale Gabriele
Paleotti,
esp.
1:121-92.
14.
Quod
abusus
missae
pectat,
ummulta
quae
a variis
atribus
roponebantur
onvider-
entur
digna
sse
maiestateanti
consessus,
lacuit
a
potiusgenerali uadam
acultate
omplecti,
ut
ordinarii
is
ex
prudentia
ua
providerent CT3,
pt.
1,
p.
429).
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The
Council of
Trent Revisited 7
togetherby
singers,
musicians,
nd instruments.
y
a novel
and
remarkable
contrivance,
are s taken n some churches hat
this
greatmystery
hall
be
completed without much labor of singing, praying, meditating,and they rush
to the
end,
as
if
concern in the church were with the
belly,
not with
piety,
and
with the
world,
not with Christ.15
Otto
Braunsberger
claimed that Hosius's
compendium
must reflect the
input
of Saint Peter
Canisius,
who had sent
a
list of abuses of the
Mass,
now
lost,
to
Hosius on
3
August
1562. This
intriguing
possibility
seems
unlikely,
however,
since
the
saint's
lost
compendium
arrived on
8
August,
the
day
of the
commit-
tee's final
meeting,
too late
to receive much attention.16
The collection of abuses from 1562 surviving in the Nachlass of Bartolo-
maei a
Martyribus
probably represents
a
general summary
of
various submis-
sions rather than a list he
had
presented
directly
to Beccadelli:
Concerning
various
abuses,
which were
furtively
ntroduced
in
the
Mass;
they
were
brought up by
several athersat
the Council of Trent
in
1562....
10.
Let
not
only profanesongs
be
removed from the church or
sanctuaries,
but
likewise
singing
that
conceals the
text,
such as there is in
polyphony.17
These materials
consistently deplored
music that
interrupted
or
obscured the
sacred words of the Mass, went on too long, was inappropriate to the solem-
nity
of
particular occasions,
or
was
overtly
secular if
not
downright
lascivious.
Bartolomeo's note
summarized
what would remain
the two
most
important
issues at the
Council
regarding
music.
15.
Abusus circa
Sacrificium
Missae ab Rtmo
Wormiensi
[recte:
Warmiensi]
notati ac
Concilio
exhibiti....
Abusus ex
parte
Caeremoniarum,
et Rituum
solemnium....
Circa eleva-
tionem SacrosanctaeEucharistiae um altum quoddam silentium,et intenta Dominicae mortis
commemoratio ab
omnibus adhiberi
deberet,
perstrepunt
organa,
cantillant et
Musici,
et
alia
quaedam nteriiciuntur,
uae
praeterquamquodntempestiva unt,
etiam
saepe
lascivum
quiddam
referre,
t a
spiritualibus
tudiis animos
avocarevidentur.
In
cantionibus
sub sacro
magna
caepit
esse licentia
contra veteris
Ecclesiae
morem.
Omittuntur
enim,
et decurtantur
nterdum
verba
Prophetica,
et
Apostolica
in
Epistolis.
Non
recitatur
ntegre Symbolum
Fidei,
non
Praefatio,
quae
et
gratiarum
ctio:
supprimitur
t
praecatio
Dominica
propter
Cantorum,
Musicorum,
et
Organorum
concentum.
Nova,
et
mirabiliarte
curatur n
quibusdamEcclesiis,
ut
sine
magno
labore
cantandi,
orandi,
meditandi
hoc tantum
mysterium
peragatur,
et ad finem
curritur,
veluti
major
ventris,
quam pietatis, mundi,
quam
Christi n templocuraesset (Morandi,ed., Monumenti2:258).
16.
Peter
Canisius,
Epistulae
t
acta,
ed. Otto
Braunsberger,
ol.
3
(Freiburg:
Herder,
1901),
473-75.
Canisius's etter
appears
on
p.
474.
Stephen
Ehses
accepted
Braunsberger'sroposal
n
CT 8:916 n. 1.
For
Hubert
Jedin's
suggestion
that
Canisius's list
arrived
too
late,
see his
Geschichte
esKonzils
von Trient
Freiburg:
Herder,
1950-75),
vol.
4,
pt.
2,
p.
340 n.
22.
17.
Circavarios
abusus,
qui
in
missa
subintroducti
unt,
fuerunt
haec
postulata
a
nonnullus
patribus
n
Conc.
Tridentino anno
1562.... 10.
Tollanturde
Ecclesia,
seu
templis
non
solum
cantus
prophani,
sed etiam
cantus
occultans
literam,
qualis
est
in
figurata
modulatione
(Bartholomaei
a
Martyribus,
Opera
omnia,
ed.
Malachia
d'Inguimbert,
vol. 2
[Rome:
Typis
Hieronymi
Mainardi,1735], 408).
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8
Journal
of the
American
Musicological
Society
The
following
note on
music
appeared
among
the first
suggestions finally
presented
by
Beccadelli's ommittee
to
the
papal egates
on 8
August:
It mustalsobe considered hether he kindof music hathasnow becomees-
tablished
n
polyphony,
hichrefresheshe ear
morethan he mindandwhich
seems
o
incite asciviousnessatherhan
religion,
houldbe abolishedrom he
Masses,
n
which
things
are
often
sung,
such as della cacciaand la
battaglia.18
It is
important
to
recognize
that this was not a
decree,
but
only
a
proposed
subject
for
discussion,
as the word animadvertendum makes clear.
This ver-
sion
was
neither
presented
for
consideration
n the
general congregations
nor
publishedamong
the decrees
of
the Council.
The
specific
mention
of la
caccia
and la battaglia presumably efers o Janequin's Lachasse:Gentilz veneurs
and La
guerre:
Escoutez
tous
gentilz,
to the various imitations
they
spawned,
and to
Janequin's
own Missa
super
La
bataille,
published
in
Moderne's
Liber
decemmissarum
Lyons,
1532).
The document recalls
n in-
teresting
ways
the remarks
on
lasciviously
ndecorous church
music,
having
as
much to do with secular
mpropriety
as with
outright
lewdness,
from
Nicola
Vincentino's L'antica
musica
ridotta
alla
moderna
prattica,
published
in
1555:
Somecomposersettheseworks theMass]naway hatupsets he entire ub-
ject
of the
Mass,
which
requires
means
of movement hat s
grave
and more
filled
with
devotion hanwith
worldly leasure.
ome
compose
a Mass
upon
a
madrigal
r
upon
a
French
hanson,
r
upon
La
Battaglia ;
nd
when
such
pieces
areheard n
church
hey
cause
veryone
o
laugh,
or
t almost
eems
as
f
the
temple
of the
Lordhad becomea
place
for the
utterance
f
bawdy
and
ridiculousexts-as if
it hadbecomea
theater,
n which t is
permissible
o
per-
form
all
sortsof
music
of
buffoons,
owever idiculous nd
ascivious.19
On 19 August the legatesreferred his summaryback to Beccadelli's om-
mittee for further
revision. The
legates' goal
was
to
presentproposals
to the
generalcongregations
n
a
form
that
would be
readily
accepted
and not
pro-
voke
the inordinate
discussion
ikely
to
occur
if
individual
bishops
outlined in
detail the abuses in
their
own dioceses.
In a
new,
revisedversion
resubmitted
to the
papal
legates
around
25
August,
the reference to
music
had been
substantially
ttenuated:
Also let the
mannerof music n
divine
services
be
restored o the
standard
whichJohnXXIIprescribedntheExtravagantescommunes,ib.3, tit.1,cap.
18.
Item
animadvertendum,
n
species musicae,
quae
nunc invaluit n
figuratis
modulation-
ibus,
quae magis
aures
quam
mentem recreatet
ad
lasciviam
potius
quam
ad
religionem
excitan-
dam
comparata idetur,
ollenda sit
in
missis,
n
quibus
etiam
profana aepe
cantantur,
ut ilia
della
caccia t la
bataglia
CT8:918).
19.
Lockwood,
ed. Palestrina:
Pope
Marcellus
Mass,
17.
Janequin's
La
guerre
and
La
chasse
are
published
in
Clement
Janequin,
Chansons
olyphoniques,
d. A. Tillman
Merritt
and
Fran;ois
Lesure,
vol.
1
(Monaco:
Editions de
L'Oiseau-Lyre,
1965),
23-98.
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The
Council
of Trent
Revisited
9
unicum]
on the
lifestyle
and
decency
of
clerics,
or
else let the
singing
be
such
that the words
are understood rather
han
the
music.20
Here the earlier preoccupation with creeping secularism has
given
way
to the
other favorite
theme
regarding
music:
intelligibility.
The
reference to
Pope
John
XXII's bull of
1324-25 is
particularly
intriguing,
since it
suggests
that
the
prelates
at
Trent
recognized
a
connection
between their
own
reforming
efforts
and a
tradition of
Catholic musical reform
extending
back two
centuries.
This
compendium
of
25
August
had to
be
revised
yet
a
third time in
the
busy days
of
early
September.
According
to
Gabriele
Paleotti's
secretary,
Ludovico
Nucci,
Paleotti and his
colleagues right
now are
earning
their
living
... and the legates are making them hustle. 21 The legates were finally pre-
pared
to
propose
a
draft on Mass
reforms for discussion in
the
general
congre-
gations
on 10
September
1562. It
included
a
lengthier
pronouncement
on
music:
Canon 8. Since
the sacred
mysteries
should
be
celebrated
with
utmost
rever-
ence,
with
both
deepest
feeling
toward God
alone,
and with
external
worship
that is
truly
suitable and
becoming,
so
that others
may
be
filled
with
devotion
and called
to
religion:
..
Everything
should indeed
be
regulated
so
that
the
Masses,
whether
they
be celebrated
with the
plain
voice or in
song, with every-
thing
clearly
and
quickly
executed,
may
reach the
earsof
the hearers
and
quietly
penetrate
their
hearts. In those
Masses
where
measured
music and
organ
are
customary,
nothing profane
should be
intermingled,
but
only hymns
and
di-
vine
praises.
If
something
from
the
divine service is
sung
with the
organ
while
the
service
proceeds,
let
it first
be
recited in
a
simple,
clear
voice,
lest the
read-
ing
of the
sacred
words be
imperceptible.
But the
entire
manner
of
singing
in
musical
modes
should be
calculated,
not to
affordvain
delight
to the
ear,
but so
that
the words
may
be
comprehensible
o
all;
and
thus
may
the
hearts of
the lis-
teners be
caught
up
into the
desire for
celestial
harmonies
and
contemplation
of
the
joys
of
the
blessed.22
20.
Species
quoque
musicae
in
divinis
officiis reducatur
ad
normam,
quam
praescripsit
Ioannes XXII. in
Extrav.de
vita
et
honestate
clericorum,
vel
ita
canatur,
ut verba
magis
quam
modulationes
ntelligantur
CT8:922).
21. Hora
s'aguadagnano
l vivere
... et
gli
legati
gli
fanno
trottare
(Prodi,
II
Cardinale
Gabriele
Paleotti 1:141
n.
52).
Paleotti's
secretary
also indicates n
the
same note
that
the
abuses
of
the
Mass
were
almost
entirely
the
fabricationof our
Monsignor [Paleotti],
of
Castagna,
Buoncompagni,andthe organizer,but mostlyof Monsignor [Paleotti],as I said ( tessitura uasi
tutta di
Monsignore
nostro,
del
Castagna,
Buoncompagno
et
promotore,
ma
piu
di
Monsignore,
com'ho
detto ).
22.
Canon
octavus.
Cum
sacra
mysteria
umma
venerationesint
peragenda,
ntimo
quidem
affectu
in solum
Deum,
externo vero
cultu
adeo
composito
et
decoro,
ut
alios
devotione
repleat
et ad
religionem
excitet:
..
Verum ita
cuncta
moderentur,ut,
missae sive
plana
voce
sive cantu
celebrentur,
omnia
dare
matureque
prolata
in
audientium
aures
et
corda
placide
descendant.
Quae
vero
rhythmis
musicis
atqueorganis
agi solent,
in
iis nihil
profanum,
sed
hymni
tantum
et
divinae laudes
intermisceantur,
ta
tamen,
ut
quae
organis
erunt
psallenda,
si ex
contextu
divini
sint
officii,
quod
tunc
peragetur,
eadem
antea
simplici
claraque
voce
recitentur,
ne
perpetua
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10
Journal
of the American
Musicological
Society
Although
several
modern
musicologists
have
quoted
this
proposed
eighth
canon from the
abuses
of
the Mass
in
their
discussionsof Trent and
music,
few of them recognized or mentioned the fact that it was never actuallyac-
cepted
in
this form. The
surviving
minutes
of
the discussion
of
these
proposals
in
the
general
congregations
suggest
that no one
spoke directly
o
the
issue
of
music.23GabrielePaleotti's
diary
ndicates
that
the
Spanish
remained
particu-
lar
advocates
for
the retention of
music,
because it had been
employed
since
ancient times
to
draw
the faithful o God.
Precisely
hese
sentiments
had
also
been
echoed
by
Cristoforus
of
Padua,
father
general
of the
Augustinian
Hermits,
in
his remarks
during
discussions
of
the sacrifice
of
the
Mass
in
late
August:
Whether
ceremonies,
vestments,
and
external
signs,
which the
church uses in
celebration,
ought
to
be removed-it seems
not,
for
they began
in
the time of
the
apostles,
as
witnessed
by Dionysius,
on ecclesiastical
hierarchy,
peaking
of
the
Mass;
Clement also
speaks
of it
in
the
homily
concerning
vestments
and
the
rite
of
ministers;
Jerome,
volume
I,
folio
25A,
says
to
preserve
ceremonies.
