Ikado Fujio
Transcript of Ikado Fujio
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Ikado Fujio
Japanese Cosmopolitan
Jan SWYNCEDOUW
To say that the sociology of religion in Japan has entered
a new stage of development is by no means an exaggeration.
In order to describe this new stage, perhaps no term is more
appropriate than the word internationalization.
Admittedly, this term has become very fashionable
n
recent years. It is used by all kinds of people in season
and out. Nonetheless, or perhaps because of this, it points
t o a dimension of social reality that no one can disregard.
Internationalization is blossoming everywhere in Japan,
and Japanese sociology of religion is not impervious to its
influence.
The internationalization of Japanese sociology of religion
is not, however, merely an index or exponent of a broader
trend that affects Japanese society in general and the aca-
demic world
in
particular and has now suddenly manifested
itself
in
broad daylight. Nor is it an abrupt and belated
response t o a need that people have become increasingly
aware of throughout the country. It roots in the past, and
its present stage is one prepared for by many Japanese
scholars who have long endeavored to give their discipline
a broader horizon. If one may be so bold as to mention
the name of only one such scholar, it would be that of
Ikado Fujio, currently a professor at Tsukuba University.
The present writer, a non-Japanese living and working
Translated (and slightly revised) by the author from his Ikado Fuj io: Nihon teki
kokusaijin
P9g=k 3&& @%%kwhich appeared in the Kokusai shaky
nyuzu @Es = .X
1711-2 (1 97 9) , pp. 21-31 and is used here by peI-
mission.
208
Japanese Journal o Religious Studies
7/2-3 June-September 1980
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will be show n, Ikado 's work g ives evidence of an unfolding
in teres t o f th i s so r t . T he in te rna t iona l charac te r o f h is w ork
has in fact deepened wi th h is turn f rom Western (pr imari ly
Am erican) rel ig ion t o th e rel ig ion of h is fe llow co un try m en .
The same pr inc ip le ho lds t rue o f the in te rp re ta t ion o f
th e da ta , f inding expres sion in w hat is cal led the search
for a Japanese conceptual izat ion an d methodology. I t
is no t on ly the Japanese w ho cal l fo r Japanese theories .
Non-Japanese scho lars d o the same. Bu t wh en we comp are
the tw o in respec t t o mot iva t ion , it appears tha t they have
different perspect ives on why such theories are needed.
When Japanese scho la rs emphasize the need fo r t ru ly
Japanese concepts and theories , they leave the impression
tha t th i s is par t o f th e m ore genera l iden t i ty ques t tha t
characte r izes th e whole o f Japanese soc ie ty toda y . A mo ng
academics the demand fo r pecu l i a r ly Japanese concep t s
an d r esea rch me t h o d s seems t o fu n c t i o n a s a k i nd o f d e -
fense mechan i sm by which to p reserve an iden t i ty pu t to
the test precisely because of growing in ternat ional izat ion .
O n t h e o t he r han d , w hen fo re ign scho la rs p ress the i r Japa-
nese col leagues to be more or ig inal in thei r research , they
see such or ig inal i ty not as a mere defensive s tance but as
Japan 's p ro p e r co n tr i b u ti o n t o t h e wo r ld co mm u n i t y o f
academics. T he y see i t as enr iching a conceptual izat ion
tha t was in fact to o unila teral ly Western and no t near ly
as universal as c la imed o r assumed.
In th is respect to o a development in Ikado 's w ork wil l
beco m e evident . I t ma y be character ized as a development
f rom concep t s and methods in tended as un iversa l bu t in
fact to o narrow ly Western, t o a search for mo re genuinely
Japanese theor ies . A t f irs t g lance, th is deve lopm ent might
look par ticular is t ic . In fac t , however , it in tend s no t a s te p
backwa rd in t o c losedness bu t forward in to greater openness.
I t
envisions a co nt r ibu t ion t o t rue universali sm.
St i ll ano ther cond i t ion must be sat is fi ed in o rde r t o
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safeguard and enhance the universal-international nature
of research oriented to particularistic themes and carried
ou t with particularistic concepts and methods. The results
of such research have to be transmitted in such a way that
they create real communication. This is more than a matter
of language and of having concrete contacts with other cul-
tures. At bo ttom it has to do with the personality of the
scholar and his competence or talent for being a real bridge-
builder between cultures. As students of intercultural
communication often point out, this kind of talent pre-
supposes that one can n some sense belong simultaneously
t o two different cultures. One is the particular culture in
which one was born and reared, the other that of which
one is a part by virtue of being a member of the human
race. Scholars who deserve the tit le international or
cosmopolitan must be participants in this larger human
culture. Later we will see tha t Ikado's work, particularly
his emphasis on human values, points toward this dimen-
sion.
