Lilen's Exegesis
Transcript of Lilen's Exegesis
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Soul Invaders:
An Exploration of Heavy Metal Culture
in Contemporary Newcastle and Sydney
Lilen Pautasso
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Bachelor of Communication (Honours)
The University of Newcastle
October 2010
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DECLARATIONS
I certify that the content of this research project and accompanying exegesis has not
been submitted for a degree to any other university or educational institution. I certify
that all sources of information used, the work of others utilised for the project and any
assistance in the preparation of the exegesis has been acknowledged.
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have happened! Thank you for dealing with all those technical issues and dedicating
your time to making everything work.
Thanks must also go to all the lovely staff at 2NUR FM Radio who gave me such a
fantastic opportunity to improve my skills as a radio journalist. Special thanks to
General Manager Wayne Stamm and News Director Ian Crouch whose patience and
guidance over the past year has transformed me into a better and more confident
journalist.
Special thanks must go to my family and friends who helped me out on so many
occasions. Whether it was by helping me in the making of the series or offering words
of encouragement, I dont think I would have ever reached the finish line without you
all. A huge, huge thank you to Bradley Smith who, on numerous occasions, saved me
from utter despair! The importance of your support is immeasurable. I cannot fathom
how I would have made it through this year without you and I thank you endlessly.
And finally, a huge thanks to my fun and fantastic supervisor, Paul Scott. Thank you
Paul for encouraging me with my academic aspirations and for believing that heavy
metal music is actually worth researching. Thank you for making our meetings so
much fun and for enjoying the journey with me. Hopefully I have awoken a personal
interest in heavy metal you never thought you had! You have been such an important
part of, not only my Honours year, but all the years I have spent studying at university
and I am honoured to have shared another fantastic year with you.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Declarations .............................................................................................................. ii
Acknowledgements .................................................................................................. iii
Table of Contents ...................................................................................................... v
Abstract................................................................................................................... vii
Introduction............................................................................................................... 1
Literature Review...................................................................................................... 5
Methodology............................................................................................................. 9
Ontological and Epistemological Perspectives ............................................... 9
Practitioner Based Enquiry........................................................................... 11
Discourse Analysis ...................................................................................... 13
Soul Invaders: About the Series ............................................................................ 15
Exegesis Investigation: Musical, Material and Social Representations of Metal ....... 16
Making the Series.................................................................................................... 31
Conceptualisation ........................................................................................ 31
Pre-Production............................................................................................. 33
Production ................................................................................................... 34
Post-Production ........................................................................................... 37
Presentation ................................................................................................. 38
Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 39
Bibliography ........................................................................................................... 42
Appendices.............................................................................................................. 45
1. List of Appendices ................................................................................. 45
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2. Soul Invaders Running Order ............................................................... 46
3. Soul Invaders Episode Plan Examples .................................................. 47
5. Research Journal Excerpts...................................................................... 51
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ABSTRACT
This Honours project is a creative exploration of the heavy metal culture and its
existence in contemporary Newcastle and Sydney. As a culture that revolves around
discourses, metaphors and symbolic representation of power and intensity, heavy
metal culture has become one of the most popular forms of modern music both, in
Australia and overseas. Through the implementation of a Practitioner Based Enquiry
(PBE), discursive analysis and qualitative methods such as in-depth interviews, this
research aimed to examine the various themes, discourses and concepts in the culture
in the form of a six-part radio documentary series.
In creating the radio series, the stages of conceptualisation, pre-production,
production, post-production and presentation were undertaken. Each of these stages
presented themselves as research, the formulation of ideas, reviews of the literature,
learning the technical aspects of radio production, interviewing, recording, editing and
mixing the series for final presentation to heavy metal radio show Intensity on 2NUR
FM Newcastle.
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INTRODUCTION
Music has long been considered an integral part of both personal and social life. With
its combined symbolic and emotional powers, music has assumed an iconic status
within many worldwide cultures. El-Sharouni (2008: 64) sees the multi-dimensional
receptions of music as a curiously subtle art with innumerable varying emotional
connotationsit can be soothing or invigorating, ennobling or vulgarising,
philosophical or orgiastic. Research into the symbolic and social potency of music
(Bryson 1996; Dunn 2005; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991) highlights how the art form
has the ability to resonate amongst individuals, groups and nations, acting as a force
in the formation of identity as well as social cohesion and social dislocation.
As a dynamic element of culture, music has diversified into a number of variant styles
or genres that share numerous identifiable characteristics. However, despite some
similarities it is possible for these characteristics to intersect and therefore blur the
boundaries of being always uniquely recognisable though formulaic and specific
attributes. Characterised by a sonic identity whose component parts can include
amplified distortion, emphatic drum beats, virtuosic guitar solos and ear-splitting
volume (Gross 2004; Straw 1983; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991), heavy metal is a
genre most often engineered to evoke a sense of power and intensity. It achieves this
evocation through a canon whose wide repertoire may embrace blast beating and
guttural vocals declaring a desire for death and destruction, through to acoustic
ballads seeking the attention of the opposite sex.
Spawning from psychedelic rock, blues and hardcore punk, Straw (1983: 97) views
heavy metal music as representing a return to the gritty aesthetics of rock n roll
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while at the same time retaining from psychedelia an emphasis on technological skill
and instrumental virtuosity. These musical attributes have therefore become pivotal
to the overall sonic identity of heavy metal and therefore contributed to its
proliferation across continents and different cultures.
Its not just sonic identity and the associated sounds that are the unique signifiers for
heavy metal. Walser (1993:1) asserts that heavy metal is largely shaped by the
circulation of images, qualities and metaphors which is now intricately linked with
the concepts, discourses and musical structures imperative to its identity. As a genre
underpinned by connotations of power and intensity, heavy metal revolves around a
number of thematic and discursive features that numerous academic authors (Dunn &
McFayden 2007; Kahn-Harris 2007; Phillipov 2005; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991)
believe are essential to the way heavy metal is understood and perceived by both
followers of the genre and outside critics.
The origins of heavy metal continue to be strongly contested. Historically, the genre
erupted from the wider cultural complex of rock music, which in turn had grown out
of the blues and rock n roll of the 1950s (Bennett 2001; Walser 1993; Weinstein
1991). Further influenced by the popularisation of progressive rock and psychedelia,
heavy metal began to establish its own stylistic identity in the late 1960s as a harder
sort of rock (Walser, 1993: 3). As numerous academic authors (Bennett 2001, Dunn
2005, Walser 1993, Weinstein 1991) concur, heavy metal was largely shaped by
English band Black Sabbath, whose emphasis on dissonant sounds, imagery and
subject matter made them a prototype for the heavy metal culture (Walser 1993).
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In Australia, the introduction of heavy metal was undoubtedly influenced by the
edgier sounds ofBlack Sabbath and other bands that preceded them (Simon 2001).
However, the emergence of the Australian heavy metal scene is largely attributed to
the pub-rock scenes that erupted in capital cities across the country during the 1970s.
Built around a heavier, faster and more guitar-driven sound, the music performed by
pub rock bands such asAC/DCandRose Tattoo contained many of the basic elements
that are essential to the contemporary heavy metal sound. The distinct similarities
between pub-rock and heavy metal combined with the influences of international
metal artists such as Black Sabbath therefore spearheaded Australias own heavy
metal scene through bands such asBuffalo, Sadistik Exekution, Mortal Sin, Alchemist,
Slaughter LordandDungeon.
Because of the complex and multi-faceted nature of heavy metal, this exegesis will
seek to answer the question: how do the musical, material and social aspects of heavy
metal shape its representation? Through a combination of an analysis of information
obtained from participants in the accompanying radio series and a review of literature
available on heavy metal, I will illuminate how heavy metal is shaped by its musical,
material and social aspects that ultimately contribute to its representation.
The first section of this exegesis will discuss the available literature on the topic of
both, heavy metal and radio production. It highlights the literature used in the
production of the final artefact and accompanying exegesis. The review of the
literature about heavy metal reveals common codes that are shared trans-nationally
and through the different branches of the heavy metal genre. While, the review of the
literature on radio production highlights the qualities of the medium and why it was
chosen.