Outward
signs
arouse
the
people
to
devotion,
just
as
song
and sound
incite to
devotion in church.24
In the general congregations, the bishops of Granada, Coimbra, and
Segovia
urged
the
attenuation
of
the
long
list of
canons on
abuses
nto
a
single
general
decree,
with
three subsections:
covetousness,
rreverence,
nd
supersti-
tion.25This
idea won
the
support
of
many
other
prelates,
ncluding
the
presi-
dent of
the
collegium
of
papal
legates,
Ercole
Gonzaga,
bishop
of
Mantua.
After
the
debates,
only
some
fifteen
words
remained
regarding
music as
part
sacrorum
lectio
quemquam
effugiat.
Tota autem haec
modis
musicis
psallendi
ratio non ad
inanem
aurium
oblectationem
erit
componenda,
sed
ita,
ut verba ab
omnibus
percipi possint,
utque
audientium corda
ad
coelestisharmoniae
desiderium
beatorumque
gaudia
contemplanda
rapiantur
CT8:927).
23. See
CT
8:928-39.
24.
The
Most
ReverendFather
Generalof
the
Augustinians,
Cristofero
Patavini's
xplana-
tion
and decision
about
the articles
concerning
the sacrifice
f
the
mass -Cristoforo Patavini
was
responding
to
a
different set of
articles
regarding
the
sacrificeof the
Mass
when he made
this
statement.
Rev.mi
P.
generalis
Augustin[ensium]
Mag.
Christophori
Patavini
uper
articulis
de
missae
sacrificio]
xplicatio
et
decisio
[26
August 1562]....
An
ceremoniae,
vestes et
signa
exteri-
ora,
quibus
ecclesia n
celebratione
utitur,
sint
tollendae,
videtur,
quod
non,
quia
a
tempore
apos-
tolorum
coeperunt
teste
Dionysio,
de
eccl.
hierarch.de
missa
loquens,
Clemens
quoque [in]
homilia de
vestibus
et ritu
ministrorum
oquitur,
Hieronymus
tom. I
fol.
25A dicit
ceremonias
esse
servandas.
Excitant
populum
ad
devotionem
signa
exteriora,
sicut
cantus
et
sonus ad
devo-
tionem
in
ecclesia
aciunt
CT13:714).
25.
Granatensis....
Quoad
abusus fiat
unus canon
generalis,
n
quo
hortentur
ordinarii,
ut
abusibuscirca
missam
provideant....
Segobiensi...
Circa
abusus
n
missadeberet
provideri
circa
tria:
cupiditatem,
rreverentiam t
supersititionem.
Et
nonullos alios
abusus
reformandosretulit
(CT
8:928-32).
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The
Council
of
TrentRevisited 11
of that
single
decree
concerning
the
things
to be observed and avoided
in
the
celebration
of
the Mass.
They
translate: Let
them
keep away
from
the
churches compositions in which there is an interminglingof the lascivious
or
impure,
whether
by
instrument
or
voice. 26These few
words
represent
he
final
and
only
musical
pronouncement
actuallyapproved
n
little more
than
an
hour's
time
during
the final
vote,
afterweeksof
preliminary
work
and discus-
sion.27
When
it came to
music
and other
abuses,
then,
delegates
tried to
say
as
little as
possible;
thus,
two
lines on
music were
actuallypublished
in
the
canons
and
decrees of
the
twenty-second
session of the Council
celebrated
on
17
September
1562.
Eight months previous,in an earliermemorandum of 18 February1562,
the
papallegates
had admonished the
delegates
at
Trent
not
to circulate
pre-
liminary
versions of the
Council's
decrees,
which had not
actually
been offi-
cially approved
by
the
congregations
and
signed
in the
relevant
session,
lest
scandal
result.28Some later
musicologists'
ignorance
of
this
prohibition
has
provoked,
if
not
scandal,
at least
confusion. Deliberations
regarding
Mass
abuses had involved a
process
of
attenuation until
very
little
remained. But
Gustave
Reese,
in
his Music in the
Renaissance,
reated a
misleading mpres-
sion of the Council's
egislation
on
music
by
stringing
ogether
the
preliminary
eighthcanon,whichhad not been
approved,
and the few lines that
supplanted
it
and were
finallypublished.
The
ellipsis
n
Reese's extensive
quotation
in
fact
covers
a week's
debate at
Trent:
All
things
hould ndeedbe so ordered
hatthe
Masses,
whether
hey
be cele-
bratedwithor
without
inging,may
reach
ranquilly
nto the
earsandhearts f
those who hear
them,
when
everything
s
executed
clearly
and
at the
right
speed.
In the
caseof
thoseMasseswhich
arecelebrated
ith
singing
andwith
organ,
et
nothingprofane
e
intermingled,
ut
onlyhymns
and
divine
praises.
Thewholeplanof singingn musicalmodesshouldbeconstituted ot to give
emptypleasure
o
the
ear,
but
in such
a
way
that
the words
may
be
clearly
n-
derstood
by
all,
and thus the
hearts
of the listeners e
drawn
o the
desire
of
heavenly
armonies,
n
the
contemplation
f the
joys
of the
blessed....
They
shallalso
banish
romchurch ll
music hat
contains,
whether nthe
singing
or
in the
organ
playing,
hings
hatare
asciviousr
impure.29
26.
Ab ecdesiis
vero
musicas
eas,
ubi sive
organo
sive cantu
lascivum
aut
impurum
aliquid
miscetur CT 8:963).
27.
The
brevity
of the
final
vote
is mentioned in
a
letter of 14
September
from the
papal
legates
to Carlo
Borromeo.
See
Josef
Susta,
Die
Romische
Kurie und das
Konzil von
Trient
unter
Pius
Ig,
vol. 2
(Vienna:Holder,
1909),
362.
28.
Ad obviandum
scandalis,
quae
oriri
possunt.
The
admonition is
printed
in
Judocus
[Jusso]
Le
Plat,
Monumentorum
ad
historiamConcilii
tridentini:
Potissimum
llustrandam
spec-
tantium
amplissima
collectio,
vol.
5
(Lovain:
Typographia
Academica,
1785),
36.
A
similar,
though
not
identical,
version
dated 17
February
appears
n
CT 8:329.
29.
Gustave
Reese,
Music
in the
Renaissance
New
York:
Norton,
1954),
449.
The
transla-
tion
differs n
a
few
details
rom the
alternative
ffered above.
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12
Journal of
the
American
Musicological
Society
For the last
forty-five
years,
the
preliminary
and the
approvedpassages
have
commonly
been
strung
together by
music
historians,
following
Reese,
who
first combined them to make up a single Tridentine pronouncement on
music. The
quotation
continued
to
appear
n
this
misleading
form in
Claude
Palisca'snfluential ifth
edition of Donald
J.
Grout's
History
of
Western
Music
(1996)
and
in Allan
W.
Atlas's
Renaissance
Music
(1998).
In Piero
Weiss and
Richard Taruskin's Music
in
the Western
World:
A
History
in
Documents
(1984),
even Reese's
week-long ellipsis
was
suppressed,
urther
compounding
the
problem.30
New Reforms in the Twenty-fourth Session (1563)
The
official
wording
from the
twenty-second
session,
in
placing very
little
re-
striction
on
music,
implicitlypermitted
the
continued use of
polyphony
and
the
organ, specifically rohibited
secular
elements,
but made no mention
at all
of
the
intelligibility
ssue,
which has
commonly
been
incorporated
nto
discus-
sions of the
Council's decrees.
No
immediate
reactions to this final
wording
on
music
have come to
light.
But
the
complete
reform
package
hat
the
com-
mittee on abuseshadfinallyproduced,and what had been promulgated n the
twenty-second
session
on 17
September
1562,
provoked
considerable
dismay.
Giovanni
Strozzi,
writing
to Cosimo
I
de' Medici
on 14
September
1562,
afterthe examination n
congregation
of the canons and before final
approval
three
days
later,
aptly
summarized he
general
attitude:
And
to
many people
they
seemed minor matters and of little
importance.
And
many
have
boldly
stated that
major
ssueswere
promised
and that this
is
not the reform
that the
world
expects
of
thiscouncil. M31
Many, including
Gabriele
Paleotti, recognized
that the
substitution of a
single
canon
on Mass reform
would
prove
far
too
general
to
be
effective.32
Clearly,
his
could not end the matter. In
May
1563 two
new
papal legates,
Giovanni
Morone and
Bernardo
Navagero,
appointed
to
replace
the
recently
deceasedErcole
Gonzaga
and Girolamo
Seripando,
herefore
nstituted
a
new,
far-reaching rogram
of
reform.
Music-especially
polyphony,
which
has been
30. Donald
J.
Grout
and Claude V.
Palisca,
A
History
of
Western
Music,
5th ed.
(New
York:
Norton, 1996), 250; the Council'spronouncementsarepresentedmore accuratelyn the recent
sixth edition
(New
York:
Norton,
2001),
234. See also Allan W.
Atlas,
Renaissance
Music
(New
York:
Norton,
1998),
581;
Piero
Weiss and
Richard
Taruskin,
Music
in
the Western
World:A
History
n
Documents
New
York:Schirmer
Books,
1984),
137;
and
Lockwood, ed.,
Palestrina:
Pope
Marcellus
Mass,
19.
31. Et a
buona
parte
sono
parse
cose deboli
et
di
poca importanza.
Et molti
hanno detto
arditamenteche si
promettavano
cose
maggiori
et che
questa
non
e
la
riformache
il
mondo
aspetta
da
questo
concilio
(Niccolo
Rodolico and Arnaldo
D'Addario,
Osservatori
oscani al
Conciliodi
Trento
Florence:
Leo
S.
Olschki,
1964],
186-87).
32.
Jedin,
Geschichte,
ol.
4,
pt.
1,
p.
192.
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The
Council
of
TrentRevisited
13
the
aspect
of
music
at the Councilmost discussed
by
later
musicologists-was
not
forgotten
in
this new reform
of
1563. Karl
Weinmannseems to have
been
the first modern musicologistto make the new legatesthe primemoversin a
crackdownon
musica
troppo
molle.
Lewis
Lockwood,
having
observed
that Morone had
actually
banned
polyphony
at Modena
in
1537-38,
went on
to
suggest
that the two
new
legates
headed a faction that
may
have
opposed
the retention of
polyphony
n
church.33
This second
attempt
at
musical
reform,
and the
keyplayers
n
it,
deserve a
second look.
Morone
had an
important
colleague,
overlooked
by
musicolo-
gists,
in
the
great
reform
during
the
later months
at
Trent:
GabrielePaleotti.
According
to Paleotti's
modern
biographer,
Paolo
Prodi,
in
fact,
the
reform
decrees from the last two
sessionswere almost
entirely
he work of
Paleotti. M34
Paleotti had
cherished
an
abiding
nterest
n
music since his
youth
and
during
Trent still maintained a
close association with his
former
music
teacher,
Domenico Maria
Ferrabosco.Paleotti even
plied
Ferrabosco or
information
about the
French
ecclesiastical
hierarchy
and
its
views
on reform
before the
arrival f the cardinal
of Lorraineat Trent in
November
1562.
According
to
GabrielePaleotti's
brother,
he
prelate
continued
in
adulthood to
sing
and
im-
provise
on the
lute,
in
the best
Renaissance
radition,
as a
means of
private
recreation.35One can be quite certainthat Paleotti,whose pronouncements
on
post-Tridentine
visual
art are well
known,
would also
have
favored more
clearly
articulated
ulings
on
the
use
of music in
church.36
On the other
hand,
Giovanni Morone's
brief ban on
polyphony
at the
Duomo
of Modena in
the 1530s
turns out
not to
have
been
unique.
As
mentioned
earlier,
Morone's
predecessor
as
papal
legate
at
Trent,
Girolamo
Seripando,
had
attempted
a similarban
on
polyphony
among
the
Augustinian
nuns of
Santa Monica in
Rome
in
the
1540s.
One wonders
uneasily
f
those
earlierattemptsmight have taught both Seripandoand Morone something
about
the difficultiesof
enforcing
such
bans. It
seems
unlikely
that
Morone,
33. Karl
Weinmann,
Das Konzil
von Trient und
die
Kirchenmusik
Leipzig:Breitkopf
und
Hartel,
1919;
reprint,
Hildesheim:
Georg
Olms,
1980),
esp.
4-7;
Lockwood,
Vmcenzo
Ruffo
and
Musical
Reform,
esp.
343
and n.
5; idem,
Some
Observations,
sp.
41-44; and
idem,
The
Counter-Reformation,
sp.
44-45 and 74-79.
34.
In
realta,
decreti
di
riformadelle due
ultime sessioni
urono
quasi
completamente
opera
del
Paleotti
(Prodi,
II
Cardinale
GabrielePaleotti
1:183).
Hubert
Jedin
comments,
Der uner-
mudliche, ausserstgewandte Gehilfe Morones bei diesem Geschaft war GabrielPaleotti. Man
uibertriebt
nicht,
wenn man
diese
beiden Manner
die
Architekten
der
tridentinischenReform
nennt
(Geschichte,
ol.
4,
pt.
1,
p.
123).
35.
For a
discussionof
Paleotti's
musical
raining
and his
exchange
with
Ferrabosco
egarding
French
views,
see
Craig
Monson,
The
Composer
as
'Spy':
The
Ferraboscos,
Gabriele
Paleotti,
and
the
Inquisition,
Musicand
Letters(in
press).
Prodi
touches
briefly
on
Paleotti'smusical
nter-
ests in
II
Cardinale
Gabriele
Paleotti 1:45.