Role o f personal history. In addition to the elements noted
above, there is one other point that seems particularly im-
portant in the case of Japan. It is often said that in order
to understand scientific theories, we need t o know the
people who propose them. By the same token , in order
to gain insight into Japanese sociology of religion and its
development, we need some information about the persons
who have played o r still play a role in this discipline.
This close relationship between personal biography and
academic achievement among Japanese sociologists will
doubtless have t o be viewed in the light of certain Japanese
social structures such as the oyabun kobun ( parent role-
child role ) relationship. From this angle it becomes only
too easy to reduce the history of the scientific study of
religion in Japan to a history of the relationships among
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scholars engaged in this kind of research. This approach
admittedly raises several problems as to the objectivity and
value-free nature of the scientific enterprise. Yet it can
hardly be denied that, together with the matters of research
themes and methods, the matter of personal history is of
great influence in determining the international character
of academic achievements.
These reflections apply also to the work of Ikado. As
will be seen from the account of his career that follows,
and from the list of his chief publications appended to this
essay, the scope of his interests and activities is broad indeed.
When we remember that his career has by no means yet
reached its apogee, it becomes obvious that at the present
stage no definitive evaluation can possibly be made as to
his role in the development of Japanese sociology of religion.
Requesting the reader to keep this reservation
n
mind, I
should now like to turn the spotlight on a few of the salient
points in his career and try to discover how his work has
evolved.
HIGHLIGHTS OF IKADO S LIFE
A N D
WORK
Teachers
The first period in Ikado s academic career can
be designated as the time of training in the study of religion
at the University of Tokyo Department of Religious Studies.
If there was any single influence that awakened the talents
of the young scholar, it was no doubt that of the late Kishi-
mot0 Hideo, a prominent figure in the history of Japanese
Religionswissenschaft
Kishimoto cultivated in Ikado an
interest in contemporary religion and is said to have advised
him to engage n research that would be of practical use
to religious organizations. This period concluded with a
graduation thesis that is still remembered as one of the
lengthiest ever submitted.
A
sociological analysis of the
missionary methods of John Wesley, this thesis superbly
reveals, both in its subject matter and in its sheer volumi-
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nousness , th e Protes tant work ethic of Ika do himself .
Whether th e Ika do of th is per iod can properly be called
a t rue in ternat ional is t is a m oo t quest ion . The re is no
doubt , however , tha t th i s was the t ime when h i s in te res t
in foreign cul tures was kindled and when he decided to go
t o t he p romised l and o f Amer ica t o con t i nue h is s t ud i e s .
The second per iod cons i s t s o f the f ive years (1955-59)
tha t Ika do spen t a t th e Universi ty o f Chicago in the s tudy
of American rel igiosi ty and is again marked by his contact
w i t h an ou t s t and i ng s cho l ar , J am es Lu t he r Adams . A theo -
logical l iberal of the Uni tar ian t radi t ion, Adams combined
deep scholarship wi th a warm human personal i ty and shared
these gi f t s wi th his s tu de nts . O ne o f the foci of h is though t
was th e imp ortanc e of volun tary associations as the locus
for being h um an rel ig iously. In . mu ch th e same way tha t
Kishim oto had exercised an inf luence o n Ika do in Jap an ,
the ha rm on y o f scho larsh ip and personal wa rm th in Adams
m ade a lasting impre ssion. I t m ay be th at Ikado's applied
sociology of relig ion and the ha rm on y that emana tes f rom
it have thei r roots in the inf luence of these two teachers .
Budding in teres t
in
Japanese rel ig ios it l and thcoriz ut io n .