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Section two will reveal the methodological approach to a creative project that utilises
an exegesis to explore, analyse and reflect upon the topic and its investigation.
The third section of the exegesis will discuss the six episodes in the radio series and
examine how and why each episode embraced the investigation of a particular
thematic and discursive approach that underpins a manner in which heavy metal is
represented.
Section five will reflect upon the stages of the project. It will do this by analysing the
conceptualisation, pre-production, production, post-production and presentation
stages of the creative project.
The final section of the exegesis will present a conclusion. Here I will summarise
what the project found and what opportunities may be further examined in terms of
the opportunity for further research.
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LITERATURE REVIEW
The research conducted for the both the radio series and accompanying exegesis has
been in three main areas: heavy metal music and culture, radio journalism and social
research methods. Research gathered from each of these areas allowed me to put
together the information published in the radio series and will also be used to address
the exegesis question.
Research into heavy metal culture is distinctively fragmented into a variety of
different areas. The majority of available literature on heavy metal (Bennett 2001;
Dunn 2005; Dunn & MacFayden 2007; Kahn-Harris 2007; Moynihan & Soderlind
2003; Phillipov 2003, 2005, 2008; Straw 1983; Waksman 2004; Walser 1993;
Weinstein 1991) has focussed specifically on certain themes, concepts and discourses
prolific within many heavy metal cultures worldwide. Other research (Berlant 1997;
Binder 1993; Dunn 2005; El-Sharouni 2008; Gore 1987; Kahn-Harris 2007; Kylpchak
2007; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991) has also investigated notions of censorship,
social exclusion, moral panics and the presumed causal effects of heavy metal music
on its predominately youth audience.
One of the most significant and equally extensive studies on the topic of heavy metal
culture was written by Professor and Chair of Musicology at the University of
California, Robert Walser. His book, Running with the Devil: Power, Gender and
Madness in Heavy Metal Music, is a highly-detailed ethnographic study of heavy
metal music and the various aspects resonating within the culture. Through a
scholarly analysis of the recurring themes, discourses and musical codes in the genre,
Walser attempts to alleviate frequent criticisms of the genre as monolithic and simple
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(Walser 1993). Similarly, Associate Lecturer at Londons Open University, Keith
Kahn-Harris has also used a sociological and anthropological framework to
investigate the extreme metal subculture (Kahn-Harris 2007). While there are very
clear and distinct similarities between the two publications, Kahn-Harriss work
focuses on a very significant movement in the heavy metal culture and analyses the
same major concepts explored by Walser as they occurred in extreme metal.
Together, Walser and Kahn-Harris use empirical research to investigate the recurring
themes, musical structures and discourses that have shaped the heavy metal culture.
By analysing metal cultures in Europe, the Americas and the United Kingdom, both
authors highlight the extent to which the heavy metal is defined and interpreted by
fans, musicians and outside critics (Kahn-Harris 2007; Walser 1993). The work
presented by each author was significantly influential in the radio series I presented as
part of my creative project requirements. While the work of other notable authors
were extensively utilised, Walser (1993) presented the most comprehensive study of
the culture, while Kahn-Harris (2007) focus on extreme metal was highly suitable
to the specific topic areas chosen for investigation in the series.
While Kahn-Harris (2007) and Walser (1993) extensively analyse most of the major
aspects that occur within heavy metal, other literature has focussed on specific topic
areas. This includes topics related to excessive violence (Berger 1999;Binder 1993;
Dunn 2005; Gore 1987; Kahn-Harris 2007; Phillipov 2003, 2005; Trend 2007),
masculinity and gender theory (Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991), sexuality and
misogyny (Berlant 1997; Gore 1987; Kahn-Harris 2007; Phillipov 2003, 2005; Walser
1993; Weinstein 1991), musical structures and auditory codes (Berry & Gianni 2003;
Cherubim 2004; Walser 1993), class and race (Binder 1996; Bryson 1996) and lastly,
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occultism and anti-religion (Dunn 2005; Kahn-Harris 2007; Moynihan & Soderlind
2003; Walser 1993). This broad range of research has illuminated the major themes,
concepts and discursive features that have become pivotal in the overall identity of the
heavy metal culture.
However, despite the extensive research available on various aspects of heavy metal
culture, their largely international focus has meant that very little of this research has
been evaluated for validity in an Australian context. This information was therefore
used in the radio series to explore how similar themes and discursive features
manifested themselves in an Australian context, with a specific focus of the heavy
metal scenes existing in Newcastle and Sydney. Through a variety of semi-structured
interviews and an investigation into the literature that did exist about Australian heavy
metal culture, I was able to investigate these aspects and determine that their status in
Newcastle and Sydney was strongly evident. By exploring these features in the
chosen heavy metal scenes and combing existing literature with my own findings, I
attempted to address the gaps in the research and thus contribute to existing
knowledge about the heavy metal scene through my radio series.
Within the literature on radio broadcasting, the various qualities of radio are
highlighted. As Mitchell (2000: 51) articulates:
Radio is seductive. It strokes the senses [and] wraps itself aroundyouit is an intimate medium. One of radios great strengths is that
while its soundscape does not demand 100 per cent attention, itspictures may still enter the listeners consciousness.
Because of its linear format, radio production uses a combination of dialogue, music
and sound effects to maintain a listeners interest. As a linear form of communication,
the production of radio involves a number of stages conceptualisation, pre-
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production, production, post-production and presentation/broadcast (Alysen 2000).
Research into radio production (Ahern 2006; Alysen 2000; Beaman 2000; Chantler &
Stewart 2003; Mitchell 2000) has highlighted how the medium is perhaps the most
powerful in stimulating the imagination. As Powell expresses,
Radio is unique in engaging the imagination, permitting us to create
our own image in the minds eye [allowing] us to collaborate with the
medium as an active participant (1999 cited in Mitchell 2000: 55).
Furthermore, Chantler and Stewart (2003) emphasise that the use of sound whether
through sound effects, music or speaking is a uniquely powerful device because of
its ability to evoke emotion and imagery. Through a combination of the sonic
elements essential to radio production, a listener can experience the full emotions of
the human voice, the music and sounds which, together, can convey far more than
reported speech (Chantler & Stewart 2003). Because of the unique power of radio and
the qualities it exhumes, my radio series aimed to educate listeners about the
Australian heavy metal culture in, what I believe is, a much more engaging format.
As a musical genre, sound was pivotal to the communication of its variant themes,
musical structures and, most importantly, its power and intensity. As the research
highlights (Alysen 2000; Chantler & Stewart 2003; Mitchell 2000), the creative
powers of the imagination are strongly fulfilled in a radio format as its combination of
various sounds engage a listeners visual imagination more so than any other
medium (Mitchell 2000). Therefore, my series has aimed to utilise the creative
potential of radio by presenting the various aspects of heavy metal music through a
serialised approach to the radio documentary form.
Finally, the literature on methodology has also been an essential component of my
radio series and will be explored in the following section.
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METHODOLOGY
Research can be understood as a way of increasing our awareness and understanding
of the world through an interpretation of social phenomena. Because research intends
to contribute to existing knowledge through a detailed analysis of social and cultural
occurrences, researchers use suitable methodologies to ensure they obtain quality data
(Hesse-Biber & Leavy 2008). As Crotty (1998: 3) argues, a research methodology can
be understood as the strategy, plan of action, process or design lying behind the
choice and use of particular methods and linking the choiceto the desired outcome.
Therefore, as the research highlights (Bryman 2008; Crotty 1998; Hesse-Biber &
Leavy 2008; Priest 1996; Robson 2002), a methodology is therefore an important tool
of enquiry when examining social and cultural contexts.
Ontological and Epistemological Perspectives
Research paradigms are defined by three interconnected criteria: ontology,
epistemology and methodology (Guba and Lincoln, 1994 cited in Ruddock, 2001: 27).