36.
Paleotti's
Discorso
ntorno
alle
imagini
sacre e
profane appears
n
volume 2
of
Trattate
d'arte
del
Cinquecento, ra
manierismo e
Controriforma,
ed.
Paola
Barocchi
(Bari: Laterza,
1960-62),
117-509.
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14 Journal
of the American
Musicological Society
Paleotti,
or
other committed reformers
rom Paul III's
pre-Tridentine
eform
movement,
such
as
Lodovico
Beccadelli,
would
realistically
ave
envisioned a
total ban on polyphonyin the laststagesof the Council-except, interestingly
enough,
as we
shall
see,
when it
concerned
female monasteries.37
In the last months
of
the
Council,
Morone worked
assiduously
o conclude
it
quickly,
n
part by preventing
prolix
discussions
n the
general congrega-
tions.
Any outright
ban on
polyphony
might
have
provoked delays, judging
by
the revisions
regarding
restrictions
on music
necessary
during
the
prelimi-
naries
to
the
twenty-second
session the
previous year.
This
circumspect
atti-
tude and the
spirit
of
compromise
become clear from
a
letter
by
the
papal
legates
to Carlo
Borromeo,
dated
22
July
1563,
at the
very beginning
of the
new reform work for the
twenty-forth
session: We still have not
given
out
these
chapters
on
reform,
because
t
does not seem like
a
good
idea
to
do
so
if
we do not sort them
out
well first and decide
upon
them with the cardinalof
Lorraine. 38 he
preparation
f
the
new reform
package
once
again
nvolveda
string
of
meetings,
informal
consultations,
and the
incorporation
of
numerous
changes.
The
quasi- democratic
ature
of this
process
is
revealed
by
a letter
from
the
harried
egates
to
Borromeo,
dated
11-13
September,
n
the most
hectic
stage
of the
drafting
of reforms:
We would
not omit
saying
hat
one
cannot
always
end
off
a
copy
of
every-
thing,
because here sn't a word that doesn't
get
changed
romone hour to
the
next.Whenwe
want
to
propose
an
article,
we
first
agree
upon
it
amongst
ourselves,
ogether
with
those
appointed
ither
by
the
synod
or
by
uson
its
or-
der.
Thenwe
give
t
out to the ambassadorsor
consideration,
ho
don't
all
re-
spond
at
one
time,
but some
n
two or three
days,
others
n
ten
or
twelve-and
everybody
with additions r
changes.
Then it
gets
examined
by
the ranksof
fathers,
who want
to have heir
ay
about
t,
apart
romeach
priest's
mention-
ing
sometimes ne
thing,
sometimes
nother
hing,according
o
his church's
needs, nsuchaway hat here'snevera fixedversion.... Wewanted o say his
to
justify
ndexcuse
ourselves,
ith all
that,
we sendYourMost
Illustriousnd
Reverend
ordship
new
copy
of
theentire
eform,
which
has
been
given,
and
is now
being
given,
o the fathers.39
37.
Lodovico
Beccadelli had not
even
participated
n
the whole
first reform
program,
in
which he had
played
a
significant
part,
because
he
had
fainted
n the
midst of
a
general
congrega-
tion
on
22
August
1562 and
spent
most
of
the
next three
months
recuperating
n
Bologna.
Having
returned
to Trent on 7
November
1562,
he left
again,
this
time
for
good,
on 20
May
1563
(Jedin,
Geschichte,
ol.
4,
pt.
2,
pp.
202 and 266
n.
4).
During
his absences
he was
kept
in-
formed
about
goings-on
at
Trent
by
the
bishop
of Zara. For
Zara's
awisi,
see
Morandi, ed.,
Monumenti
2:69-155.
38.
Non
havemo ancora dati
quei
capi
di
riforma,
perche
non ci
par
bene
di farlo se
prima
non lie
concertamo
bene et non
gli
stabilimo col
cardinaledi Loreno.
The
legates'
letter
to
Borromeo is
printed
n
gusta,
Die Romische
Kurie 4:136.
39.
Non
lascieremodi dir
che non si
puo
cosi
sempre
mandar
copia
d'ogni
cosa,
poiche
non
c'e
parola
che non
riceva
mutatione da
un'hora
a
l'altra.
noi
quando
volemo
proponer
un
articolo,
l'accommodamo
prima
fra noi
insieme con
quelli
che sono
deputati
o dalla
sinodo o da noi
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The
Council of Trent
Revisited 15
On 31
May,
Morone
had shown
forty-two
preliminary
hapters
on
reform
to the
cardinal
of
Lorraine. The
chapters
had
been
assembled
at
Morone's
behestby anothercommittee of prelates,who once againdrew on awide vari-
ety
of
sources,
including petitions
from
the
Emperor
Ferdinand,
he
Spanish,
the
French,
and
representatives
f other
nations,
as is
clear
from
Morone's
letter of 4
June
1563 to Carlo
Borromeo,
which
accompanied
a
preliminary
draftof the
chapters.40
Unfortunately,
we
have little concrete
idea of what
musical
reforms
might
have
been
contemplated
in
these
earlier
meetings
between
May
and
August
1563. A
jumble
of
disordered,
now
extremely
fragmentary,
charred
pages
from the
chapters
on reform
from the Paleotti
archive
n
Bologna, bearing he
diverse
suggested
emendationsof
various
participants,
an
do
little
more
than
attest to the
frenetic
activity
of those
months.41But
anyputative
absolute ban
on
polyphony
seems to
have been
dropped by
the time
the
preliminary
de-
crees
were
distributed
and
a
copy
dispatched
o
the
Emperor
Ferdinand
I
on
13
August.
The
possible wording
of the
chapter
on
music
in
that version
seems
thus far
to
have
come
to
light only
in
the
emperor's
response
to it
dated
23
August,
which in
itself
does
not
suggest
an
outright
ban
on
polyphony:
That
the looser
sorts of
music should
be
cast
out,
and
that
sober
music
should be retained,which is most suitable to ecclesiasticalsimplicity. 42t
d'ordine
suo,
poi
lo
damo da
considerar
a
gli
ambasciatori,
i
quali
non
rispondeno
tutti ad
un
tratto ma
altri ra due o
tre
giorni,
altrifra diece
o
dodici,
et
tutti
con
aggiunte
o
mutationi;
poi
vien
essaminatodalle classi
delli
padri,
che anch'essivi
vogliono
far
ntorno la
parte
loro,
oltra che
ciascun
prelato
secondo
il
bisogno
della chiesasua
ricorda
quando
una
cosa et
quando
un'altra,
di
modo
che mai
non c'e
forma
stabile ...
questo
havemo
voluto dir
per
nostra
giustificatione
t
dis-
colpa,
con
tutto
che
mandiamoa
V.
Illma
et
Revma
Sriauna
nuova
copia
di
tutta la
riformanella
forma che s'e data et si daaliipadri Susta,Die RomischeKurie4:238-39). Thisapproachs also
confirmed
in
the awisi
of
Muzio
Calini,
bishop
of
Zara,
to
Ludovico
Beccadelli,
especially
hose
of
16
August
and 23
August.
See
Morandi, ed.,
Monumenti
2:108 and
111.
Calini
reaffirms
his
once
again
in
a letter
of
19
August
1563 to
Luigi
Cornaro.
See
Muzio
Calini,
Lettereconciliari
(1561-1563),
ed.
Alberto
Marani
Brescia:
Tipo-Lito
Fratelli
Geroldi,
1963),
514-15.
40.
Morone's
claim that
the
document had
papal
origins
is
mentioned in
a
letter from
Sebastiano
Gaulterio,
bishop
of
Viterbo,
to
Borromeo,
transcribed
n
Hubert
Jedin,
Krisisund
Wendepunkt
es Trienter
Konzils
(1562/3)
(Wurzburg:
Rita-Verlag
nd
Druckerei
derAugustiner,
1941),
247-49. Morone's
own
letter
to
Borromeo is
transcribed n
Susta,
Die
RomischeKurie
4:41-43.
41. The PalazzoIsolani-Lupari,which houses the Paleottiarchive,was severelydamagedby
fire
during
Allied
bombing
toward
the end of
WorldWar
II,
reducing
these
particular
ocuments
to
charred
ragments,
now
consolidated
n a
new
carton
numbered 67.
Fortunately,
ome other
portions
of
the archive
survived
the
devastation. I
should like to
thank
Cavaliere Francesco
Cavazza-Isolani or
kindly
granting
me access
to the
family
archives n
the
summers
of
1991 and
1992.
Prodi
points
out
that
other
relevant
materials
urvive
n
Archivio
Segreto Vaticano,
Sacra
Congregazione
del
Concilio,
MS
97,
fols. 12-80
(11
Cardinale
Gabriele
Paleotti
1:184
n.
35).
42.
Reiiciendos
esse
molliores
musicorum
cantus,
et in
ecclesiis
retinendam
esse modula-
tionum
gravitatem,
quae
ecclesiasticam
implicitatem
maxime deceat.
Quoted
in a
letter from
Ferdinand
I,
dated
23
August
1563,
to his
emissaries
at
Trent,
responding
to
their letter of
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16
Journal of the American
Musicological
Society
recallsthe
sentiments
of
the
very
first reform
offered
to
Morone's
predeces-
sors,
Seripando
and
Gonzaga,
and the other
papallegates
a
year
earlier
on
8 August 1562, focusing on the elimination of irreverentelements with no
mention of textual
ntelligibility.
An
avviso
by
the
bishop
of Zarato Ludovico
Beccadelli,
dated
30
August,
indicates that further
discussions
on
all articles
of
reform-notably
the con-
tentious matter of
the reform
of
princes,
which concerned conflicts
between
ecclesiastical
nd secular
authority,
and
particularly
he
imposition
of
taxes on
members of the
clergy-were
more or less in
abeyance, awaiting
the
em-
peror's
response
to them.
The
papal legates
acknowledged
the
arrival
of
the
emperor'sresponse in a letter to Carlo Borromeo dated 28 August, which
concentrated
on
the reformof
princes
and made no
mention
of
the
emperor's
views on music.43
The discussionof
music
in
the
emperor'sresponse
o
the draftof 13
August
suggests
that an alarmist
Ferdinand
may
have been the one to
read
in
the
pos-
sibility
of a total ban:
Therefore f the
objective
s
that
polyphony
orthwith
be removed from
churches
ltogether,
We arenot
going
to
approve
t,
forWe consider
hatsuch
a divine
gift
as
music,
whichoften
kindles
he
soulsof
men-especially
of
those
skilled r zealous n
that art-to
heightened
evotion,
ought
in
no
way
to be
driven ut of
church.44
The
emperor's
defense
of music
earned Ferdinand
in
some
quarters
he
title
of savior
of
church
music,
which in
turn
provoked
Karl
Weinmann's
strongly
worded attack on this
Geschichtsfabel. Weinmann
suggested
that
in
musical
matters
Ferdinand I's views
had no more
direct
impact
than his
opinions
or
suggestions
on
other issues of reform.45
Weinmann
was
writing
without the
benefit of
Hubert
Jedin's
subsequent
voluminous
and meticulous
publications
on
the
Council and before all
the current
volumes of
Concilium
Tridentinumhad been
published.
There would be
little
point
in
detailing
his
apparent
misunderstanding
f
some
details
n
the
sequence
of
historical
vents
and
the
complicated processes
by
which
the
chapters
on
reformwere col-
lected, drafted,
modified,
and
broken
down into
groups
for
discussion n
the
13
August
containing
proposed
articles
on abuses or
his
consideration.
See CT
9:755
n.
1,
where
it is printedslightly naccuratelyrom LudwigPastor,TheHistoryofthePopes, ol. 15, ed. Ralph
Francis
Kerr
St. Louis,
Mo.:
Herder,
1951),
476.
43.
For
the
bishop
of Zara's
awiso,
see
Morandi,
ed., Monumenti
2:113;
for
the
papal
legates'
letter to
Borromeo,
see
gusta,
Die
Rdmische
Kurie
4:200-205,213.
44.
Quo
quidem
si
id
agitur,
ut
cantus
figuratus
protinus
ex
ecclesiis
n
universum
ollatur:
nos
id
probaturi
non
sumus,
quia
censemus,
tam
divinum Musices
donum,
quo
etiam animi
hominum,
maxime
eius artis
peritorum
vel
studiosorum,
non
raro
ad maiorem
devotionem
ac-
cenduntur,
ex
ecclesia
nequaquam
explodendum
esse
(CT
9:755 n.
1).
45.
Auch mit
den
uibrigen
Reformsvorschlagen
hatte
der
Kaiser,
wie
wir
aus
den
Konzilsakten
wissen,
wenig
Gliick
(Weinmann,
DasKonzil von
Trient,
esp. 11-16).
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The Council of Trent Revisited 17
months
leading up
to the
generalcongregations
at both the
twenty-second
and
twenty-forth
sessions of the
Council. The
bishop
of Zara's
avviso
of
30 August mentioned above is but one of many documents that suggest
Weinmann
underestimated he
extent of the
emperor's
continued
influence,
whether or not he
ultimately got
his
way
concerning major
matters.46
Nevertheless,
t should
already
be
apparent
hat,
although
Ferdinand
may
well
have been
the
most
powerful
individual
o come to music's
defense,
it would
have been difficultfor one
single figure
to loom
quite
so
large
in
the
process,
particularly
when
music had
already
found several advocates before
the
twenty-second
session the
previousyear.