After h is re tu rn t o Japan in 1959 , the open ing of what
cal l th e third period in his care er, Ikado's scholarly interests
give evidence of a gradu al change. T ho ug h an interest in
Japanese rel igiosi ty was not completely lacking earl ier, from
th i s t ime o n it g rows mo re and m ore cen t ra l t o hi s research ,
par t icular ly in th e com parat ive s tudy of Western and Eastern
religious organizat ions. O ne reason fo r this shift is dou tless
t o be fou nd in th e circumstance th at , beginning in 19 59 ,
he spent e ight years as a special i s t on the s taff of the Re-
l igious Affairs Se ctio n of the Ministry of Ed uca tion . Even
more in f luen t id , however , may have been h i s reun ion wi th
Kish imo to. As lk ad o himself s ta tes , Kishimoto warned
him th at s tu dy limi ted t o Chris t ianity alone would not m ake
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o f him a t ru e sch olar of religion. At any ra te, it is precisely
in this shift of interest toward th e pro blem s of Japanese
religiosity that we can see the awakening of true internation-
alism in Ik ado's wo rk. A dm ittedly, a t this stage Ikado did
not devote great a t tent ion to the quest ion of Japanese theo-
rization. In point of fac t, th e mass of know ledge he had
acquired while in the United States , plus that accum ulated
subsequently through extensive reading of foreign l i terature,
could not possibly be translated imm ediately . A period
of t ransi tion o r adaptat ion seems to have been needed.
A fter this bureaucratic period, dur ing wh ich he also
did some part-time teaching, Ikado became fully engaged
in edu cation al activities. Fro m 19 68 o n he resolutely set
out on the path toward a more genuinely Japanese con-
ceptualization and metho dology . This is also th e t ime when
his achievements increasingly begin to draw attention both
within the Japanese academic world an d abroad. Th e open-
ing years of this period, incidentally, coincide with the time
of worldwide stude nt unrest-a ph eno m eno n in which Ikad o,
with his keen eye for present-day trends, took a special in-
terest . St ud y of this phenom enon gave him an excellent
op po rtun i ty to ref lect o n the re lat ionship between inter-
;lationalism and Japanese distinctiveness, a prob lem
tha t neatly accorded with his teaching assignment as pro-
fessor of comparative cultures at th e newly established
Department of International Relations of Tsuda Women's
College. It also provided an occasion for broad ening his
con tacts with scholars not only in th e United States bu t
also in Eu rop e an d So uthe ast Asia. During this hectic
period. Ikado published his Sezoku shakai no shziky [Re-
ligion in a secular society] (1 972) , a wo rk hailed a s a chal-
lenging masterpiece. Th is wo rk will dou btless be remem -
bered as one of the culminating points of Ikado's career,
both for the r ichness of i t s content and for the depth of
its insights. venture to suggest, how ever, th at this work
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should be seen as belonging to an earlier period of his life.
It consists largely of articles written in earlier years, but
m ore im po rtant, i t is only after writ ing these studies tha t
Ikado really starts to reach beyond the theoretical frame-
work propounded
in
this book and in consequence becomes
a m ore m aturely Japanese cosmopolitan.
The
universal in
the
particular
In 1975 Ikado accepted a
teaching posit ion at Tsuk uba University. Jus t as Japanese
society and culture showed som e changes in the years tha t
followed, so the themes and approaches of Ikado's research
undergo deeper changes. It is to o early as yet t o grasp their
significance fully. It seem s, how ever, th at th is last period
is characterized by steadily deepening insight into th e uni-
versally hu m an hidde n in Japa nese religiosity.
O ne illustration of this insight-trivial on the surface,
bu t symbolically important-is the interest he shows in th e
religious quest as expressed in science fiction novels and
young people's com ic magazines, no t to men tion his con-
t inu ing a t ten t ion t o o ther m ovements in p resen tday society.
Is it no t precisely Ik ado 's tale nt f or discerning th e univer-
sally hum an in th e lowly and unp reten tious things of every-
day life that, as his scholarly reputation grows, confirms
him as a tru e builder of bridges between cultures?
THEMES
IN
IKADO S W ORK
Against th e backg round of this brief survey of Ikado's career
and i ts influence o n his academic wo rk, we tur n now to a
consideration of some of his main research themes.