As Ruddock (2001: 27) articulates, observationand interpretation [of social and
cultural phenomena] depend upon the understanding of the ontological and
epistemological nature of the work at hand. Therefore, as a researcher, I have
adopted a constructionist ontology and interpretivist epistemology as a way of
understanding the meanings, themes and concepts inherent in the heavy metal culture.
Bryman (2008) explains that a constructionist ontological view assumes the position
that social phenomena is both, constructed through social interaction and, is in a
constant state of revision. This is further defined by Crotty (1998: 42) as:
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The view that all knowledge, and therefore all meaningful reality assuchis constructed in and out of interaction between human beings
and their world, and developed and transmitted within an essentiallysocial context.
Like most aspects of our social world, heavy metal music and its culture is a product
of human construction. As such, it was through the imposition of a constructionist
ontological perspective, that this research was able to interpret the meanings inherent
in the heavy metal culture through a process of de-construction. As the radio series
has highlighted, this ontological perspective was used to highlight how heavy metal is
not just a form of entertainment, but rather a carefully constructed social world of
themes, concepts and social codes all of which contribute to its identity and how it
is interpreted in a social context (Bryman 2008; Crotty 1998; Walser 1993).
Furthermore, this research has also undertaken an interpretivist epistemological
position as a way of further de-constructing the codes and social constructions in the
heavy metal culture. This approach to social research is defined as an interpretation
of the social world as culturally derived and historically situated (Blaxter, Hughes &
Tight 2006). Consequently, an interpretivist stance believes that aspects of the social
world do not happen in a vacuum, but are instead products of a number of subjective
factors. As the research has highlighted (Blaxter, Hughes & Tight 2006; Crotty 1998;
Griffin 2000) interpretivist epistemological perspectives see texts as highly subjective
and thus highly interpretive, allowing individuals to interpret information differently
and allowing researchers to gain an objective reality of the text being analysed.
Therefore, by utilising this stance, the radio series has been able to analyse why
generalised fallacies about the genre have developed and why the culture spawns such
strong, and often highly juxtaposed, emotional responses in society.
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These ontological and epistemological perspectives can be seen through a Practitioner
Based Enquiry (PBE) methodology, which I have adopted in my research.
Practitioner Based Enquiry (PBE)
As the primary methodological framework, Practitioner Based Enquiry (PBE) can be
understood as a systematic form of enquiry that is collective, collaborative, self-
reflective, critical and undertaken by the participants of the enquiry (McCutcheon &
Jung, 1990: 148). Essentially, PBE involves the production of an artefact, a detailed
record of the production process via a journal and a final analysis of the data and the
artefact produced. By employing PBE as the primary methodology, the radio series
was able to concisely analyse the interpersonal conditions in the Australian heavy
metal scenes and the discourses, codes and social customs occurring within them.
Throughout the entire research process, I operated as a self-reflective practitioner in
order to collect and produce data for inclusion in the final artefact. As Murray and
Lawrence (2000: 27) explain, practitioner based enquiry is a reflective practice
which offers the chance of developing knowledge by adopting a critical and creative
approach that is then linked to practice. Hence, through constant interaction with
research subjects and by incorporating personal experiences into the research process,
my choice to use PBE as a primary methodology has allowed me to produce an
artefact that highlights the complex nature of the heavy metal culture in both, a
critical and creative way. Furthermore, as a self-reflective practice, PBE also involves
the recording of the production process of the creative artefact via a journal.
According to Murray and Lawrence (2000: 15):
The journal includes amongst its functions as evidence that theaccountable study has taken place. Similarly, the journal records the
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details of the process of problem formulation, derivation of aresearch methodologyand orderly reflection on the practice(s)
selected to be at the centre of PBE. [Furthermore] the journalproposes to offer the practitioners account as primary source
material that may later be included in the data analysis section of
more formal reports.
Therefore, as part of this study, a journal has been used to reflect upon the different
stages of the creative project. Because the journal is used as an orderly reflection of
the creative process (Murray & Lawrence 2000), it was my role as a researcher to
communicate my unconscious thoughts so they may be later analysed during the
analytical process.
As the research emphasises (Lees & Freshwater 2008; McCutcheon & Jung, 1990;
Murray & Lawrence 2000), the production of the final artefact is a direct reflection of
the PBE process. By assuming the role of a radio journalist I was able to combine
learning and practice to understand and therefore communicate the complexities of
the heavy metal culture in the form of a six-part radio documentary series. As Lees &
Freshwater (2008: xiii) highlight, PBE offers an alternative to conventional research
methodologies and, in doing so, contributes to the broadening of the epistemological
and ontological range of research.
Despite the self-reflective nature of PBE, some criticism has arisen regarding its
accuracy. As Lees and Freshwater (2008) articulate, the highly subjective nature of
PBE and the qualitative methods used to acquire valuable information can lead toward
a biased artefact. Because of the researchers emphasis on interpretive and subject
content via qualitative methods such as semi-structured interviews, the creative
project attempted to balance the collected data by measuring it with existing literature.
By seeking out interview subjects with varying opinions about certain aspects of the
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culture, the radio series was able to cover numerous areas of contestation. Similarly,
by measuring qualitative data alongside academic research, I was able to develop
greater insight into the topics being analysed and measure the content gathered from
interviews with available information. Through this process I was able to greater
inform my research which was later balanced against the qualitative data collected.
While my constructionist ontological position meant a greater chance of subjectivity, I
have actively attempted to combat this bias through consistent journal-keeping, a
review of the literature and a careful selection of interview subjects. Because my aim
was to learn how heavy metal is represented in an Australian context and whether the
dominant themes were mirrored in the heavy metal scenes existing in Newcastle and
Sydney, subjective data was imperative to the direction of the radio series and, as
such, makes PBE an appropriate methodology to adopt for this research
In conjunction with PBE, the research conducted for both the radio series and
exegesis also employed a discursive theoretical framework. This will be briefly
discussed in the following section.
Discourse Analysis
Jankowski and Jensen (1991) emphasise that a methodology cannot occur without
reference to a theoretical framework. Because of the discursive nature of heavy metal
culture, the framework underpinning this research will be discourse analysis.
Since it began to obtain its own stylistic identity, heavy metal has revolved around
numerous discursive components (Phillipov 2003, 2005; Walser 1993; Weinstein
1991). These discursive codes and structures can be communicated musically,
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visually, lyrically or physically, and have become intricately intertwined with
dominant representations and perceptions of the genre (Brown & Yule 1983; Gee
2005; Walser 1993). Discursive elements form a significant part of numerous cultures
and, in heavy metal, can be located in album artwork, live performances, band
nomenclature, lyrical content, clothing, personal appearance and certain musical
codes (Brown & Yule 1983; Gee 2005; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991).
In order to contribute to ontological work about the heavy metal culture, this research
utilised a discursive analysis in order to uncover the variety of discursive formations
that have come to represent and shape heavy metal culture and the local scenes in
Newcastle and Sydney. As a theoretical framework underpinning PBE, discourse
analysis is concerned with studying real-world data that occurs within a number of
social and cultural contexts and the dynamic process in which language is used by
individuals to communicate intended meanings (Brown & Yule, 1983; Gee 2005;
Barker & Galasinski 2001). However, discourse analysis is not limited to what is
written and spoken; instead it can be used to interpret the ideological and semiotic
meanings communicated visually, musically and physically. Because heavy metal is
consistently reinforcing existing discursive formations they have contributed to its
representation, identification and continued existence. According to Mills (2004: 10)
discourse is not a disembodied collection of statements, but groupings or
utteranceswhich are enacted within a social context, which are determined by that
social context and which contribute to the way that social context continues its
existence. Hence, this theoretical framework has been adopted into this research as a
way to explore the extent to which discursive formations frame and influence the
culture and how relevant these discourses are in an Australian context.
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SOUL INVADERS: ABOUT THE SERIES
Presented as 15 minute episodes, my six-part radio documentary series explored a
number of different topic areas spanning the subgenres of metal, a history of the
genre, its sonic identity, the use violent themes in musical and lyrical content, the
representations of gender and, lastly, fandom and the cross-cultural lineage of metal
music. By focussing on these varying aspects, this radio series attempted to bridge the
gaps in research by presenting a detailed analysis of the various musical and social
aspects of the genre that shape its overall representation. This will be further explored
in the following section.