Sforza Pallavicino'sseventeenth-century history of the Council, where
Ferdinand's
musical mission
was
first
mentioned,
plausiblysuggests
that
the
emperor's
demands
regarding
music
may
have
agreed
with the views
of
others. Or
they may
already
have been
introduced
before the arrival f his
let-
ter.
Pallavicino
ertainly
did not see the
emperor
as the saviorof church mu-
sic.
An
obscure
eighteenth-century
Vater
Grancola,
whom
Weinmann
identifiesas the creatorof the full-blown
Geschichtsfabel,
ad indeed dressed
up
and
romanticizedPallavicino's ccount to include a
proposed
absolute ban
on
music,
brought
down
by
Ferdinand's
counterproposal.47
But
Emperor
Ferdinand in factwasonly elevated o the rankof Retterder Kirchenmusik
by August
Wilhelm Ambros
in
the fourth volume of his
Geschichte er
Musik,
first
published
(posthumously)
in 1878. It
is
perhaps
not
surprising
hat
this
Austrian
civil servant
and
musicologist,
who sometimes
served as
private
utor
to Archduke
Rudolph,
should have been
drawnto the
patriotic
notion of an-
other Austrian
great
man in
music
history,
in
the best
nineteenth-century
tradition.
More
puzzling
is
why
Karl
Weinmann
made no mention of
Ambros,
whose
exact
expression,
Retterder
Kirchenmusik,
e
borrows.48
Bynow, of course,Ferdinand's entimentsabout music have a familiar ing.
Paleotti attributed
hem
in
his
diary
to the
Spanish
n
the
negotiations
about
music
preceding
the
twenty-second
session
the
previous
year.
Thus,
no
single
savior was
needed
to
provoke
the
modification
regarding
music
in
the
reform
proposalfinally
presented
to the
prelates
for
examination on 5
Sep-
tember and
discussed
in
the
general congregations
between 11
September
and
2
October:
46.
Many
primary
ources
and detailsof the
preparation
nd
presentation
of the
chapters
can
be gleanedfrom CT8:909-63 and 9:1-1040.
47. For
Vater
Grancola,
see
Weinmann,
Das Konzil
von
Trient,
11-12;
for Pallavicino's
de-
scription
from
Istoria
del Concilio di
Trento,
vol. 3
(Rome:
Biagio
Diversin e Felice
Cesaretti,
1664),
lib.
22,
cap.
5,
n.
14,
see
ibid.,
16. Weinmann
may
not have
recognized
that
Pallavicino's
account is
based on
Gabriele
Paleotti's Acts of
the
Council,
unpublished
until the
nineteenth
century (see
below),
which
Pallavicino
had seen in
manuscript.
See
Prodi,
II
Cardinale
Gabriele
Paleotti2:389.
48.
August
Wilhelm
Ambros,
Geschichteder
Musik,
3d
ed.,
vol.
4,
ed.
H. Leichtentritt
(Leipzig:
Breitkopf
und
Hartel,
1909;
reprint,
Hildesheim:
Georg
Olms,
1968),
19;
and
Weinmann,
Das
Konzil von
Trient,
11,
where
Retterder
Kirchenmusik
ppears.
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18 Journal
of
the
American
MusicologicalSociety
13. Because
worthy
offices in
churches,
particularly
athedrals,
were
established
to
preserve
and
strengthen
ecclesiastical
discipline,
so that those who
hold
them might distinguishthemselves for piety,set an examplefor others, and as-
sist
bishops by
their
works
and service: it
is
fitting
that
those
called to
them
ought
to
be the
sort who could meet their
obligation....
Let them all be
re-
quired
to
attend divine
services,
and let them be admonished to
praise
the
name of
God
reverently,
clearly,
and
devoutly
in
hymns
and canticles
in
the
choir established or
psalmody.
They
shall,
furthermore,
always
adopt appropri-
ate
attire,
both in
and out of
church,
shall abstainfrom unlawfiul
unting,
bird
catching,
dancing,
taverns,
and
play,
and
they
shall be so rich
in
purity
of moral
characteras to be
justly
called the senate of the
church.
With
regard
to the
proper
direction of the
various
offices,
concerning
the
proper
manner
of
singing
or
playing
therein,
the
precise
regulation
for
assembling
and
remaining
in
choir,
together
with
everything
necessary
or
the ministers
of
the
church,
and
suchlike:
he
provincial ynod
shall
prescribe
an established orm for
the benefit
of,
and in-accordance
with the
customs
of,
each
province.
In
the
interim,
the
bishop,
with two chosen
by
the
chapter,may
provide
in
these mattersas seems
expedient.49
The weeks
and months of
careful
drafting
paid
off.
The
reforms where
music
appears
were
accepted
virtually unchanged
and
published
in
almost identical
form at the twenty-fourth session on 11 November 1563 (only the altered
passages
are
given
here,
with
specific
differences
highlighted):
Canon
12.... Let
them all be
required
to
attend divine services
and not
by
sub-
stitutes;
and to
assistand
serve the
bishop
when
celebrating
or
carrying
out other
pontifical
unctions,
and
to
praise
the name of
God
reverently,
clearly
and de-
voutly
in
hymns
and
canticles n a
choir
established or
psalmody....
With re-
gard
to the
proper
direction
of
the
divine
offices,
concerning
the
proper
manner of
singing
or
playing
therein.... In the
interim,
the
bishop,
with no less
than
two
canons,
one chosen
byhimself,
the
other
by
the
chapter,may provide in
these matters
as seems
expedient.50
49.
13. Cum
dignitates
n
ecclesiis,
praesertim
athedralibus,
d
conservandam
ugen-
damque
cclesiasticam
isciplinam
uerint
nstitutae,
t
qui
eas
obtinerent,
ietatepraecellerent
aliisque
xemplo
ssent
tque
piscopos pera
t officio uvarent:
erito,
ui
adeas
vocantur,
ales
esse
debent,
qui
suomuneri
espondere
ossint....
Omnes
verodivina
ompellantur
bireoffi-
cia,
atque
n
choro,
ad
psallendum
nstituto,
ymnis
t canticisDei
nomen
reverenter,
istincte
devoteque
audare
moneantur.
estitu
nsuper
ecenti am n
ecclesia
uam
xtra
ssiduo
tantur,
ab
illicitisqueenationibus,ucupiis,horeis,abernisusibusquebstineant,tque a morumn-
tegritate
olleant,
t merito
cclesiae
enatus ici
possit.
Cetera,
uae
addebitum n
diversis
f-
ficiis
egimenpectant,
eque
ongrua
n
iis
canendieu
modulandi
atione,
e certa
ege
n
choro
conveniendit
permanendi,
imulque
e
omnibus
cclesiae
ministris,
uae
necessaria
runt,
et
si
qua
huiusmodi:
ynodus
rovincialisro
cuiusque
rovinciae
tilitate t
moribus ertam
uique
formulam
raescribet.
nterea
ero
episcopus
um
duobus
capitulo
eputandis
n
his,
quae
xpe-
dire
videbuntur,
otent
providere CT
9:754-55).
50.
Canon
uodecimus.
um
dignitates
n
ecclesiis,
raesertimathedralibus,
dconservan-
dam
augendamque
cclesiasticam
isciplinam
uerint
nstitutae, t,
qui
eas
obtinerent,
ietate
praecellerent
liisque
xemplo
ssent
atque
piscopos
pera
t
officio uvarent:
erito,
qui
ad eas
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The
Council of
Trent
Revisited
19
This
pronouncement
treated
music even more
generally
han
the
one
that
hadcome
out of the
twenty-second
session. In
it
prelates
once
again
passed
up
the opportunityto articulate he issueof textual ntelligibility,whichhadfallen
by
the
wayside
in the
deliberations
of
August
and
September
the
previous
year.
But the
decree's
significant
stipulation
that
specific
details be
imple-
mented
at
the local
level would
have as decisive
an
impact
on
church music
as
any
other
official
Tridentine
pronouncement.
It
ensured
that
post-Tridentine
Catholic church
music
would be
anything
but
uniform
and
monolithic.
As
we
shall
see,
it
also
opened
the
way
in
the
immediate
post-Tridentine
period
for an
expansion
of
the
original
pronouncement
on
music
from
the
twenty-
second
session
into
what has
come to be
understood
as
essential
conciliar
musical
reform.
Attempts
to
Reform
Convent Musical
Practices in the
Twenty-fifth
Session
(1563)
Ironically,
by
ending
their
discussions
of
Tridentine
musical
reformswith
the
twenty-fourth
session,
music
historians
have
overlooked
the
single
instance
in which polyphonywas threatenedas drastically s suggestedin the old tales
of
Tridentine
attackson
music and
its
last-minute
salvation.
This
also
repre-
sents the
only
case
where
severe
musical
restrictions
actually
survived
all the
way
to the
debates of
the
general
congregations.
It is
not
surprising
hat
earlier
musicologists
commonly ignored
this
attempted
ban on
music,
and
often
con-
tinued to
misunderstand
t
even
when
they
recognized it,
for it
occurred as
part
of
Tridentine
deliberations
hat
long
held
no
interest
for
musicologists:
the
reform
of
female
religious
orders.51
vocantur,
tales esse
debent,
qui
suo
muneri
respondere
possint....
Omnes
vero
divina
per
se et
non
per
substitutos
compellantur
obire
officia,
et
episcopo
celebranti
aut alia
pontificalia
xercenti
adsistere t
inservire,
atque
in
choro,
ad
psallendum
nstituto,
hymnis
et
canticisDei
nomen
rever-
enter,
distincte
devoteque
laudare.
Vestitu
insuper
decenti,
tam in
ecclesia,
quam extra,
assiduo
utantur,
ab
illicitisque
venationibus,
aucupiis,choreis,
tabernis
lusibusque
abstineant,
atque
ea
morum
integritate
polleant,
ut
merito
ecclesiae
senatusdici
possit.Cetera,
quae
ad
debitum
in di-
vinis
officiis
regimen
spectant,
deque
congrua
in his
canendi
seu
modulandi
ratione,
de
certa
ege
in
choro
conveniendi et
permanendi,
simulque
de
omnibus
ecclesiae
ministris,
quae
necessaria
erunt, et si qua huiusmodi:synodusprovincialispro cuiusqueprovinciaeutilitateet moribuscer-
tam
cuique
formulam
praescribet.
nterea
vero
episcopus,
non
minus
quam
cum
duobus
canoni-
cis,
quorum
unus
ap
episcopo,
alter
a
capitulo
eligatur,
n
his,
quae
expedire
videbuntur,
poterit
providere
CT
9:983-84).
51. The
most
familiarof
the few
modern
accounts to
discuss
this last
Tridentine
attempt
at
musical
reform
misunderstood
or
misinterpreted
t
through
lack of
familiarity
with the
original
documents.
Hayburn
misconstrued
he
historical
hain of
events
and
overlooked
some
documen-
tary
evidence
(Papal
Legislation,
9).
Weber
overlooked the
final
outcome of
the
deliberations
on
monastic
reform
(Le
Concile
de
Trente,
95).
Hayburn,
in
turn,
apparently
misled
Jane
Bowers
( The
Emergence
of
Women
Composers
in
Italy,
1566-1700,
in
Women
Making
Music: The
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20 Journal of the American
Musicological
Society
An
impression
of haste
predominates
in
the reform of
religious
orders
during
the last
days
of the Council.
As
Hubert
Jedin
points
out,
by
contrast
with earlier eforms,which hadgone throughmonths of preparation ndwere
debated
for
weeks, this
last reformwas
largelyprepared
n a few weeks and
de-
bated
in a few
days.
Ludovico
Nucci,
secretary
o Gabriele
Paleotti,
captures
the
general
spirit
at Trent
in
a letter to
Astorgio
Paleotti,
written
during
the fi-
nal
days
of
the debate: There are few
prelates
who
haven't
already
had their
bags packed,
and
many
have
already
ent them home. 52
As
early
asthe autumn of
1562,
the
legates
had instructed
Egidio
Foscarari,
bishop
of
Modena,
and GabrielePaleotti to
begin working
on the reformof
religious
orders;
during
October of that
year
Paleotti had drafteda decree
on
the
cloistering
of
nuns.
The
matter
then
seems
to have been
put
asideuntil the
busy
days
of
August
1563,
when
the issues
for the
twenty-fourth
session still
remainedthe dominant
preoccupation.
A letter of 18 November
from
Muzio
Calini,
archbishop
of
Zara,
suggests
that
a
committee
had been
formed to
draft the decrees
only
several
days
earlier.53As
passed
to the
delegates
on
20
November,
less
than ten
days
after the celebration of the
twenty-fourth
session,
the reform decrees
regarding
female monasteries included
specific
musicalrestrictions:
Chapter
....
Let
the divineservicesbe
accomplished y
them with voices
raised,
nd not
byprofessionals
ired or that
purpose;
nd in the
sacrifice
f
the Mass et them
makethe
responses
hat the choir
usually
makes;
but let
them not
usurp
he role
of the deaconand subdeacon f
reciting
he
Lessons,
Epistles,
nd
Gospels.
Let them abstain rom
modulating
nd
inflecting
he
voiceor from
otherartifice f
singing,
which
s called
figured
r
instrumen-
tal,
asmuch n
choiras
elsewhere.54
WesternArt
Tradition,
1150-1950,
ed.
Jane
Bowers and
Judith
Tick
[Urbana
and
Chicago:
University
of
Illinois
Press,
1986],
141-45).
The
attempted
ban on convent music
is likewise
pre-
sented
inaccurately
s
recently
as the second edition of
The
New Grove
Dictionary of
Music
and
Musicians
2001).