Though
it h ardly nee ds saying, it is next t o impossible t o give a full
acc oun t of al l th at Ikado has accomplished. This is so not
only because his o ut pu t is so prodigious but also because,
in reading it, 'one is o ft en reminded of th e biblical passage
in which Peter, commenting on a let ter by Paul, says that
Paul writes with th e wisdom t ha t is his special gift -adding
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th a t this makes som e poin ts in his le t ter hard to under-
s t an d ; the se a r e the po in ts tha t uneduca ted and unba lanced
people d is tor t
a fa ta l th ing for then] to do ( 2 Pete r :
15-16) . Moreover , s ince probab ly n o o t he r soc io logist o f
rel igion in Ja pa n is as zealous as Ik ad o in keeping up w ith
wh at i s go ing on in th e academic wor ld a nd in th e wor ld
of human beings a t large , the pace of his research develop-
m en t is genuinely amazing. Since , therefore , a def ini t ive
evaluat ion of his work is prema ture , we will have to l imit
ourselves to a few themes which have an internat ional reso-
nance and wh ich , i ndeed , have m ade h i s nam e known am ong
foreign scholars of the sociology of re l igion in general and
of Jap an ese religiosity in p articula r .
O ne fur th e r reservat ion need s to be added . As the pre -
ceding review of Ikado 's career show s, his work had i t s
s ta r t ing poin t in Wesley a nd M ethodism , an d th is in te res t
co nt i nu es to remain inf luent ia l , not least in regard t o th e
organizat ional aspect of re l igion as manifested in voluntary
associa t ions. Th is them e will dou btles s reverbera te thro ugh
the fo l lowing d iscuss ion as a k ind o f ground-bass , bu t no
par t icular a t te nt i on will be given here t o Ikado 's view
o
religion
in
th e Anglo-Saxon w orld. Th is restr ic t ion is ca lled
f ~ rot o nly because a t rea t m en t of this subject fal ls ou t-
s ide the competence of the present wr i te r bu t a l so because
the in te rna t iona l charac te r of Ikado ' s work does not see tn
t o depen d on th is face t of h is research . Indeed , if may
venture a c r i t ica l r emark tha t fo l lows , admi t ted ly , f rom
my own preconcept ions , Ikado ' s wr i t ings occas iona l ly
seem to mani fes t a sl ight bias toward uncr i t ica l acceptance
of th e value of ind ividual ism, presumably a s found in som e
segm ents of Anglo-Saxon Protestant ism. Ikad o himself ha s
cal led the t rea t m en t of this them e his l ife-work, bu t o ne
can cer ta inly argue that the t rue s ignif icance of his aca-
dem ic achievem ents far surpasses th e limits of this par t icular
issue.
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Ilado s theory o th n w religions. I f there i s any one phe-
nom enon tha t , m ore than o thers , has a roused th e in te res t
o f socio logists of rel ig ion fro m m an y nat io ns, i t is doub t less
tha t of th e new rel ig ions, meaning pr imari ly th e new
re l ig ious o rgan iza t ions tha t came in to be ing o r in to f lower
af te r World War 11. I t is no t surprising th at Ika do , with his
in teres t in co nte m po rar y rel ig ious movem ents , has g iven
a p ro m i n en t p lace t o t h e s t u d y o f th i s p h en o m en o n . A
fu l l account of what he has contr ibuted in th is f ie ld i s not
possib le here , but a t least we can poin t o u t a few develop-
me nts in h i s thou gh t on th i s sub ject . These deve lopm ents
seem to have evolved in what can be cal led a typical ly
Japanese way .
Fol lowing the revered pr incip le of selective ad op t io n
an d adap ta t ion o f fo re ign theor ies (and fo r the most par t
l eav ing us to guess what has been adop ted and what adap t -
ed) , Ik ado h as gradual ly bui lt up a mul t i- layered theoret ical
system. Th i s means tha t once-employed theor ies a re never
com plete ly d iscarded, but l inger some wh ere in th e de pth s
o f h i s mi n d an d r eap p ea r n o w an d ag ai n, so me t i mes r a t h e r
unexpec ted ly .
In h is theor y o f th e new rel ig ions we see , for exam ple,
tha t Ikad o f ir st seems to v iew th e new rel ig ions as a k ind
of Japan ese version of th e Methodism th at h e s tudied in
his early yea rs as a schola r of rel igion. O n this basis, an d
never losing sight of i t , he bui lds u p a theoret ical f ra me wo ik
tha t focuses on the phenomena o f pos twar soc ia l mobi l i ty
an d urban izat ion . Th is social change has resul ted in
a
float-
ing re l ig ious populat ion which, he c la ims, has moved away
from th e establ ished rel igious organiz at ions charac terist ic
o f t rad it ional com m una l soc ie ty and become reorgan ized
in to voluntary rel ig ious groups (deno mi nat ion s) typical
of an associat ional socie ty . T he rel ig ious organizat ions tha t
best i l lustrate these changes in the social structure of post-
war Jap an are , he maintains, the new rel ig ions- though he
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som et im es sof ten s th is assert ion by saying tha t they re-
semble denom ina t ions . N otew or th y in th i s connec t ion
is th; d is t inct ion Ik ad o draw s between th e emergence
of new rel ig ions ( t he increase in the nu m be r o f re lig ious
groups) an d thei r s t rength magnif icat ion ( t he increase
in th e num ber o f adheren t s) . Th i s d i s t inc t ion deserves h igh
evaluat ion as a correct ion to the uni la teral v iew of socia l
unrest as the sole factor in the r i se of new rel ig ious move-
men t s .