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EXEGESIS INVESTIGATION
How do the musical, material and social aspects of heavy metal shape
its representation?
As a musical genre, heavy metal embodies a diverse range of emotional, cultural and
symbolic meanings which have shaped its representation and identity. Because music
evokes sentimental experiences with an intensity and simplicity unique to its form, it
is unmatched by any other social activity1(Kahn-Harris 2007).
The debates surrounding heavy metal music in relation to its meaning, character,
values, themes and significance has marked the genre as an important site of cultural
contestation (Walser, 1993: x). The strong emotive power of heavy metal music has
the ability to evoke and intensify a range of feelings and thus becomes a tool for
fostering identity 2 (Bryson 1996; Gracyk 2007; Walser 1993). As a dynamic social
and cultural element, music has diversified into a number of variant styles or genres
that share numerous identifiable characteristics and, at the same time, maintain their
own specific attributes. Drawing from classical music, jazz, blues3 and rock n roll,
heavy metal has developed into its own unique style4, borrowing and blending
musical codes from its many predecessors.
Yet, while numerous academic authors (Bennett 2001; Dunn 2005; Kahn-Harris 2007;
Straw 1983; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991) tend to label the 1960s as the decade
where heavy metal was first introduced into the wider complex of popular music,
1See episode six: 3 minutes, 31 seconds.
2
See episode one: 29 seconds3 See episode three for a closer investigation on how blues influenced heavy metal music.4
See episode three: 2 minutes, 5 seconds.
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the origins of the genre continues to be a hugely contested topic5. According to
Walser (1993: 3-4), from the time heavy metal was introduced, it became an open
site of contestation and, as it developed, became a term that is constantly debated
and contested6, primarily among fans but also in dialogue with musicians, commercial
marketing strategists, and outside critics and censors. But while debates continue
over what bands or songs can be labelled as true heavy metal, there are some that
have evaded contestation and have been given a somewhat iconic position in heavy
metal history (Dunn 2005; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991).
Historically, heavy metal is largely indebted to some of the major rock n roll bands
of the late 1960s. According to some analysts (Bennett 2001; Bryson 1996; Dunn
2005; Straw 1983; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991), heavy metal evokes visions of
Deep Purple and Led Zeppelin7, whose often unconventional style of music
contributed to the development of specific musical codes that have thus become
imperative to the sonic identity of heavy metal (Waksman 2009; Walser 1993).
Musically, Led Zeppelin placed a greater emphasis on speed and power through a
combination of emphatic drum beats, virtuosic guitar solos and wailing screams,
while lyrically, they added a mysteriousness to their music through evocations of the
occult and supernatural (Walser 1993). Similarly, Deep Purple was sonically
characterised by the iconic technical virtuosity of guitarist Richie Blackmore,
keyboardist Jon Lord and vocalist Ian Gillan a combination that would often result
in an aural wall of heavy sound (Waksman 2009; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991).
5
See episode one: 3 mins, 44 seconds6 See episode one: 3 minutes, 50 seconds7
See episode one: 4 minutes, 2 seconds
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Drawing on the 1960 rock legends, heavy metal has been largely characterised by the
dissonant and edgier sound of English bandBlack Sabbath8. Along with the iconic
sonic qualities ofPurple andZeppelin,Black Sabbath developed a sound that would
define heavy metal: heavy drums and bass, virtuosic distorted guitar and a powerful
vocal style that used screamsas signs of transgression and transcendence (Walser,
1993: 9). Drawing onLed Zeppelins use of unusual rhythmic patterns, wailing vocals
and fascinations with occultist themes, as well asDeep Purples emphasis on auditory
layering and technical skill,Black Sabbath took the genre into darker avenues.
Through a combination of dissonant notes9, heavier riffs and the wailing vocals of
Ozzy Osbourne, Black Sabbath pioneered a sound that evoked overtones of gothic
horror and ominous pronouncements of gloom and doom10
(Simon 2001; Walser,
1993: 11). Lyrically, Black Sabbath placed greater emphasis on occultist themes,
while visually the band punctuated their performances with elaborate props and
accessories that were semiotically coded as anti-religious and non-conformist
(Dunn 2005; Waksman 2004; Walser 1993). It was through their intended emphasis
on unusual musical structures and codes, combined with the theatricality of their stage
shows that characterised the overall heavy metal genre and further contributed to its
social representation as a unique, unconventional and largely dissonant style of music.
Yet, while modern interpretations and understandings of heavy metal are largely
indebted to Sabbath and other 1960s rock legends, heavy metal is also grounded in
the African-American blues of the 1950s11
. As numerous academic authors (Bennett
8See episode one: 4 minutes, 19 seconds
9
Black Sabbaths use of dissonant notes and tones is explored further in episode three.10 See episode three (2 minutes, 46 seconds) to hear a sample of Black Sabbaths song Paranoid11
See episode three: 1 minute, 36 seconds.
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2001; Dunn 2005; Waksman 2009; Walser 1993) have emphasised, the influence of
blues rock is evident in the dominant musical codes that have become imperative to
the overall sonic representation of heavy metal. Walser (1993: 8-9), in particular,
stresses that elements of the blues are traceable in all areas of heavy metal:
To emphasize Black Sabbaths contribution of occult concerns to
rock is to forget Robert Johnsons struggles with the Devilto trace
heavy metal vocal style to Led Zeppelins Robert Plant is to forgetJames Browns Cold Sweat. To deify white rock guitarists like
Eric Clapton or Jimmy Page is to forget the black Americanmusicians they were trying to copy.
The debt of heavy metal to blues rock remains almost immeasurable, yet this debt has
been vital to the aural attributes of the genre that have shaped its representation.
Borrowing from blues12
an emphasis on instrumental virtuosity, heavy metal is now
largely characterised by impressive technical and rhetorical feats on the electric
guitar, counter-posed with an experience of power and control that is built up through
vocal extremes13, guitar power chords, distortion and sheer volume of bass and
drums14
(Walser, 1993: 108-9).
But while Black Sabbath and their earlier predecessors shaped dominant
understandings and representations of the genre, it wasnt until the 1980s that heavy
metal reached the apex of its popularity15 (Kahn-Harris 2007; Walser 1993). The so-
called British invasion of metal bands such as Iron Maiden, Motrhead, Judas
PriestandDef Leppardformed part of one of heavy metals most significant musical
movements the New Wave of British Heavy Metal (NWOBHM) (Dunn 2005;
Kahn-Harris 2007; Waksman 2009; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991). But, while the
12See episode three: 2 minutes, 20 seconds.
13
See episode three for an example of vocal extremes (7 minutes, 49 seconds)14 See episode three for an example of heavy metal drumming (8 minutes, 29 seconds)15
See episode one: 4 mins, 45 seconds.
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NWOBHM contributed immensely to the heavy metal boom of the 1980s, it also
signified the start of the genres internal fragmentation (Kahn-Harris 2007; Walser
1993). As Kahn-Harris (2007: 2) explains:
This moment of coalescence in the early 1980s, in which many of
the most identifiable aspects of heavy metal came together, was also
the moment that began the process of the fragmentation of metal that
was to reach its apotheosis in the 1990s.
During this unique stage of fragmentation, heavy metal diversified into numerous
subgenres16. According to Walser (1993), as with any other form of popular culture,
heavy metal music has diversified into numerous genres each of which are
developed, sustained, and reformed by people, who bring a variety of histories and
interests to their encounters with generic texts (Walser, 1993: 27).