See
Judith
Tick,
Women n
Music,
sec.
11/3,
Western
Classical
Traditions,
1500-1800,
27:525.
52.
Jedin,
Geschichte,
ol.
4,
pt.
2,
p.
174. For
Nucci's letter
( ci
sono
puochi prelati
che
non
habbino sin
adesso fatto
incassare
e
lor
robbe,
e
molti
di
gia
l'hanno
inviate ),
see
CT3,
pt.
1,
p.
756 n. 1.
53. Jedin,Geschichte,ol. 4, pt. 2, p. 173; Hubert Jedin, ZurVorgeschichteder Regularen-
reform
Trid.,
sess.
xxv,
in his
Kirche des
Glaubens,
Kirche der
Geschichte
Freiburg:
Herder,
1966),
2:394. See also
Reymond Creytens,
La
riformadei monasteri
femminili
dopo
i
decreti
tridentini,
II
Conciliodi Trento la
riforma
tridentina:
Atti del
Convegno
torico
nternazionale,
Trento,
2-6
settembre1963
(Rome:
Herder,
1965),
1:45-84.
Calini's letter
appears
n
Muzio
Calini,
Lettere
onciliari
(1561-1563),
568-69.
54.
Caputseptimum....
Divina autem
officia ab eis altavoce
peragantur,
non
a mercenariis
ad id
conductis,
et in
missae
sacrificio horus
quidem respondere
solet,
respondeant;partes
vero
diaconivel
hypodiaconi
n
sacri
Evangelii
vel canonicae
Epistolae
aut
alterius acrae ectionisrecita-
tione non
usurpent.
Vocis
modulatione
atque
inflexione aliove
cantus
artificio,
quod
figuratum
vel
organicumappellatur,am in choro quamalibiabstineant CT 9:1043).
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The Council of Trent
Revisited
21
Here
was
a ban on music about as severe as the
one
that
subsequently
ound
a
place
in
the Palestrina
egend.
Not
only
had outside
professional
musicians
been excluded from nuns' churches,but polyphony ( cantusartificio,quod
figuratum
..
appellatur )
ad
also
been banished rom
chapel
and
monastery
alike.
The
key figure
in
the whole
enterprise
of
monastic reform was the
by
now
familiar
Gabriele
Paleotti,
who in the
days
afterthe
twenty-fourth
session
was
too
occupied
in
the
preparation
nd
revisionof these new
decrees
concerning
monastic
reform
even
to
attend the
concurrent
general
congregations.
The
charredremains of various
autograph
draftswith
changes
in
Paleotti'shand
attest once
again
to
his
primary
role.55
During
his
subsequentyears
as arch-
bishop
of
Bologna-a
position
to which
he was
nominated
in
the
very days
he
was
drafting
these
chapters
on
monastic
reform-Paleotti
remained
deeply
suspicious
of
nuns' music.
It
is not
unreasonable o
suggest,
therefore,
that in
the autumn of
1563,
as
many prelates'
attention
turned
increasingly
away
from Trent and
toward their own
concerns at
home,
the
extremely
restrictive
musical
decree
presented
to the
general
congregations
on
20
November
may
have been
primarily
he work of one
man,
Gabriele
Paleotti.
Paleotti's
secretary,
writing
in
anticipation
of the
discussion
of
monastic
reforms,commented:
I hear
hat he
reform
f
friarss not
much
iked
by
the
fathers,
ut
they
will
re-
duce
it to a
much abbreviated
orm,
andwill
speak
n
generalities
n
order o
finish
up
quickly.
believe
he same
thing
will
be done in
the reform
of the
nuns;
but
because
hey
have no
advocates
ere,
the
mattercould
go
more
severely
orthem.56
But
it
turns out
that nuns'
music did
find a few
supporters.
n
the
general
con-
gregations,
Giovanni
Battista
Orsini,
archbishop
of
Santa
Severina,
and
Francesco
Piccolomini,
bishop
of
Pienza,
specifically
stated that musical
songs
should
not be
prohibited,
while the
delegate
from
Venice
said
the
mat-
ter
should be left
to the
nuns'
superiors.
Several
delegates
voted
that
all con-
ventual
reforms
should be
left to
the
nuns'
superiors,
while
others
opted
for
the
cardinalof
Lorraine's
view that
such
matters
should be left
to
provincial
councils.57
55.
On the
last-minute
committee,
see
Jedin,
Zur
Vorgeschichte,
394;
on
Paleotti's
role,
see Prodi,II Cardinale GabrielePaleotti1:188-89.
56.
La
riforma
de' frati
ntendo che
non e
molto
approvata
da'
padri,
pero
la
ridurannoa
forma assai
pitu
breve,
et si
parlera
n
generale
per
finirla
presto.
I1
simile
credo si
fara
nella riforma
delle
monache,
pur
per
non
havereesse
qui procuratorealcuno,
la
cosa
per
loro
potria
andare
pitu
stretta
(CT3,
pt.
1,
p.
756 n.
1).
57.
Lotharingus....
Quoad
moniales
... si
qua
alia
reformanda unt circa
moniales,
id
fiat
in
concilio
provinciali....
Venetiarum....
Quaod
moniales,
etiam
remittatur
earum
reformatio
earum
superioribus.
Si
autem
canones
remanent:
...
7.
relinquatur
arbitrio
superiorum....
S.
Severinae....
Quoad
moniales:
.. In 7.
non
prohibeantur
antusmusici....
Pientinus.
Quoad
moniales
...
7.
De
Eucharistia
ervetur oci
consuetudo,
neque prohibeatur
antus
musicus
(CT
9:1044-67, esp. 1045, 1047, and 1050).
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22
Journal
of
the American
Musicological
Society
The
summary
of
criticismsof the
preliminary
decrees,
drawn
up
after
the
general congregations
of 23-27
November,
specifically
ame out
in
favor of
music: As for nuns. Let the entire matter be referredback to the heads of
their
orders;
or
let
these canons be combined with those
above....
In
7....
Musical
songs
are not to be
prohibited. 58
n
the discussion
of this
summary
on 28-30
November,
non
prohibeantur
cantusmusici must
have
carried,
for all references o nuns' music were
dropped
from the decrees
of the
twenty-
fifth
session,
celebrated on
3-4
December
1563,
which also
brought
the
Council
to
a close.59Convent
polyphony apparently
ad been
saved.
Post-Tridentine Revision of the Original Meaning of
Iuxta Formam
Concilii
In
the immediate aftermath of the
Council,
the most
direct,
official
pro-
nouncement
on
music-originating
in
the
twenty-second
session and
hastily
published
amidstall the canons and decrees
by
Paolo Manuzio
in March 1564
-was
limited
solely
to the
prohibition
of
lascivious
or
impure
elements.
The
same
wording
likewise found its
way
into the new Codex uris
canonici,
book 3, part3, canon 1264.60Yet the issue of textualintelligibilityn church
music,
which had
figured
in
the
preliminary
deliberations for the
twenty-
second session but had been
dropped
from the canons
finally approved
in
congregation, clearly
would not have
been
forgotten.
Although
these initial
reform
proposals
and their
discussionswere not made
public, they
were
widely
known to direct
participants
nd
observersat
Trent,
as the
papal egates'
de-
scription
to
Borromeo
of the
drafting
of
reforms,
cited
earlier,
makes
clear.
Textual
clarity
remained
a
live
issue,
despite
its removal
from the
final,
pub-
lished
wording.
Significantly,
Gabriele Paleotti's
manuscript
Acts of the Council for
1562-63
actually
restored the
requirementregarding
textual
intelligibility.
Sketched
during
the
Council and
redrafted everal imes in
subsequentyears,
they
were
intended for
publication
shortly
after the
canons and decreeswere
printed,
but
only
published
n
the
nineteenth
century.61
he second redaction
58.
Quo
vero
ad moniales. Remittatur otum
negotium
earum
generalibus;
el
coniungan-
tur
canones isti cum
superioribus....
In 7....
Non
prohibeantur
antus
musici
(CT9:1068).
59.
The
full Summa
censurarum, summarizing criticismsof the preliminaryreforms,
appears
n
CT9:1067-69.
60. Musical
compositions
in
which there is
intermingledaught
lasciviousor
impure,
either
by
the
organ
or
other instrumentsor
by
singing,
should
be
kept away
from churches
altogether;
liturgical
aws must be
observed
with
reference o sacredmusic
(Fellerer,
Church
Music
and
the
Council of
Trent,
581n).
61. On
Paleotti's Acta
Concilii
tridentini,
heir
history,
and their
eventual
publication,
see
Prodi,
II
Cardinale Gabriele
Paleotti
2:389-424;
and
Hubert
Jedin,
Das
Konzil
von
Trient,
ein
Ueberblick berdie
Erforschung
einer
Geschichte
Rome:
Edizioni
di Storia
Letteratura,
948),
37-39.
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The
Council of Trent Revisited 23
includesthis
illuminatingdescription
and
explanation
of
deliberations
about
music before the
twenty-second
session:
So,
too,
earlier
many things
had been
provided
regarding
music
in divine
ser-
vices
in the
eighth
canon of these
abuses,
which
thereafterhad
not
been
re-
peated
in
this,
not
because
they
were
unacceptable,
but because
they
did
not
seem
appropriate
or individual
presentation
n this
way.
As,
for
example,
that
one
[of
the
stipulations
requiring]
that
it
[music]
be
composed
so that
its
words
may
be
perceived
by
everyone,
and
nothing
of
the
text of
the
service
then
being performed
shall be
displaced by
the
organ
or
singing,
but
it
shall
first
be
recited in
a clearvoice.62
Having
thus articulated
early
on that the issue
of
textual
intelligibility
had
been omitted from the final
version
of
the
canons and
decrees,
and
having
ex-
plained
the reasons behind that
decision,
Paleotti
subsequently
rewrote the
reference
to
music in
the final redaction
of the
Acts :
In
the deliberations
regarding
music in
divine
service,
although
some rather
condemned
[than
approved]
it in
churches,
the
rest,
however,
and
especially
the
Spanish, gave
their vote that it
should
by
all
means be
retained
in
accor-
dance with the
most ancient
usage
of
the Catholic
Church
to
arouse
the
faith-
ful to love of God,
provided
that it should be free of lasciviousness and
wantonness,
and
provided
that,
so
far as
possible,
the
words of the
singers
should be
comprehensible
o the
hearers.63
In
Paleotti's
final,
more
general
reference to
music,
the issue of
intelligibility,
ignored
in
the
published
Council
decrees,
here
rejoins
the
single
musical
stipulation
specifically
articulated
there.
Ironically,
Paleotti thus
provides
a
62. Sicquoque antea n 8. canone horum abusuumcircamusicam n divinisagendammulta
erant
provisa,
quae
deinde
non
fuerunt
in
hoc
repetita,
non
quia
non
probarentur,
ed
quoniam
non ita
singula
visa
sunt
exprimenda.
Veluti
llud,
ut ita
componatur,
ut eius
verbaab
omnibus ac-
cipipossint,
et ne
organo
aut cantu
occupetur
aliquid
ex
contextu eius
officii
quod
tunc
agitur,
ed
illud
plana
voce
recitetur
prius.
This
version,
surviving
in
Archivio
Segreto
Vaticano,
Sacra
Congregazione
del
Concilio,
MS
88,
is
printed
in
CT3,
pt.
1,
pp.
429-30.
Comparison
of this
passage
with the text of
canon 8
(see
n.
22
above)
suggests
that
plana
voce
implies
either
plain-
chant
or
speech.
63.
De musica
in divinis
agenda,
tametsi
aliqui
eam
potius
in
ecclesiis
damnarent,
reliqui
tamen,
et
praesertim
Hispani
eam
omnino ex
antiquissimo
catholicae
ecclesiae
nstituto ad
exci-
tandumfidelium n Deum affectumretinendamcensuerunt,modo lasciviapetulantiaquevacaret,
et
quoad
eius fieri
posset
verba
canentium ab
audientibus
intelligerentur.
This
version,
from
Archivio
Segreto
Vaticano,
Sacra
Congregatione
del
Concilio,
MS
105,
is
published
n
CT3,
pt.
1,
p.
429n. It had
previously appeared
n
Augustin
Theiner, ed.,
Acta
genuina
ss.
oecumenici
Concilii
tridentini:
Sub
Paulo
III.
Julio
III.
et
Pio
IV
ab
Angelo
Massarello
piscopo
helesino
jus-
dem
concilliisecretario
conscripta.
Nunc
primum
integra
edita
ab
Augustino
Theiner ..
accedunt
acta
ejusdem
Concilii
SubPio
IV
a
cardinale
Gabriele
Paleotto ..
digesta,
ecundis uris
expolitiora
(Zagreb:
Typis
et
sumptibus
Societatis
bibliophilae,
1874),
590. It
was
quoted
from
Theiner,
with
slight
differences,
n
Weinmann,
Das
Konzil von
Trient,
16;
and is
also
printed,
without source ci-
tation,
in
Mischiati,
II
Concilio di
Trento,
20.
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24 Journal
of
the American
Musicological Society
venerable
precedent,
unknown
to Gustave
Reese,
for the
later
historian's
reframing
of Tridentine
pronouncements
on music
to include
both
issues.
PerhapsPaleotti'srevisions n the yearsafterthe Council were also influ-
enced
by
what
happened
in Rome
shortly
after the
Council
adjourned.
Paleotti's
retention
of the issue
of textual
comprehensibility,
a
concern
to
prelates
preoccupied
with
music
long
before
Trent
and,
of
course,
to
sixteenth-
century
musical
humanists
generally,
must
have reflected
the
abiding
mind-set
of
other
reform-minded
churchmen
returning
from
Trent.