fu r th er deve lopment in Ikado 's thoug h t becomes
evident as o f th e t im e tha t issues l ike those of secular iza-
t ion , civil rel igion, an d th e privat izat ion of rel igion beca m e
new foci of d iscussion am ong sociologists o f re lig ion. Ika do
was no t s low t o see these m at t ers as useful for carry ing for-
ward h is theoret ical f ram ew ork. Before long h e prop osed
a
new typology, one that d i f ferent ia ted establ ished re l ig ion,
organized religion, culture religion, and private religion.
Jap an's new rel igions, in acc ord anc e with his earl ier f loat ing
rel ig ious populat ion theory , are c lassi fied un de r t h e heading
of organized rel igion.
In terest ingly enough, Ikado 's most recent works g ive
ev idence no t on ly o f fu r ther theore t i ca l re f inement bu t
also of a cer ta in awareness of the l imi ts of theor izat ion
itself. In th e presen t period o f rapid social chang e it be-
comes increasingly d i f f icul t t o t reat theoret ical categories
as imm utab le . Th i s ob ta ins fo r rel ig ious phenom ena in
general , and of course for the new religions. T o be sure ,
thei r organizat ional aspect remains a valuable objec t of
stu dy . T h e conc rete l ife of believers , however , show s
d imensions th a t canno t be locked in to theore t i ca l schemes .
Qu i t e ap a r t f ro m t h e q u es t i o n wh e t h e r h i s t h eo ry o f t h e
new rel ig ions a lone has led h im t o th is awareness, Ik ad o7 s
recent sta tem ent th at sociology o f religion is increasingly
regarded as par t of th e science of man is very suggestive
in th is regard . When liv ing people co m e to th e cente r o f
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acknow ledges an d some t im es denies. Insofar as th is v iew
is accu rate , Ikado 's w ork can be seen a s p laying a p ioneer ing
role
in
Japanese sociology of re l ig ion, for he chal lenges the
t rad i t iona l unders tand ing tha t t rue sc ience can on ly be sa fe -
guarded by uncom promis ing adherence (a t l eas t pub l ic ly )
t o th e pos i tion o f va lue-neut ra l ity Fro m the s t an dpo in t
of normat ive science Ika do com pares present -day Pro-
tes tan t i sm wi th the new re l ig ions , a t once c r i t i c i z ing the
Pro tes tan t churches unspar ing ly an d advi sing them t o l ea rn
f ro m t h e n ew re l i g i o n s an d r e t u rn t o t h e h a l l o wed t r ad i t i o n
of voluntar is t ic denominat ional ism.
Th is v iew o f Prot estan t Christ iani ty i s cer ta in ly a valuable
par t o f Ikado 's sc ien ti fi c work . An othe r po in t tha t needs
to be s t ressed in th is connect ion i s h is suggest ive t reatment
of the in f luence o f Chr i s t i an i ty in general on Japanese cul -
tu re . Since th is is mo re a ques t ion of th e cul tural reach
of Christ iani ty than o f i t s organizat ion , i t belongs to th at
par t o f h is typology th at deals wi t h cul ture rel ig ion.
T o pu t i t most s imply , Ikado ' s v iew i s tha t Chr i s ti an i ty ,
tho ug h usually seen as a foreign e lem ent , ha s in fact quiet ly
becom e an in tegra l par t o f Japanese cu l tu re . In p roof o f
th i s asser t ion he po in t s to the genera l accep tance o f Chr i s t -
mas as an annua l even t celebra ted in on e way o r ano the r
by most Japanese , and al so to the wide d i s tr ibu tion o f
Bibles in Jap an . O ne might t ake th e l iber ty o f add ing t o
th is l is t the tende ncy t o have wedding ceremonies perform-
ed at C hrist ian churches.