Like other branches of rock music, heavy metal is significantly shaped by the
fragmentation and hybridisation of its various musical subgenres. While the
NWOBHM bands shared a general heavy metal sensibility (Weinstein 1991), as well
as many of the easily identifiable musical characteristics of metal (Kahn-Harris 2007),
all of them tended to take elements of the heavy metal code and emphasize one or
more of these features to the exclusion or at least the diminution of other elements
(Weinstein, 1991: 44). By emphasising particular musical elements over others, the
NWOBHM bands began to develop specialised niches within heavy metal, while at
the same time contributing to the overall fragmentation of the genre. As a result,
heavy metal has diversified into more than 20 different subgenres of metal, each of
which share dominant musical characteristics and, at the same time, maintain a
16See episode two: 30 seconds
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particular relationship to that older, vaguer, more prestigious term heavy metal17
(Walser 1993: 13).
As was highlighted in episode two, bands belonging to subgenres such as traditional
heavy metal, power metal18 and progressive metal, usually feature fast tempo,
melodic harmonies and an emphasis on instrumental skill. However, it was the diverse
vocal range of their many vocalists that has significantly contributed to overall
representations of metal. Because heavy metal is understood as a highly technical
genre primarily through instrumental virtuosity as displayed on the drums, bass or
guitar, these unique and equally challenging vocal performances19 have also
contributed to dominant representations of heavy metal as sonically intense and
powerful (Dunn 2005; Phillipov 2005, Walser 1993). Two subgenres that contributed
to heavy metals iconic status in popular music, and expedited its progression into the
mainstream, were glam metal and thrash metal (Bryson 1996; Dunn 2005; Dunn &
McFayden 2007; Kahn-Harris 2007; Waksman 2009; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991).
Glam metal20
, often also referred to as lite metal (Weinstein 1991), forged a
commercial future for the genre through bands such as Whitesnake,Mtley Cre and
Bon Jovi (Dunn 2005; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991) by appearing on popular music
charts, receiving radio airplay and becoming the first heavy metal bands whose
videos appeared on MTV (Walser 1993). Their movement into the mainstream was
further enhanced by a more gender balanced audience21
, whose interest in the
17 See episode two: 1 minute, 16 seconds.18
See episode two: 10 minutes, 5 seconds.19
See episode two: 10 minutes, 25 seconds.20 See episode five: 10 minutes, 10 seconds.21
See episode five: 10 minutes, 23 seconds.
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subgenre contributed to their success22
. Through a combination of the fundamental
sonic qualities of heavy metal, a lyrical emphasis on romanticism, love and
heartbreak, and a visually alluring and attractive male vocalist23
, these mainstream
bands solidified their stance in the popular realm of musical taste. As Walser (1993:
14) highlights, these bandsshunned the broad popularity that they saw as
necessarily linked to musical vapidity and subcultural dispersion. But, while glam
metal assumed its popularity through its birth into the mainstream, heavy metal was
further popularised by the so-called fundamentalism of thrash metal24
(Kahn-Harris
2007: 2; Weinstein 1991: 48).
As numerous academic authors (Dunn 2005; Dunn & McFayden 2007; Kahn-Harris
2007; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991) have identified, the thrash metal style25
(also
known as speed metal) coalesced in Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay area
through bands such as Metallica, Testament, Anthrax, Exodus and Slayer26
.
Musically, each band represented a fundamentalist return to the standards to the
heavy metal culture (Weinstein, 1991: 48)27
. In this instance, because glam metal
had diversified into more commercialist avenues, thrash metal attempted to reinforce
the social representation of heavy metal as aggressive and powerful through musical
displays of intensity and a visual emphasis on masculinity and control. In
emphasising technical skill and musical transcendence, the genre developed to
become hugely popular, reaching its highest level of popularity through the big four
22See episode five: Men of Steel: Masculinity & the Gender shift in Heavy Metal
23 See episode five: 10 minutes, 20 seconds.24
See episode one: 6 minutes, 25 seconds.25
See episode two: 2 minutes, 40 seconds.26 To listen to a sample of SlayersAngel of Death see episode four (6 minutes, 5 seconds).27
See episode one: 6 minutes, 40 seconds.
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Metallica,Megadeth,Anthrax and Slayer28
(Dunn 2005; Kahn-Harris 2007; Walser
1993; Weinstein 1991).
Yet, while some subgenres have shaped the overall representation of heavy metal
through technical ability and skill, other subgenres have shaped these representations
through their intense desire to push the boundaries of controversy and extremity. By
purposefully betraying the musical, lyrical and even visual conventions at the core of
opposing subgenres, extreme subgenres such as black metal29
and death metal30
demonstrate a virulent desire to exceed any existing limitations. This desire to subvert
and transform traditional musical and lyrical structures has challenged dominant
representations of the genre as conventionally rigid and sonically monotonous (Kahn-
Harris 2007; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991). As Kahn-Harris (2007: 6) explains:
In pushing conventional musical aesthetics to the point where music
collapses into what is conventionally classed as noise, extreme metal
challenges notions of what music [actually] is. Extreme metal
musicians have pioneered sounds that can be heard nowhere else and
developed new musical fusions that challenge accepted musical
boundaries31
.
These extreme subgenres were purposely engineered to communicate an almost
obsessive delight in exploring the body and the ways in which it can be mutilated or
destroyed32
(Phillipov 2005, 2008; Kahn-Harris 2007). Similarly, many extreme metal
bands (like the thrash bands before them) also communicated an interest in social
commentary, focussing on darker concepts related to war, murder, money and
death33 (Phillipov 2005, 2008; Kahn-Harris 2007). As Phillipov (2005) emphasises,
28See episode two: 3 minutes, 30 seconds.
29See episode two: 4 minutes, 30 seconds.
30 See episode two: 7 minutes, 40 seconds.31
See episode four: 15 minutes, 16 seconds.32
This is briefly discussed in episode three (7 minutes, 40 seconds) but is extensively explored inepisode four (4 minutes, 8 seconds).33
See episode three: 13 minutes, 30 seconds.
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these lyrical elements, combined with musical compositions that betrayed the norms
and conventions34
of traditional metal, highlight the uniqueness of metal in its ability
to explore a wide range of themes, whether real or imagined.
As part of the wider complex of popular culture, heavy metal has also been able to
diversify on a global level35
(Kahn-Harris 2007). In Australia, heavy metal has its
roots in the 1970s pub-rock scene that emerged from hotel venues across the country36
(Dome 2008). Such venues, fostered a style of music that was later made famous by
Australias most successful pub-rock band AC/DC37. While not clearly considered
heavy metal, by either the band itself or heavy metal fans, bands such asAC/DCmade
good use of distortion, power chords and fast drum beats, while lyrically they
favoured crude double entendres that were either violent or strongly sexual (Dome &
Ewing 2008)38
.
While evidently influenced by the pub-rock scene of the 1970s, Australian heavy
metal has also been able to develop its own unique identity. Drawing on
environmental, social and cultural factors, Australian heavy metal has forged its own
identity and representation. As co-host of Newcastles only heavy metal radio show
Intensity, Byron Struck explains:
Weve got things that will kill you in the water, on the land, in the
skyits a pretty hostile environment and [that] lends itself a lot to
thatferal beastianity [sic] that a lot of Australian heavy metalbands exhibit39.
34See episode two: 4 minutes, 49 seconds.
35 See episode six: 8 minutes.36
See episode one: 8 minutes, 5 seconds.37
See episode one: 8 minutes, 30 seconds.38 See episode one: 9 minutes, 1 second.39
See episode one: 11 minutes, 33 seconds.
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These environmental and social aspects have shaped representations of heavy metal in
Australia, allowing Australian heavy metal bands, such as those in Newcastle and
Sydney, to attain their own unique representation. Yet, while Australian heavy metal
is strongly influenced by environmental factors, it has also drawn on musical aspects
of the heavy metal scenes across the world.
Walser has argued that heavy metal is musically and discursively connected in such a
way that it produces a kind of cross-cultural dialogue40
(Walser, 1993: 33). He
states, that musical discourses constantly cross national boundaries and revise
cultural boundaries that have allowed heavy metal to attain a global footprint41
(Keith Kahn Harris, 2007: 30). Extreme metal, in particular, is strongly tied with
global musical practices, evidenced by the extensive list of extreme metal bands from
across the world. As Kahn-Harris (2007: 134) explains:
Whereas previously the global extreme metal scene had been
sustained by a few hundred people linking up isolated local
scenesmore people were now involved and there are increasing
numbers of bands, record companies, fanzines and distribution
services dedicated to the extreme metal plight.