This is
most
evi-
dent
and
familiar
rom the oft-cited
experiments
with
textual
intelligibility
n
polyphony
pursued
in 1565
by
Cardinals
Carlo
Borromeo and
Vitellozzo
Vitelli
as members
of the Commissionof
Cardinals,
stablished
by
Pius IV
the
previous
year
to
carry
out
Tridentine
reform
in Rome
in accordance
with
the
stipulations
of the
twenty-fourth
session
that reforms
be
implemented
at the local
level.
In
April
1565,
papal
singers
convened
at Vitelli's
residence
to
sing
some
masses
and test
whether the
words could
be
understood,
as
their
Eminences
desire. 64
This
may
best
explain
the
interesting
circumstance
of Giovanni
Animuccia,
who
in 1566 received
payment
for fivemasses
[written] according
to
the re-
quirements
of the Council
to
be used
in
the
Cappella
Giulia.At
their
publica-
tion the following year, the composer indicated that the masses had been
composed
so
that the
music
may
disturb
the
hearing
of the
text as
little as
possible,
suggesting
that
this had been
his
understanding
of secundum
or-
mam
concilii,
and
the
understanding
of administrators
f
the
Cappella
Giulia
as
well.65
But it is also
interesting
to note that
in 1568 the
Cappella
Giulia
continued
to
perform
a mass
by Pipelare
on L'homme
arme ;
an old
mass
by
Robert
Fevin
in
the old book,
which could
be the Missa
Le
villain
jaloux,
preserved
in
a Sistine
Chapel
manuscript;
a
mass
by Compere
...
in the
fourth mode, very probablyhis Missa L'hommearme,
likewise
surviving
n
the Sistine
collection;
and another
[mass]
called La Castagnia.
These
works
form
part
of a
retrospective
collection
that,
as Richard
Sherr
has
observed,
seems
strange
.. because the
music for the
chapel
at
this time should
have
been selected
according
to
the
standards
aid down
by
the Council
of
Trent,
standards
presumably
not
met
by
these
pre-Tridentine
pieces.
In
addition,
Capella
Sistina
MS
22,
apparently
opied
circa
1565,
contained
not
only
the
quintessential
Tridentinereform
work
of the
subsequent
Palestrina
egend,
the
64.
Giuseppe
Baini,
Memorie
torico-critiche
ella vita
e
delle
opere
di Giovanni
Pierluigi
da
Palestrina
(Rome:
Societa
tipografica,
1828);
Franz
Xavier
Haberle,
Die
Cardinalskommision
von 1564
und PalestrinasMissa
Papae
Marcelli,
KirchenmusikalischesJahrbuch
(1892):
82-97;
and numerous studies
by
Lewis
Lockwood,
particularly
The
Counter-Reformation,
where
the
quotation
from the
chapel
diary
appears
on
p.
87.
65. Lewis Lockwood and
Noel
O'Regan,
Animuccia,
Giovanni,
in The
New
Grove
Dictionaryof
Musicand
Musicians,
d ed.
(2001),
1:687.
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The
Council
of
Trent
Revisited 25
Missa
Papae
Marcelli,
but also a
MissaEn
doleuret tristesse
nd
a
Missa
Ultimi
mei
sospiri.66
he
persistence
n
the
Cappella
Giulia of
these masses based
on
secularmodelspatentlyviolatesTrent'smost dearlyarticulatedmusicalprohi-
bition,
usefully
llustrating
he
ad
hoc,
inconsistent nature of
post-Tridentine
reform,
even at the
very
center of
the
CaputMundi.
More
significantly,
ven before the
Commission
of
Cardinals'
meetings
on
music,
Carlo Borromeo had
begun
work on
musical
reform
along
similar
ines
for his own
diocese of Milan.
On 20
January
1565 he
had written to
Nicolo
Ormaneto,
his
vicar,
I
would like
you
to
speak
with the
chapel
master
there
[Vincenzo
Ruffo]
and
tell
him
to reform
the
singing
so
that the words
may
be
as
intelligible
as
possible,
as
you
know
is
ordered
by
the
Council
(emphasis
added).67
As Gabriele
Paleotti
had
done in
his
Acts,
Borromeo
thus
af-
forded
the issue of
textual
comprehensibility
kind
of
quasi-official
onciliar
sanction
that,
while not
quite
in
accord
with
historical
events,
subsequently
caught
on.
Rome was
the
model for
the Catholic
world,
which
must
quickly
have
gotten
wind of
changes
being
explored
and
affected
by
the
Commission of
Cardinals,
nd
by
Borromeo
in
particular,
ncluding
this
amplification
f
what
the
Council
had
commanded on
music.
A
fascinating
etter
from
Giovanni
Animuccia'sbrother,PaoloAnimuccia,writingfromPesaro n January1566,
clearly
witnesses
to the
apparent
spread
of
this
expanded
interpretation
of
official
Tridentine
doctrine on
music.
Paolo
Animuccia
boldly
offers
to reform
the
music of Paul
Vs
chapel
so
that the
words
can be
understood and
be
accompaniedby
the
devout
music
necessary
or
ecclesiastical
unctions. 68
One
example
of
reform
at the
local level
appears
o
draw a
distinction be-
tween
what
Trent
had
actually
decreed
regarding
music
and the
broadened n-
terpretation.
The
Constitutiones
lmae
domus or
the
Holy
House
of
Loreto,
promulgatedby CardinalGiulio dellaRoverein 1576, included the following
stipulations
egarding
he
maestrodi
cappella:
A
chapel
master
hould
be
appointed,moreover,
who
would
obey
the
laws
aid
down
by
the
Council f
Trent
or
church
musicians,
amely,
ot to
mix n
any-
thing
ndecent r
impure
n
their
ongs;
but
let him
rememberis
presence
n
the
church,
where
angelic
harmonies
cho the
praises
f
Christhe
Lord
andof
his
Virgin
Mother.
Therefore,
henevert
canbe
done
smoothly,
e
shouldbe
a
man
most
skillfuln
the art
of
music,and
he
shouldadorn
he
divine
praises
66.
Richard
Sherr,
From
the
Diary
of a
Sixteenth-CenturyPapal
Singer,
Current
Musi-
cology
5
(1978):
83-98;
the
quotation
appears
on
p.
94;
the
masseson
secular
models
appear
n
entriesfrom
CapellaSistina,
MS
651,
translatedon
pp.
91-93.
My
thanks to
Professor
Sherr
for
providing
he
information
about the
contents of
CapellaSistina,
MS 22.
67.
Lockwood,
The
Counter-Reformation,
2.
68.
Richard
Sherr,
A
Letter
from
Paolo
Animuccia:A
Composer's
Response
to
the
Council
of
Trent,
Early
Music 12
(1984):
75-78.
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26
Journalof
the
American
Musicological
Society
with
rhythm
nd
vocal
harmony
n sucha
way
hat he words
do
not
get
entan-
gled
or
confused,
ut let thembe uttered
distinctly,
o
that
heymay
be
clearly
understood yeveryone.69
Here
the Council's
edict on music is
quite
clearlyseparated
rom
the
addi-
tional issue of
comprehension,
so
commonly
reintroduced
by
ecclesiastical
authorities
n
the
post-Tridentine
period.
One
suspects
that few musicians
actually
read the official Tridentine
pro-
nouncements.
Their
perception
of the Council's decrees on music was
more
likely
influenced
by
orders from ecclesiastical
patrons (as
in the
case of
GiovanniAnimuccia n Rome or
Vmcenzo Ruffo
in
Milan),
by published
re-
forms of provincialsynods that interpretedthe Tridentine decrees (as hap-
pened
relativelyquickly
n
Milan
and
Bologna), by
what
they
may
have
heard
informally (as
in
the case of
Paolo Animuccia
in
Pesaro,
presumably kept
abreastof
papal
goings-on by
his
brother Giovanni
n
Rome),
or
by
what
they
read on title
pages
or
in
dedicationsof musical
publications
claiming
to
have
been
composed
according
to the
form of the Council of Trent or in
compliance
with the decree of the
Most
Holy
Council
of
Trent
(as
is the case
with Ruffo's
mass
collections).
Within a few
years
of the
Council's
conclusion,
the issue of
textual
ntelligibility
n
sacred
music had thus come to be taken
for
grantedaspartof its reforms.Ironically,t appears hat CarloBorromeo,who
in
1562-63
worked
energetically
behind
the
scenes,
from
Rome,
to control
the course of
the Council
on behalf of
Pius
IV,
may
thus
have continued to
control its
outcome in the
small
matter
of
music even
after the Council
had
adjourned.
Thus,
when it came
to
music,the Council
of Trent chose
ultimately
o
say
as little as
possible-indeed,
less than
commonly suggested
by
some
promi-
nent
Catholicreformers
uch asPaleotti
and
Borromeo,
not to
mention
many
modem music historians.And after he Council,those involvedwith its imple-
mentation seem
rarely
o
have
been askedto
say
more. It
is
significant
hat
the
index
for the first
sixty
years'
deliberationsof the
Sacra
Congregazione
del
Concilio,
established
shortly
after
the
Council to
arbitrate
and enforce
the
Council's
decrees,
contains
only
one
request
for
advice
on
a musical
matter
(see
Appendix
2
below).
The
Congregation's
response
was
thoroughly
characteris-
tic:
citing
the
twenty-fourth
session,
canon
12,
the
cardinals n
Rome
referred
the matter
right
back to
the local
bishop
in
Barcelona.
69. Sia
nominato inoltre
un
maestro di
cappella
l
quale
non
solo
ottemperi
alle
leggi pre-
scrittedal
concilio
tridentinoa i
musici
di
chiesa,
cioe
di
non
mischiare
alcunch6
di lascivoo d'im-
puro
nei
loro
canti,
ma
pensi
di
trovarsinella
chiesa dove le
angeliche
armonie risuonarono
delle
lodi di
Cristo
Signore,
e della sua
Vergine
Madre.
Pero,
qualora
o si
possa agevolmente,
sia
egli
uomo
valentissimonell'arte
musicale,e
col
ritmo e colla
Modulazione
delle voci
adomi
le
divine
laudi
n
guisa
che le
parole
non
s'intreccinone si
confondino,
ma
nettamente
sian
profferite,
accio
possano
da tutti esser
chiaramente
comprese.
See Floriano
Grimaldi,
La
Cappella
Musicale
di
Loretonel
Cinquecento Loreto:
Ente
Rassegne Musicali,
1981),
106. I wish to thank
Richard
Sherr or
bringing
this
reference o
my
attention.
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The
Council
of Trent Revisited
27
This Tridentine decision
from
the
twenty-fourth
session-to
leave
such
issues to
be
settled
at the
local
level-proved
just
as
important
for
the
subse-
quent developmentof Catholicchurch music.The historyof post-Tridentine
sacred
music
is therefore
ocal
history,
characterized ot
by uniformity
but
by
fascinating diversity,
and sometimes
involving
restrictive
practices
that
had
been
rejected
at Trent.
This
may
be
briefly
llustrated
by
the varied attitudes
toward
the
implementation
of
Tridentine
egislationregarding
emale monas-
teries.
In
Milan,
for
example,
Carlo
Borromeo
actually
disseminated
copies
of
the
preliminary,
ejected
roposals
on monastic reform from
Trent
and
gradu-
ally
moved
from
a less restrictive ttitudetoward nuns' music
to a
more
severe
position
in the
1570s,
revoking
the
privilege
for outside music teachers and
attempting
to remove
polyphony
from
the
external churches
of
convents
governed
by regularreligious
orders.
In
Bologna,
on the other
hand,
one of
GabrielePaleotti's
first
episcopal
decrees
regarding
convent
music,
issued
in
March
1569,
returned
to
the
rigors
of the
initial,
rejected
draft from Trent
that
forbadeall
vocal
music but
plainchant
and
any singing
to the
organ,
a ban
that
proved
very
difficult
to
enforce.
Significantly,
when the cardinal's
oadju-
tor,
Alfonso
Paleotti,
wrote to
Rome
twenty-five
years
ater,
requesting
a ban
on musiche solenni
similar
to one
recently
issued
against
the nuns
of
Naples, CardinalAlessandrino,MicheleBonelli,responded, asto the reform
in
Naples,
it was
local, [issued]
for
particular
easons,
wherefore
t
should not
be extended into universal circumstances. Alessandrino thus
clearly
reaf-
firmed the
important principle
of local
variation
laid down
in
the
twenty-
fourth session of the Council. His remark
also
aptly
characterizeswhatwould
become the
wider
reality
of
convent music
generally,
where the
severities
of
Bologna
and Milan contrast
frequently
with much less contested and more
encouraging
attitudes oward convent music
in
open
cities
suchas
Siena.70
It is
equallycharacteristic f the historyof earlymodern Catholic church
music
that,
although
convent
music had
been
saved
by
the removal
of all
musical
references rom the
monastic reform of
the
twenty-fifth
session,
the
recordsof
the Sacra
Congregazione
dei Vescovi
e
Regolari,
established o deal
with
monastic
discipline
n the
aftermathof
Trent,
by
contrastwith records
of the Sacra
Congregazione
del
Concilio,
are
filled with
literally
hundredsof
70. On the
Milanese reform of
female monasteries under Carlo
Borromeo,
see Kendrick,
CelestialSirens,58-71. On Bologna, see CraigMonson, DisembodiedVoices:Musicand Culture
in an
Early
ModernItalian
Convent
(Berkeley
and
Los
Angeles:
University
of California
Press,
1995), esp.