Unfor tuna te ly , th i s in te res t ing po in t has no t been fu r ther
developed in Ikado 's work, and i t i s not c lear how he h im-
sel f evaluates these examp les of Japanized Christ iani ty .
If w e take. ou r cue f rom his cr i t ique of Prote stant is m, how-
ever , we may ven tu re to say tha t he p robab ly does no t v iew
i t wi th great favor. A t any ra t e , insofar as th is Japanized
Christ iani ty i s seen as a n exam ple of cul ture re l ig ion,
Ik ad o would pro bab ly call i t an exa m ple of invisible re-
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l igion as wel l, s ince in his wri t ings he of t en seems to eq uate
th e two . Agains t th i s equa t ion o n e would wish to ask how
such pa tent ly v is ib le pheno men a as annu a l observances and
ri tes of passage can t rul y be called instan ces of invisible
rel ig ion . A dm i t t ed ly , there a re m an y invis ib le e l emen ts
in cu l ture rel ig ion . Bu t t o apply th i s t e rm of Luckmann ' s
t o a typ e of Jap anese re ligios ity tha t s t ands ra ther c lose
t o what Bel lah has called c ivil rel igion and that in an y
case is ce r t ain ly no t what L uc k n~ an n h imsel f unders tands
by it might have to be assessed as a s light overadaptat ion
of a foreign scholar 's con cep t and theory .
Theory
o f secularization
The l as t theme to be cons idered ,
tha t of secular izat ion, might well be considered the most
cent ra l research the m e in Ikado's w ri tings. This is a lmost
inevi table , since th i s problem has been a t th e core of a lmost
al l discussions in rec en t sociology of religion. Since th e
19 60 s secula ri za tion has become a k ind of magic formula
in th e discipline . I t is n o wo nd er , there fore , that in Ikado's
work to o i t co ns t i tu tes an axi s a ro un d w hich a ll o t he r themes
seem to revolve. In this sense his th eo ry o f the new religions
and of Protes tant Chr i s t i an i ty in Japan have to be under -
s tood wi th in the f rame of re fe rence tha t sees present -day
sociorel igious change under the heading of secular izat ion.
One po i n t s t ands ou t c l ea r l y i n Ikado ' s t hough t on secu-
la r i za t ion , namely , tha t i t cannot be equa ted wi th re l ig ious
decl ine . In this respect h e is in agre em ent wi th man y oth er
sociologists of re ligion. But when we probe more deeply
int o w hat he me ans posi tively b y secular izat ion, we discover
cer ta in pro blem s and even confus ion . Thi s is no t to say
t ha t t h i s s t a t e o f a f fa i rs is ent ir e ly du e t o Ikado ; he mere ly
ref lects the present s ta te of sociology of re l igion a l l over
th e wor ld . Con ceptua l confus ion i s hardly a new problem
for the d i sc ip l ine , but the secula r i za t ion deba te has in ten-
s if ied ra th er tha n a l levia ted the p roblem . A t th e same t ime ,
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however, this d eba te has st im ulated systematic reflection
on th e relationship between religion a nd social change.
Ikado's contr ibut ion to this reflect ion in Japan may be one
of his mo st im po rtant achievements. Again, this is no t t o
say that he has solved the problem. What he does, rathe r
is t o bom bard us with challenges. How , fo r exam ple, d o
we classify Ikad o's secularization t he or y in th e typologies
that sociologists of religion like Luckmann, Robertson,
Glasner, an d oth ers have recently proposed? Th is writer
is obliged to confess that , however he tried, he could not
reach a satisfactory answ er t o this question. He is inclined,
therefore, to follow Ikado's lead and leave it to the reader
to pick up th e gaunt le t. Ikado's w ork does no t clear away
the confusion surround ing the secularization pro blem ; in
fact i t o ffers us few hints th at would help in tha t task.
About all one can say is that Ikado has here applied in a
really masterly way the previously mentioned Japanese
principle of selective ado ption and adaptation. T hu s
in order to substantiate his view that religion in the modern
world is not on the way out, Ikado cites a plethora of
au tho rs whose op inions on secularization are by n o means
always mu tually reconcilable. Yet he kn ow s how t o make
use of the m appropriately an d comes u p with insights
th at , if a t times bew ildering, reveal a str ok e of genius.