Through the popularisation of extreme metal, heavy metal has also been able to
experience stylistic innovation. Demonstrated through the various subgenres
emerging from scenes across the world (e.g. Norwegian black metal, Swedish death
metal), the aural identity of heavy metal has been shaped by numerous musical codes,
making sound an essential part of the genres reception and representation. As
Walser (1993: 31) articulates, heavy metal songs, like all discourse, do have
meanings that can be discovered through analysis of their form and structure. By
40 See episode six: 10 minutes, 2 seconds.41
See episode six: 8 minutes
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analysing the musical components of heavy metal, the radio series was therefore able
to identify, explore and analyse a number of component elements that contribute to
the genres overall identity.
Sound has also been used to communicate intended messages and themes in extreme
metal subgenres such as black and death metal. Phillipov (2005: 80) states that death
metal, in particular, is a radical reorientation of conventional listening practices and
uses sonic elements to shape its own generic representation. Furthermore, Berger
(1999 cited in Phillipov, 2005: 80) states:
Rather than employing a clear harmonic progression towards
stabilisation and resolution, death metal music frequently fractures
the conventional harmonic vocabulary of popular song through theinsertion of unexpected half steps and tritons which disturb the
listeners sense of tonality42
.
In contrast to the standard verse-chorus-verse structures of conventional popular
music43, death metals use of unusual and dissonant44 (Cherubim 2004, Phillipov
2005, 2008) musical structures combine to reveal certain thematic concepts which, in
this particular subgenre, relate to violence, destruction and morbidity (Phillipov 2005,
2008; Kahn-Harris 2007; Walser 1993). Death metal, like other extreme subgenres, is
defined by its sheer intensity communicated (usually) by growled, guttural vocals, fast
and down-tuned guitars and extremely fast drumming45. For many who encounter it,
death metals fascination with darker themes combined with its betrayal of
conventional musical structures, provokes incomprehension, disgust and ridicule46
. As
Kahn-Harris (2007: 1) states:
42 See episode four: 2 minutes, 52 seconds.43
See episode four: 3 minutes, 24 seconds.44
See episode four: 3 minutes, 20 seconds.45 See episode four: 2 minutes, 42 seconds.46
See episode two: 7 minutes, 42 seconds.
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Metal divides people. The music boasts some of the most devotedmusic fans across the worldbut at the same time metal has always
attracted virulent and intense dislike, even hatred and fear. In the1980s, metal attracted condemnation from right and left and was the
subject of media and state-sponsored moral panics.
This quote highlights, because heavy metal music has often been portrayed as a
socially and spiritually subversive movement, it has often driven concern, moral
panics and various censorship hearings (Gross 2004). As a relatively controversial
genre (Dunn 2005; Dunn & McFayden 2007; Bennett 2001, Phillipov 2005;
Weinstein 1991), heavy metal has also been at the site of Congressional hearings led
by Tipper Gore, former wife of former Vice President Al Gore, and the Parents Music
Resource Centre (PMRC)47. In her fight against the excesses of rock48 music, Gore
(1987 cited in Berlant, 1997: 73) states:
In the hands of a few warped artists, their brand of rock music hasbecome a Trojan horse, rolling explicit sex and violence into our
homes.
It was because of heavy metals fascination with notions of violence, sex, substance
abuse, occultism and anti-religion that is has become a catalyst for the moral panics
surrounding musics potentially harmful effects on its listeners.
These hearings, and other censorship attempts, have also focussed their concerns on
the visual representation of inappropriate themes49
(Gore 1987). Heavy metal
paraphernalia such as album covers, magazines, band merchandise and photographs
reveal a visual language that carries with them connotations of power and authenticity
(Walser 1993). This visual side of metal is also communicated by the nomenclature50
utilised by heavy metal bands. Some bands align themselves with electrical power
47See episode two: 7 minutes, 59 seconds.
48
See episode two: 8 minutes, 3 seconds.49 See episode two: 8 minutes, 3 seconds.50
See episode two: 9 minutes, 10 seconds.
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(AC/DC, Tesla), fear-evoking animals (Scorpions, Ratt), imperial or infamous
individuals (Bathory, Emperor) blasphemous or occultist themes (Judas Priest, Black
Sabbath) as well as notions of death and mutilation51
(Cannibal Corpse, Aborted)
(Dunn 2005; Walser 1993). Each of these symbolic representations are visually52
identified as belonging to a wider heavy metal community and revolve around
discursive constructions of power, authority and masculinity53
.
Through a combination of musical and social aspects, heavy metal music is built on a
predominately male discourse. Evident in all subgenres and in heavy metal scenes
worldwide (Weinstein 1991) is a constant reinforcement of gendered discourses that
circulate in the texts, sounds, images and practices of heavy metal54
(Dunn 2005;
Jarman-Ivens 2007; Kahn-Harris 2007; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991). According to
Walser (1993: 110) metal is overwhelmingly concerned with presenting images and
confronting anxieties that have been traditionally understood as peculiar to men [and]
through musical means have been conventionally coded as masculine55.
But while heavy metal reinforces notions of masculinity in a musical, visual and
lyrical way, women were not completely absent. Because masculine discourses, like
other elements of social construction, do not exist in a vacuum they are always open
to negotiation and transformation (Jarman-Ivens 2007; Walser 1993). In the early
years of heavy metal, female participation was often circumscribed by a melange of
51See episode two: 9 minutes, 30 seconds.
52 The ways in which heavy metal is represented in a visual way is extensively explored in episode five
(from 4 minutes, 45 seconds).53
See episode five: 30 seconds.54 See episode five: 1 minute, 16 seconds.55
See episode five: 1 minute, 6 seconds.
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rules and attitudes56
. Many heavy metal songs appear to reaffirm a masculine
dominance by marking women as a dangerous other57
and labelling their
contributions as diluting the validity of the genre and what it represents (Jarman-
Ivens 2007: 69). Yet, while the participation of women was limited and their
representation in heavy metal was as a potential threat or as sexual beings used to
satisfy the male gaze, their role has significantly changed (Jarman-Ivens 2007).
Women have assumed their own roles in the heavy metal culture and with it, a greater
sense of respect and appreciation58
.
But while heavy metal is a complex social construction filled with musical, visual and
lyrical meanings, it is much more than just musical entertainment. For fans59
of the
genre, heavy metal is a symbolic resource, evoking a sense of empowerment and
social inclusion (Bennett 2001; Walser 1993). Walser (1993: 16) has argued that
heavy metal history, its genre distinctions, sonic identity and the interpretations of its
texts and meanings; all depend upon the ways in which metal is used and made
meaningful by fans60
. Whether through clothing61
, personal appearance, attending
concerts, covering bedroom walls with posters or collecting metal paraphernalia and
merchandise, a fans public display of dedication for heavy metal represents a
symbolic way of expressing and negotiating with their symbolic reality; of giving
cultural meaning to their social plight (Jefferson 1976 cited in Bennett et al, 2004: 6).
As Shuker (2005: 98) further emphasises:
56See episode five: 14 minutes, 58 seconds.
57See episode five: 14 minutes, 48 seconds.
58 Episode five undertakes a more detailed investigation of masculinity and how it is represented in
heavy metal.59
See episode six: 1 minute, 2 seconds.60 See episode six: 1 minute, 50 seconds.61
See episode six: 6 minutes, 5 seconds.
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Fandom offers participants membership of a community not definedin traditional terms of status. By participating in fandom, fans
construct coherent identities for themselves [and] enter a domain ofcultural activity of their own making which is, potentially, a source
of empowerment in struggles against oppressive ideologies and the
unsatisfactory circumstances of everyday life.
As my radio series has explored, the themes, concepts, discourses that identify heavy
metal, as well as the fans that continue to ensure the survival and longevity of the
genre, have helped to shape how heavy metal is represented. As the following section
will highlight, in order to analyse each of the varying aspects of heavy metal, my
radio series underwent a number of different stages. These stages were imperative to
the smooth execution of my many ideas and will be discussed in detail below. The
following section will also include journal excerpts that help to demonstrate my role
as a self-reflective practitioner.