36-48;
and
idem,
Disembodied Voices:
Music
in the Nunneries of
Bologna
in the
Midst of the
Counter-Reformation,
n
The
Crannied
Wall:
Women,
Religion,
and
the Arts in
Early
Modern
Europe,
d.
Craig
Monson
(Ann
Arbor:
University
of
Michigan
Press,
1992),
191-
209.
Cardinal
Alessandrino's
remark,
quanto
alla riforma
di
Napoli
fu locale
p[er]
ragioni
part[icola]ri
nde non deve tirarsi n
conseguenza
generale,
appears
n Archivio
Segreto
Vaticano,
Sacra
Congregazione
dei Vescovi e
Regolari,
Reg.
Episcoporum
24
(1592-93),
fol.
107. For
the
contrasting
history
of nuns' music in
Siena,
see Colleen
Reardon,
Holy
Concord
Within Sacred
Walls:Nuns and
Music n
Siena,
1575-1700
(New
York:
Oxford
University
Press,
2001).
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28
Journalof the
American
Musicological
Society
rulings
on convent
music.
These
myriad,
often inconsistent
efforts
to
control
this
apparently dangerous
art reflect
just
one side of the
richly
varied
practice
that would characterize post-Tridentine music in the Catholic world.
Appendix
1 Earlier
Pronouncementson
Musical
Reform,
from
Before
the
Work
for
the
Twenty-second
Session
of the
Council
of
Trent7l
A. Friedrich
Nausea
von
Waischenfeld,
Episcopus
Viennensis,
De
praecipuisquibus-
dam clericorumet
laicorum abusibus
pro
ecclesia
reformanda
tollendis,
Liber
quintus
(June 1543)
(Summary:Regardingsingers'abuses.... Somewhowouldhold
singers'places
nownoth-
ing of
music
or
only
one
aspectof
it,
and
become
aughingstocks y
needing
to
be
taught
by
their
deputies.
No
care
is taken
concerning
corrector incorrect
music
books;
missalsand
breviaries
n
particular
ought
to be
corrected.
ingers
ive
no
thought
o
singing loudly
or
amorously,
nd
they
omit
or shorten
iturgical
texts
to accommodate
music.
Singers
how
little concern
or
the
moderate,
everent
manner
of
reading
or
singing
appropriate
o
di-
vine
service.
They
ometimesntroduce
music
that arouses
wantonness,
hat includes
exts
not
derived
rom
Scripture,
r that is
in the
vernacular....
Only
corrected
ooks houldbe
used n
the
choir,
and
only
songs
aken
rom
Scripture
r in
accord
with
it.
Things
hat are
inappropriatelyrderedor inappropriately lacedshouldberemoved.... Let nothingbe
sung
except
hat
which
pertains
to the
eucharist r
Lord's
assion,
uchas
Pange
ingua,
Lauda
Sion,
0
sacrum
convivium,
Homo
quidam ecit,
Discubuit
esus, Patris
sapientia. f
a
petition
or
peace,
a
fruitful
harvest,
etc. need be
sung,
it
is
appropriate
o
do
so
before
r
after
Mass.... Let
nothing
be
read or
sung
in
church hat
is
notfrom,
or
in
agreement
with,
Scripture.
Whatever its
language,
it
should be
serious and
not
laughable.)72
De
cantorum
abusibus.
... Inter quos quidemprelatos,diversisgradibusdistinctos,cuiusmodisunt prepositi,
decani,
archidiaconi,cholastici,
de
quibus
paulo
ante
diximus,
sibi
quoque
locum
ven-
dicant n
aliquibus
ecclesiis
cantores,
ta
vocati,
quod
eorum
sit,
habere
curamde
canti-
cis
ecclesiasticis,
qui
alibi
chori
episcopi
nominantur.
Quam
recte sibi id
nominis
usurpent,
argumento
sunt
abusus
eorum.
Primus
quidem
eorum
est
abusus,
quod
plerique psorum,
ne
unius
quidem
vel
al-
terius
note,
quam
vocant,
scientiam
habeant,
sileo,
quod
aliquam
musices
partem
cal-
leant,
docendi
demum
per
eorum
succentores
ubstitutosnon
citraderisionem
nec sine
magno apud
omnes
ludibrio.
Secundus
abusus
ex
prioredescendensest, quod nullaest ipsiscura,quam sint vel
emendate vel
inemendate
scripti
libri,
quorum
est
usus in
templo, quum
tamen
vel
unicum
iota,
perperam
exaratum,
acere
possit
perversum
et
hereticum
sensum in
ver-
71. These
appendices
ffer
either
ummaries
in
parentheses
nd
talics)
f
the
longer
docu-
ments,
translating
nly
their
most
important
points,
or
my
own,
full
translations f the
less
exten-
sive
documents.
72. A
partial,
alternative
translation
of
some
of the
passages
appears
in
Hayburn,
Papal
Legislation,
5-27.
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The
Council
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Trent
Revisited
29
bis
et
orationibus,
d
quod
in
primis
usuvenire
solet
in
ipsis, que
vocant,
missalibus
et
breviariis,
ue oportuit
esse
perquam
emendatissime
cripta
et
excusa.
Tertius est eorum abusus,quod nil pensi habeant, an in cantando sit clamorvel
amor,
quum permittant
epe
non
nullos
in
choro
reboare
potius quam
canere;
nec ani-
madvertunt,
quod
non
recte
sepenumero
ob vel
cantorum vel
organorum
concen-
tuum
omittanturaut decurtentur
ea,
quae
sunt in
divinis
officiis
precipua.
Cuius
sane
generis
sunt
lectiones
prophetarum,
epistole
apostolorum,
symbola
fidei,
prefationes
et
gratiarum
actiones
et
precationes
et id
genus
alia,
quorum
isti
magnam
debent
habere
rationem.
Quartus
est eorum
cantorum
abusus,
quod
minime
advertunt,
quomodo
vel
legatur
vel
canatur
n
choro,
quandoquidem
cantus
pse
esse
debet
equalis,
non
precipi-
tatus,
sed
clarus,
distinctus,
modicus,
devotus,
et
ita
quidem
temperatus
ad
omnia,
ut
queque
divinaoffitia
reverenter
peragantur.
Denique
cantorum
abusus
est,
quod
aliquoties
n
cantibuset
organis
n
templo per-
mittunt,
que
magis
asciviam
quam
devotionem
excitant,
sinantque
aliquando
cani,
que
non
modo non ex
divinissunt
desumpta
scripturis,
ed
que
sunt ab eis
omnino diversa
vel
certe
minus
spiritualia,
maxime
cum
in
lingua
non
consueta,
utpote vernacula,
egi
soleant contra
catholice
ecclesie
morem et
consuetudinem.73
Idem,
de
modo
ollendorum
el
moderandorum
busuum,
Liber
sextus
Cantores.
Studeant
quoscunque
n
choro
libros
habere bene
correctos,
et
non
alios
permittant
cantus,
quam
qui
vel ex
scriptura
desumpti
sint
vel illi
non
adversentur.
nde
per
viros
eruditos
abiciendi,
qui
non
fiant suo
ordine et
tempore,
quos
Deo
decet
esse
dignos
et
devotionis
incensivos.74
Idem,
de
tollendis irca
apices
christiane
eliqionis
busibus t
moderandis
ebus
absolute
pietatis
haud
existentibus,
iber
septimus
... Ac tum nihilcanatur,quam quod ad venerabile acramentumaltarisvel passionem
dominicam
attinet,
ut
est
Pange lingua,
Lauda
Sion,
O sacrum
convivium,
Homo
quidam
fecit,
Discubuit
lesus,
Patris
sapientia,
aut si
quid
hoc
est
genus
aliud. Si
quid
vel
pro pace
vel
pro
fecunditate
terre vel
pro
hoc
genus
re
aliacantari
debet,
commodius
cantari
potest
vel ante vel
post
missam....
Circa
ectiones
et
cantus
in
templo.
Nihil
nec
legatur
nec
canatur n
templo,
nisi
quod
ex
sacrissit
literis
depromptum
vel cum
illis
consonet
aut
certe
non
discrepet,
sed
gravitate
quadam
sine
ridiculo
poleat;
n
quocunque
tandem
idiomate
hoc
ipsum
legi
canique
soleat.75
B.
Council of
Poissy,
October
1561
(Summary:
The
Council
of
Basel's
decree,
How
divine service
should be
celebrated,
should be
observed
n
every
detail.
Services
hould
not be
performed
hastily,
but
slowly,
73.
CT
12:403.
74.
CT 12:416.
75.
CT
12:421.
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30 Journalof the American
Musicological
Society
distinguishing
between
estal
and common
days. They
hould
not
be
performed
oo
loudly
or too
effeminately.
Polyphony
nown
as
discant,
which
obscures
he
words,
should
be
removed rimproved.During publicservices o oneshould avetime in reciting hecanon-
ical hours
whileMass
s
being
celebrated.
inging
should
ncite
the
aithful
to
piety.
Organs
should
play only
sacred
music,
and lasciviousor
impious
music
should
be
removed.
They
shall
be
silent
during
the
Creed,
which
everyone
must
hear,
and not obstruct he
Epistle,
Gospel,
he
Preface,
and theLord's
Prayer.Anything
sung
to the
organ
or other
nstruments
shouldbe
comprehensible.
he
various
service
books houldbe examined and
reformed
as
necessary.
Roman
annotation:
Any reference
o the Council
of
Basel
shouldbe
omitted.
Anything
in
the
Gallican
reform
hat bearsno
annotation is
left
to
be considered
reely by
the
Holy
See,
according
o the
ruling
of
the
papal legates
and
the
whole
Council.])
De
cultu.
... ut in omnibus observetur decretum
concilii Basiliensis:
Quomodo
celebrandum
it
officium
divinum....
Omnes et
singuli
clerici
convenienti modulatione
et consona debitum
Deo cultum
exhibeant
et
extrinsecusetiam ostendant cor
et carnem
exultare
n
Deum vivum
et
in
horis
canonicisdent
operam,
ut
quae
dicunt
attendentes llud
propheticum
de se non
merito
audiant:Labiis
quidem
me
honorant,
cor
autem eorum
longe
est a
me,
cum sit
maledictus,
qui opus
Dei
facit
negligenter.
Laudes
itaque
divinae non
festinanter,
ed
tractimservatis
ntervallis,
dierum tamen
festorum
a
profestis
distinguendorum
habita
ratione,
nec in altum sublata
voce
decantentur,
quin
etiam
molles omnes
fractique
can-
tus,
quos
discantus
vocant,
quorum
tumultus
et
strepituspotius
auditur
quam
pronun-
ciatio,
tollantur
vel
emendentur aut in
melius
reformentur.Sed nec
interea,
dum
canonicae
preces
in
templo
publice
cantantur
aut
leguntur,
quisquam
n
ecclesiaextra
chorum deambulando
privatim
aliquidlegat
nec
horas
canonicas
absolvat,
sed
simul
cum
fratribus anens
Deum honoret.
Porro
autem clerici
et sacerdotes
cantumsuum
ita
instituant,
ut
ad
pietatem
et
ad Deum
populi
animum
excitent,
et
organa
quidem,
quorum
usus est
in
templis,
nihil
praeter
hymnos
divinos et
spiritualia
antica
reprae-
sentent,
impudicas
autem
cantilenas
et christianis
auribus
indignas
modulando non
referant.Dum autem et symbolum,quod est ab omnibus audiendum,recitatur,con-
ticescant,
neque
evangelii
et
verborum
propheticorum
aut
apostolicorum,
quam
vocamus
epistolam,
et
praefationem,
quae gratiarum
actio
dicitur,
et
precationem
dominicam,
quominus
a
populo
audiantur,
impediant,
ut
episcopus
cum
consilio
seniorum
capitulipoterit
decernere.
Quae
autem de
organis
dicta
[sunt],
eadem
de
campanis
aut aliis
nstrumentis,
quae
ad
sacraofficia
adhibentur,
ntelligi
volumus.
Visitentur
breviaria,missalia,
manualia,
antiphonalia
t
legenda
sanctorum,
et
quae
fuerint
deprehensa
n
illis
superflua
aut non
satis
pro
ecclesiae
dignitate
convenientia,
ea
continuo
tollanturet
resecentur,
t
quae
visa fuerint
necessaria,
diiciantur um
consilio
seniorumcapituli.
[Adnotatio
Romana:
De
cultu
divino:
Ubicumque
it
mentio
concilii
Basiliensis,
eleatur
mentio
llius conciliiet
denuo
iat,
quicquid
expedit
ieri....
Cetera
vero
omnia in
sum-
mario
reformationis
Gallicanae
contenta,
uperquibus
nihil
est
annotatum,
S.tae S.
relin-
quit
liberrime
ractanda
et decernenda uxta
Ill.morum
DD.
legatorum
et
totius
concilii
placitum
et
sententiam,
quibus
omninose
remittit.]76
76.
CT
13:515 and n.
1. CT
13 takes
the
AdnotatioRomana
rom
Archivio
Segreto
Vaticano,
oncilio
Tridentino,
MS
103,
fol. lOOr.
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The
Council of
Trent Revisited 31
C.
Religious
wars
in
France:
requestspresented
to Pius IV before 12 December
1562
It remainsto speakof the way to serve God. In this regard t has been observedthat
even as in the
early
church the
singing
of
psalms
and
public
prayer
n a
language
under-
stood
by everyone
encouraged
Christians o fear
God
and in
their devotion
frequently
to invoke him in
fraternal
brotherhood,
so
it
likewise
provoked
their enemies to
want
to
hear
what there
might
be about this
religion
that
made
men live better
and made
them
more
devout
toward
God.