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MAKING THE SERIES
As a creative project, my six-part radio documentary series was created in a number
of different stages. The following section will reflect upon the stages of the project
and will do this by analysing the conceptualisation, pre-production, production, post-
production and presentation stages of the creative project. It will also include excerpts
from journal entries I kept during the creative process.
Conceptualisation
While the production of my radio documentary series was largely informed by
research into the production of radio content, I was aware that my ability to create a
documentary series suitable for radio needed to be informed by locating existing
series. Therefore, in attempting to learn what elements are necessary for serialised
radio documentaries I listened to a number of different programs that had been
designed in a similar way to what I was intending to produce with the most influential
being Swell Dreaming by Paul Scott. The reason I found this series most inspiring
was because it focussed on the cultural, social and personal significance of surfing in
Australia and, as such, I felt it resonated with my desire to explore. Similarly, it was
through an immersion in this series that I began to take notice of the various elements
crucial to the production of a radio series. Elements such as the structure, content,
interview length, narration, music and sound effects contributed immensely to my
overall reception of the topic area and allowed me to think about how I should
synthesise them into my own series. My journal article reflects this thought.
I just listened to Swell Dreaming and I cant believe how complex it
is! What I love about this series is how all these different sonic
elements work together the dialogue, interviews, music, soundeffects etc. I also feel like this series resonates with my topic. Like
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Robert Walser states, heavy metal is culturally and sociallysignificant and, like surfing, it has an iconic status in the lives of
many people.
(Creative Journal, 15 May, 2010).
It was during this stage that I also decided what topics I was going to cover
throughout my series. Through careful discussion with my supervisor I decided to
focus on a variety of areas, each designed in a way so that people who didnt know
about the culture could understand and thus become engaged with the series. I
reflected upon these decisions in my journal:
Before I even started thinking about what each episode in my radio
series would deal with I always knew that gender was a huge part of
heavy metal culture. The discourses of masculinity coupled withsongs that glorify instances of power and violence heavy metal has
forged a very masculine reputation.
(Creative Journal, 10 July, 2010).
TodayI did some reading about the heavy metal sound. A hugepart of heavy metals identity comes from the way it sounds remember that this is a musical genre!...even though I listen to heavy
metal every day I didnt realise how much of an amateur I was in
this regardit was a great realisation and one I hope to emulate
when I present my radio series to the community.
(Creative Journal, 20 July, 2010).
While this stage of the creative process allowed my to define the boundaries of what I
intended to focus on, it also allowed me to make changes and reconsider various
aspects that I initially believed were important.
Today I did a fair bit of research, but I feel like (already) Im going
to have to change a few things in my series! For starters I dont think
I am going to do a separate section on anti-religion and occultism in
heavy metal because, after much research, there really isnt abreeding ground for it in Australia.
(Creative Journal, 18 July, 2010).
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Pre-Production
Following the conceptualisation stage of the creative process, I went through a
process of learning about the software and equipment I would be using for my radio
series. Overall, I used Pro Tools to mix and edit content, a Sony Dictaphone to record
interviews and the recording equipment located at the University of Newcastle radio
studio to record telephone interviews.
As the research on radio production (Alysen 2000, Ahern 2006) has shown, radio
output is importantly made up of a combination of voices, sounds, music and
dialogue. In following these structural components, my radio series included a
selection of music and background sound which was obtained during this stage of
development. Because this series analyses both the Newcastle and Sydney scenes, this
stage of the process allowed me to organise and schedule interviews with potential
participants. Similarly, it was during this stage that my episode plans and scripts were
also taking shape. Following the advice of my supervisor I was able to design a
template for my episodes (see appendix 3) each of which detailed where I would be
using particular content. This was a crucial step in the pre-production stage of the
creative process and contributed immensely to the overall presentation of the radio
series.
Lastly, the pre-production stage was also an opportunity for me to assume the role of
a radio journalist by volunteering at 2NUR FM Newcastle. During my time at the
station I was able to experience, first-hand, the technical aspects of radio production
and how to use my voice. Similarly, my ability to write and produce was also
challenged when I was asked to present a radio story for consideration by German
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news organisation Deutsche Welle. As part of an application process for an internship
at the company, I wrote, produced and edited a story about the Newcastle Chamber
Choir. I reflected upon each of these challenging experiences in my journal:
While I have been working at 2NUR FM for almost a year now,
these past two months have been hugely beneficial, giving me so
much confidence that I will eventually use when it comes to writing
and recording my radio series.(Creative Journal, 7 July, 2010).
Things did not begin well. I started organising my audio, I had my
story all written but things began to get a bit hectic when the idea I
had in my head couldnt translate to the recorder!...surprisingly it
turned out really well and the story is on track.
(Creative Journal, 2 August, 2010).
After what was a particularly hard project, I finally finished my miniassignment and handed it to Paulthe experience was hard. I need
to learn how to use ProTools so Im not mixing and recording at thesame time!
(Creative Journal, 3 August, 2010).
As I immersed myself in the real-life experiences of radio, I was able to learn about
all of the various aspects that would form the basis of my radio series.
Production Stage
During the production stage of the radio series, I was able to uncover the important
features of the heavy metal culture, develop an understanding of the major themes and
conceptualise them for further study. Because my goal was to illuminate an under-
researched area of study, this stage of process involved the use of appropriate methods
and professional techniques to obtain data. During the conceptualisation stage, I
began to think about the different types of questions I wanted to ask my participants.
While I started this relatively early, my reflective journal highlights how it wasnt an
easy process and what I did to overcome these initial difficulties.
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Today I wrote more questions for my interviewees, although Imfeeling a little concerned that maybe my questions wont trigger the
responses Im looking for. So because of this little concern, I read afew interview transcripts online that would help me see what
questions journalists ask to get a particular response [and] it was
very helpful.(Creative Journal, 26 August, 2010).
All of the interviews included in my radio series were conducted either in
participants houses, at live events or in a social context. While only a few interviews
were conducted at live events, these interviews were used to convey the sound effects
and background noises so the listener could capture a sense of the heavy metal scene
in Sydney and Newcastle62
. The live narration piece in episode five, Men of Steel:
Masculinity and the Gender Shift in Metal, was used to convey the visual elements of
heavy metal, which is often very difficult to convey in a radio medium. This was
reflected upon in my journal:
Today I did a live narration piece for my radio series upon the advice
of my supervisor. Because radio obviously communicates musicaland sonic qualities in an unusually powerful way, what about thevisual aspects? How do I convey the visual elements of heavy metal
on radio? By describing what I saw at this gig, I think I was able to
truly convey the importance of visual codes and symbols in this
interesting culture. What a great learning experience!
(Creative Journal, 17 September, 2010).
The second stage of this process was writing and recording my narration pieces for
the series. Because this series targets an audience whose experience or knowledge of
Australian heavy metal culture may be limited, the writing style of the narrative script
and the communication of key terms and concepts needed to be clearly stated. While
this stage allowed me to improve my vocal projection, it was also an opportunity to
make some final amendments to the scripts being used for each episode. After
62See episode five live narration piece: 6 minutes, 49 seconds
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presenting some draft episodes to my supervisor, he suggested that I needed to
consider introducing myself in each episode as well as inform my audience about the
direction of the episode. However, after some discussion, I decided not to use these
documentary conventions because I wanted to allow listeners to use their imagination
and be guided through each of the themes via the music, sound effects and interview
dialogue rather than being told in a direct way. This was particularly important in
episode sixBlood Brothers. Because this was the concluding episode, I wanted it to
have a powerful ending and conclusion. As such, I really wanted listeners to engage
with this story by using their imaginations. The episode contains the line: we have
now reached a very important aspect, one that has and continues to have an
immeasurable power over the longevity of the genre63
which is then followed by the
sound of thousands of singing fans. This sonic cue was designed in a very obvious
way, so that a listener could identify that this episode was about fandom without
having to be told in a direct way. Because sound is such a unique and powerful way of
stimulating the imagination, I wanted to utilise the strengths of the medium in the
making of my own series.