So we
see
in
our time
that those who
are
separated
from
us
draw nto
their
company
all
those who hear them
singing
the
psalms
and
pray-
ing.
And
seeing
that
this
is
a
good
thing
and
praiseworthy,
nd
something
the church
has
employed
for
such
a
long
time,
it
would be a
good
thing
to
accept by
the
same
stratagem
into our church
the
singing
of
psalms
in the
vernacular
with
the
public
prayers;
nd
every
bishop
could order
just
this in his
diocese.
Resta a
parlare
della manieradi
servirea
Dio.
Sopra
di
questo
vengono
a notare ch'an-
cora che nella
primitiva
hiesa
il
canto de
i
salmi
et
preghiere
publiche
in
lingua
intesa
da ciascunoconteneva i
christiani
nel timor
di
Dio
et
nella devotione
d'invocarlo
pes-
so in
fraternale
micitia,
irava
i
nimici a
voler
intendere
quel
che fusse
di
questa
reli-
gione,
che faceva
gli
huomini di
migliorvita et
piu
devoti inverso
Dio,
cosi
noi vedi-
amo al nostro
tempo
che
coloro che
sono
separati
da noi tirano n
compagnia
oro
tutti
quelli,
che
li
odono cantare
de
i
salmi et
fare
preghiere.
Et atteso
che
questa
e una
cosa
buona et laudabile et la
quale
la chiesa ha si
lungamente
usata,
saria
buono col
medesmo
artificiodi
riceverenella
nostra
chiesa due
volte il
giorno
il
canto
de
i
salmi
in
lingua
volgare
con le
preghiere
publiche,
et
tali,
quali
ciascun
vescovo
potesse
ordinarenella sua
diocesi.77
D.
Francisco
Cordoba,
Order of
Observant
Friars
Minor,
Considerationes e
ecclesia
reformanda t de
concilio
(1562)
On feast
days
let
the
clergy
and the
people give
their
attention
to
the
doctrine
of
the
faith.
... For
they
suppose
him to
be
adequately
uitedto the
church's
ministry
who
can
sing
and
somehow or
other
read,
although
learning
should
always
be
preferred
o
those
qualities
(which
nevertheless
are
not
discountenanced).Whence,
whereas for this
rea-
son
there
is
no lack
of
singers,
there
would
assuredly
be
no
lack of
theologians,
if
on
them, too,
benefices were
conferred;
or
honor
nourishes the
arts.... Therefore
it
is
proper
that
the
pope
and
other
prelates
of
the
church,
who
distribute he
benefices
of
the
church,
first teach
them
and
make
them
capable
of
preaching,
for
singing
is the
meanest
office;
indeed,
it
is
not
even
the
property
of
ministersof the
church,
but of all
Christians.
In
diebus festis
clerus
populusque
fidei
doctrinae
det
operam.
...
Nam ad
ministerium
ecclesiae
putant
hi
satis
idoneum esse
eum,
qui
novit
cantare
et
utcunque
scit
legere,
cum
istis
(quae
tamen
non sunt
reprobanda)
doctrina
semper
sit
praeferenda.
Unde cum
hac
de
causa non
desint
cantores,
non
deessent
certe the-
ologi,
si et illis
beneficia
conferrent;
honor
enim
alit
artes....
Oportet
ergo,
ut
papa
et
77.
CT13:524.
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32
Journal
of the American
Musicological
Society
ceteri ecclesiae
praelati,qui
ecclesiaebeneficia
distribuunt,
prius
doceant
eos
faciantque
idoneos
ad
praedicandum,quoniam
cantare nfimum
munus
est,
imo nec
est
proprium
ministrorumecclesiae,sed omnium christianorum.78
E.
Petitions
presentedby
the counselors
and
deputies
of the
Holy
Roman
Emperor
or
considerationat the Council
of
Trent
(20 May 1562)
(Summary:
Services
re
currently
erformed, rayers
re
said,
and
psalms
are
sung
laugh-
ably,
negligently,
rreverently,
nd so
ast
as to
be
unintelligible
ven
to
the
performers.
The
church
hierarchy ught herefore
o
consider owto correct
his,
so that
what
is said or
sung
will
be
pronouncedcorrectly,
istinctly, lowly,
and
with
respectful ravity.
Since
many
faults
have
crept
nto the churche's
ongs
and
prayers,
ervicebooks hould
be
reviewed
nd
corrected
o
that
nothing
s
read,
sung, offered
n
prayer,
or
presented
o
the
people
hat
does
not
appear
n
scripture
r is not
properaccording
o the Church
Fathers
or
accepted
hurch
histories.
f lengthy rayers
nd
songs
rovoke
nconsiderate
aste
n
performing
he
service,
that
tedious
ongwindedness
houldbe cut back.Better
ive
psalms
sung
in
peace
and
joy
than
the
entire
psalter
n
sadnessand
anxiety.
Since
many
less
knowledgeableeople
urge
the use
of
the
vernacular n
divine service
and the
administration
of
the
sacraments,
nd
since
t is
established
ut
of
ancient and modern
doctors nd writers
of
the church hat the
same custom
was
ollowed
n
the churchat one
time,
and
even now is the custom n some
places
uchas
Granada and
Croatia,
the
Councilshould ake
up
the
question
whether,
n
thepresent ircumstances,he church houldnot consider ermittingvernacularverseso be
interspersed
ith Latin
song,provided
t
encourages
evotion
and
doesnot
profane
he
holy
scriptures.)
11.
Gravisvidetur
abusus omnem divinumcultum
ridicule
et
negligenter
sine
de-
votione et
reverentia
peragi, tantaque praecipitationepreces
effimdi,
ut
orantes
seu
psallentes
ne
seipsos quidem intelligerequeant,
nedum
quam
pie
et devote
psallant
canantve
expendere, quando
id
curant
unice,
ut
quam
ocius
absolvant,
quidvispotius
libentiusque
acturi,
quam
hisce
divinisofficiis
studiose animum
adiicere.
Qui
abusus et
Deo ingratusest et multispraebetoccasionem,ut minus libentersacriscantionibus n-
tersint,
confestim ex
tali
contemptu
facti
ab
omnibus ritibus
ecclesiae
alieniores.
Cogitent
ergo
Rev.mi
patres
modum
quendam
eiuscemodi,
quo
haec vitia
corrigi
possint,
ne
videlicet,
quae
divina
sunt,
tam leviter
praecipitentur.
Adsit
devotio,
adsit
animus
divinis rebus
vacans,
et
quae
cantanturaut
leguntur,
pronuntientur
apte,
dis-
tincte, tractim,
quo
servetur
pia gravitas,
ne
plus
ore
quam
corde
Deus
coli
intelligatur
neque
illud
propheticum
nobis
exprobrariqueat:
Hic
populus
abiis
me
honorat,
cor
autem eorum
longe
est
a
me.
Quid
enim
prodest strepitus
verborum,
ubi
cor mutum
esse
apparet?
12. Cum negari nequeat temporum vitio multa inepta, apocrypha,parumquead
sincerum
cultum
pertinentia
n
cantiones et
preces
ecclesiae
irrepsisse,
acro concilio
enitendum
erit,
ut
libri
missales,
graduales,
antiphonarii,agendae
et
breviaria
eligiose
et
diligenter
recognoscantur
et
repurgentur,utque
nihil
in ecclesia
egendum,
canen-
dum,
orandum
seu
populo proponendum premittatur,
quod
non sit ex
divinis
itteris
desumptum,
aut hisce
omnino
consentaneum,
prout
vel ex
sanctis
patribus
vel
probatis
historiis
ecclesiasticis
emonstrari
possit,
prout
antiquis
conciliis
cautum
esse
cognosci-
tur? Et cum
isthaec
praecipitatio
maxime
per
preces
et
cantus
plus aequo prolixiores
78.
CT13:619-20.
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The Council of Trent
Revisited 33
causetur,
quibus
ad fastidium
usque
clerus
gravatur,
xpediret utique
hanc
taediosam
prolixitatem
habito delectu
resecari,
cum melior sit
quinque
Psalmorum
decantatio
cum cordisserenitateet hilaritate pirituali,quamtotius modulatio Psalterii um cordis
anxietate
atque
tristitia.
13.
Denique
cum
imperita
utriusque
sexus
populi
multitudo
in
cultus divini ac
sacramentorumadministratione
inguae
vernaculaeusum
magnopere
urgeat,
cumque
e
multorum
tam
recentiorum
quam
veterum
ecclesiaedoctorum
et
scriptorum
monu-
mentis
utique
constet,
eundem
aliquando
morem in
usu ecclesiae
fuisse,
et
etiamnum
alicubi,
utpote
in
regno
Granatae t in
Croatia
esse,
posset
hic articulus
quoque
in
con-
cilio
proponi atque
deliberari,
an non
ecclesia
tanquam
piissima
mater
pro praesentis
temporis
conditione
permittendumexistimaret,
ut
liceret alicubi atinis
canticisvernac-
ulas pure omnino et fideliterversas ntermiscere,suo tamen loco et tempore, et eas
saltem,
quae
populi
devotioni
conveniant
nec
prophanent
divina
lia et
arcana acrorum
bibliorum
mysteria.79
Appendix
2
Sacra
Congregatione
del
Concilio,
Deliberations
of
1564-1626
A.
Very
short
communications to
the Most
Holy Supreme
Pontiff
and our
Lord,
SixtusV
[1587-88]
(with
the
note,
To
Cardinal
Carafa,
hat he
may
consider
every-
thing
well and then
report
to our
Lord )
15.
Concerning
sounds and
organs,
and
other
musical
nstruments
It
seems
agreeable
o reason
and
to
the matter
then in hand
and the time: that in
Holy
Week no musical
nstrument
should be
heard
during
the
celebrationof
the
services n
churches,
or on
another
occasion;
but a
single
voice,
not
responding,
not
uncontrolled,
but
devout,
modest,
tearful;
and
would that
organ
music
then
might
cease.
Then it
does not seem
proper
that
anything
profane
be
played
on
either the
organ
or
another
instrument n
church,
especially
while divine
services
are
performed;
and wind
players
should not
play
in
churches,
n
chaste and
devout
places,
or in
front
of the
buildings
of
the
churches.
Brevissimae
insinuationes
ad
SS.mum
Sixtum V
Pontificem
Maximum,
et
D[omi]num
nostru[m].
Al
Car[dina]le
Carafa
he
veda bene
il
tutto,
et
poi
referisca
N S.r
15.
De
sonis et
organis,
alijsq[ue]
musicis
nst[rumentis
Rationi
quidem,
et
rei de
qua
tunc
agitur
et
tempori
videtur
consentaneum:
ut in
heb-
domada sancta
nullum
audiretur
n
templis
in
officioru[m]
celebratione
aut
alias,
mu-
sicum
instrume[n]tum;
sed
sola vox
non
rispons,
non
afferata
[efferata?],
sed
pia
humilis,
lachrimosa
atq[ue]
utinam
organicus
omnis tunc
cessaretcantus.
Deinde
non
videtur
decens:
ut in
templo,
maxime dum
aguntur
divina
officia,
vel
organo,
vel
alio
instrumento
sonet
quid
prophanum
neque
deberent sonare
tibicines in
ecclesijs,
in
locis
sanis
et
pijs,
vel
ante
templorum
aedes.80
79.
CT13:671.
80.
Archivio
egreto
Vaticano,
acra
Congregazione
el
Concilio,
osiz.
5
(1587-88),
fols.
178r-181v,
rom
he
bishop
f
Barcelona,
ho
offers
ighteen oints
oncerning ood
Christian
life nhisdiocese.TheSacredCongregationespondsointbypoint.
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34
Journalof the
American
MusicologicalSociety
B. Sacred
Congregation'sresponse
As to [number]15, to be taken careof by the bishopin consultationwith two fromthe
chapter,
as
requiredby
the decree of the
council,
session
24,
canon
12.
Ad. 15
Ab
Ep'o providen'
adhibitus
adhibitis]
duobus de
cap.
iux. decr. conc.i
sess.
24
c. 12.81
Works
Cited
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Abstract
Reexaminationof a
wide
range
of documents
surrounding
he
twenty-second,
twenty-fourth,
and
twenty-fifth
sessions of the
Council of Trent
reveals
that
delegates
strived
officially
o
say
as little as
possible
about music:
only
that sec-
ular
or
impure
elements
should be eliminated and
that
specific
ssues
should
be settled
locally,by
individual
bishops
and
provincial
ynods.
But,
beginning
with GustaveReese, severalscholarshavemisleadingly trungtogether a pre-
liminary
canon,
stressing
textual
intelligibility,
which
was never
approved
in
the
general
congregations,
and the few lines that
actually
supplanted
t,
con-
cerned
only
with the
elimination of
lasciviousness. On the
other
hand,
a
largely unrecognized
or
misunderstood attack on
church
polyphony
did
occur
at the less
familiar
wenty-fifthsession,
when
Gabriele
Paleotti
may
have at-
tempted
to
suppress
elaborate
music in female
monasteries.
Although
this
attempt
was
rejected
n
the
general
congregations,
ts
restrictionswere
subse-
quently
revived
by
local
authorities
such as Paleotti
and
Carlo
Borromeo in
their own
dioceses.
In
the
Council's
immediate
aftermath,
reformers
such as
Paleotti and
Borromeo once
again
focused on the issue
of
intelligibility,
affording
it a
quasi-official
tatus that seems to
have
quickly
become
widely
accepted
as
iuxta ormam
concilii.