Similarly, I decided not to introduce myself in the series so that I could, ideally, my
status as a heavy metal fan was not directly evident. Each of these decisions was
reflected upon in my journal:
I know Paul wants me to use these conventions but I really want to
appear as an investigative journalist, rather than a heavy metal fan
intending to impose her interests on othersI want to design this
radio series in such a way so that listeners could engage with thevarious topics at hand in an imaginative rather than direct wayI
want listeners to feel like it is more inclusive not just Im tellingyou what you should be thinking.
(Creative Journal, 20 September, 2010).
63See episode six: 50 seconds
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Similar to this decision, I also decided that I would not introduce all of my
participants before their quote. While this fractures the conventional radio
presentation style (Ahern 2006; Alysen 2000), my interest was to make the series
interesting and not always reliant on rules. Essentially, I wanted the listener not just to
be told who the speaker was, but rather encourage an interest so that, if the speaker
said something they considered to be interesting, they could continue listening in
order to find out who the speaker was. For me, this was another way of allowing the
listener to place their own imaginations into the piece.
Post-Production Stage
Because this series included a large amount of content, this phase of the project
involved the use of editing and mastering tools that formed the final product. Through
the use of Pro Tools and other editing software such as Dalet 5.164
, each interview
was significantly edited prior to its inclusion in the corresponding episode. During the
post-production stage I tried to position myself as a listener in an attempt predicate
whether I found the episode interesting and engaging. This was a very difficult stage
of the creative process because all of my episodes lasted for up to sixteen minutes and
I was very concerned that this length would put off a lot of listeners. After presenting
the final episodes to my supervisor, he was able to give me a clear idea as to whether
they were disinteresting and unnecessarily long. I reflected upon this meeting in my
journal:
Today I presented my final episodes to Paul.after listening to the
first episode there was a lot of criticism [with] me the most critical.
Because we listened to the first episode I ever made, I realised just
how much I could improve it especially because I have learnt somuch more about the process over the past few months. This was
only evidenced when we listened to the episode I had completely
64Dalet 5.1 was only used when editing telephone interviews.
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finished only the day before. When this episode was played, Paulsaid it was excellent. Its amazing just how much I have improved!
(Creative Journal, 28 September, 2010).
Presentation Stage
Upon the completion of this radio series, certain procedures were undertaken to make
the series available for listening purposes. This radio series was reproduced on a
compact disc (CD) and includes cover art and a booklet. The booklet contains the
names and titles of those involved in the series including all of the participating
interviewees and other contributors. It also includes a list of all the songs sampled in
the series. Because the songs used were not mentioned during the series, it will be an
opportunity for listeners to have all the information about the content of the series.
I also intend on offering a copy of the series to all of the participants involved and
anyone else who may be interested in listening. I will also attempt to make the series
available as a podcast.
Lastly, I am hopeful that the series will be regarded as suitable for broadcast on
Newcastle heavy metal radio show Intensity on 2NUR FM, Monday nights. I will
receive information on its suitability at the end of the month.
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CONCLUSION
This Honours project has allowed me to examine how musical, material and social
aspects have contributed to the overall representation of heavy metal culture. As my
radio series has explored, the themes, concepts, discourses that identify heavy metal,
as well as the fans that contribute to the survival and longevity of the genre, have
helped to shape how heavy metal is constructed and, therefore, represented.
In order to analyse each of the varying aspects of heavy metal, my radio series
underwent a number of different stages. These stages were imperative to ensure the
series communicated the musical, material and social aspects of heavy metal that have
shaped its representation, both internationally and in Newcastle and Sydney. During
the stages of conceptualisation, pre-production, production, post-production and
presentation, I was able to identify the major aspects I wanted to analyse. Similarly,
my methodological and theoretical frameworks allowed me to undertake a thorough
analysis of such a multi-faceted and deeply discursive style of music. By acting as a
self-reflective practitioner, I was able to alter the design of my radio series, develop
an understanding of the creative process I was undertaking and, most importantly,
reflect upon my ideas, thoughts and research.
As an under-researched area of study, my radio series explored and analysed various
aspects of the heavy metal culture and the extent to which the dominant themes,
codes, discourses and musical structures were evident in the Australian cities,
Newcastle and Sydney. Through a combination of research and participant interviews
the radio series was able to investigate the contemporary significance of heavy metal
in Australia and how the culture continues its existence in a country so distant from its
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birthplace. As Breen (1991: 194 cited in Bennett, 2001: 44) emphasises, the intense
popularity of heavy metal and the contemporary experience of the genre in an
Australian context, suggests that heavy metal is a potent and lively culture outside of
its dominant areas of origin.
Through my investigation I was able to demonstrate how the genre, whether in
Australia or overseas, is dependant upon various components for the formation of its
identity and representation. Heavy metal history, its genre distinctions, fans, sonic
identity and numerous discursive meanings have contributed to how heavy metal is
understood, interpreted and perceived by both fans, and individuals outside the
culture. While fans and lovers of the genre see heavy metal as ideologically and
conceptually rich (Kahn-Harris 2007: 2), other views of heavy metal have labelled
the genre as monolithic, brutishly simple and artistically monotonous (Walser
1993: 24). The often negative views of the genre have catapulted heavy metal into the
public view by such events as the formation of the Parents Music Resource Center
(PMRC) and the Congressional hearings on the content of rock music lyrics led by
Tipper Gore, the former wife of former Vice President Al Gore (Bennett 2001; Gore
1987; Dunn 2005; Walser 1993; Weinstein 1991).
Similarly, the ways in which heavy metal is perceived and interpreted is significantly
reliant on sound and musical subgenres. As a musical genre, heavy metal is
extensively shaped by sonic elements that have ignited intense fascination and
virulent dislike (Kahn-Harris 2007). Intent on communicating a sense of power,
control and intensity, heavy metal emphasises technical and instrumental skill, built
up through vocal extremes, virtuosic guitar and bass playing, as well as fast and often
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erratic drum beats. The sonic identity of heavy metal is essential in its representation
as both, a musical genre and cultural text.
But heavy metal is also reliant on other elements to correlate itself with concepts of
power and intensity. Lyrically, heavy metal can demonstrate an intense fascination
with darker and more unconventional themes, drawing on the supernatural and the
occultist, the horrors of war, mythological fantasy lands and, of course, grotesque and
explicitly vivid stories of death, murder and mutilation. Visually, heavy metal is built
around images that bear certain connotative and semiotic notions tied to fantasies of
masculine pride, control and imperialism.
But while the predominant conclusion of this Honours project has demonstrated that
the musical, material and social aspects of heavy metal are essential in the formation
of its identity and representation, it has also stimulated a desire for further research in
the area of discourse analysis and heavy metal culture. Further self-reflective
investigations into how the genre is represented by its discursive components would
assist in providing a greater understanding of such a complex and unique social
world. By further examining the musical, visual, lyrical and social aspects of the
genre, particularly in an Australian context, it will significantly contribute to existing
ontological understandings of the musical genre. Because Australian heavy metal has
been largely ignored on an academic level, extra investigation would help to
illuminate the complexities of the genre and, as such, demonstrate why this style of
music is vital in the lives of many Australian fans65
.
65 This is emphasised in episode six (12 minutes, 15 seconds) where Australian fans discuss the reasons
why they love heavy metal music.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahern, S. (2006).Making Radio: A Practical Guide to Working in Radio. Allen &
Unwin: Sydney
Alysen, B. (2000). The Electronic Reporter. Deakin University Press: Sydney.
Averwag, U. (2008).Reflecting on Practitioner-Based Enquiry Research (online PHDpaper submitted to the University of KwaZulu-Natal: South Africa). Available from:
http://www.saimas.org.za/Reflecting%20on%20Practitioner-
based%20inquiry%20research.pdf(Accessed 19 June, 2010).
Barker, C. & Galansinski, D. (2001). Cultural Studies a