In the backgr oun d, providing a co ns tan t ground-bass,
is his view tha t society develops from a comm unal t o an
associational fo rm . Acco mp anying this view is th e oft-
repeated assertion that secularization means increasing
differen tiation and wh at he calls th e internalization of
ethics naishin rinrika). It is far from clear, however,
whether Ikado's theory of secularization ultimately derives
from a functionalist view of religion with global intentions
a la Parsons, or from a substantivist view that would seek,
a la Berger, to explain how traditional religion changes as
it carries over into mo dern industrial society.
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What conclusions can we draw from all this? Ikado s
ideas about secularization are open to the same questions
directed to other secularization theories. One question is
whether evolutionary schemes like the transition from com-
munal to associational society with correlative changes in
religious forms constitute an adequate description of reality.
It is always possible, of course, to redefine secularization
by taking account of new social developments that seem
to contradict former trends. But there are limits to rede-
fining, and the confusion surrounding the concept of secu-
larization may be due in part to the attempts of sociologists
to make the new phenomena fit into their preconceived
schemes.
Another question has to do with the metatheoretical
assumptions and ideological background of the seculariza-
tion thesis-and indeed of all theories of society, history,
religion, and human behavior. More and more people are
becoming aware of this problem and suggesting that these
generally tacit assumptions be articulated and systematically
reflected on . Metatheoretical presuppositions are to be
found in Ikado s work, including his theory of seculariza-
tion. They relate to a specific view of history and of man.
This view centers in the notion of progress and regards
history as an essentially evolutionary process moving toward
ultimate completion. Man is the driving force of this process
and is expected to persevere in unremitting efforts to attain
this goal, aware as he is of his vocation within this world
and of the right he has to enjoy the fruits of his endeavors.
lkado s work cannot be fully understood without these
ideological assumptions. In his case they originate from
his personal ties with Christianity, and it is this faith which
has made of Ikado the socially committed and humanly
concerned scholar he is.
. / ~ I / ~ ~ I ~ w/ o t ~ r n ~ ~ /fl l i ~ l i ~ i ~ ~ . ~I~ ~/; .S 2- ;I~ l l ~ ~ ~ - ~ ~ . l ~ ~ C ~ ~ l l ~ ~ e r
)*(I
I , . , . 1 t
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ON LUSION
Several developments n Ikado 's work have been t raced.
O ne was charac te r ized as a g rowing in te rna t iona l i za t ion ,
paradoxical ly finding i ts clearest expression in his search
for a m ore genu ine ly Japa nese approa ch t o the soc io logy
o f r e li gi on . Pe rhap s we may n o w a t t em p t t o r e la t e t h i s
d ev e l o p men t t o t h e t r en d j u st d e sc r ib ed : t h e growi ng
awareness o f t he ex i s tence o f m eta theore t i ca l assumpt ions .
In Ikado 's case th is re la t ionship i s to be seen ear ly in h is
scholar ly career when his research too k th e form o f ap-
pl ied sociology o f religion, an d no w ada ys in his increasing
em phas is o n sociology o f rel ig ion as a sc ience of and fo r
man . T ha t meta theo re t i ca l assum pt ions ex i s t an d p lay a
role in empirical scient if ic research presents difficul t ies for
wh ich no so lut ion is ye t in sight . B ut even if th e progress
of science i tself is a kind of m et at he or y, doe s n ot scient if ic
progress consist in th e overcoming o f suc h difficul ties?
For Ikado , and perhaps fo r o ther Japanese soc io log i s t s
o f rel ig ion as wel l , these d i ff icul t ies may b e fu r th er com-
pounded by e lements pecu l i a r to the p resen t -day Japanese
s i tua t ion , one d imension o f which i s the a lmost f rene t i c
search for
a
uniquely Japanese iden t i ty . Insofar as m an
himse l f becomes more exp l i c i t ly the cen t ra l concern and
benefic iary of research, t h e resul tant sc ience of an d for
m an wil l have universal ist ic im plicat ion s th at t ransce nd
particular is t ic in terests . This m at t er of th e balance t o be
st ruck between universal and par t icular is t ic values i s a prob-
lem in Jap an t ha t i s far f rom solved.
When w e call Ikado a Japanese cosmopol i tan or a n
internat ional ly-minded Japanese, th is is no sta t ic con-
cep t b u t a dyn am ic rea li ty . I t implies t ens ion and e f fo r t
t o overcome w hat appears t o be a con t rad ic t ion in t e rms.
When we see that Ikado, in his research, turns increasingly
toward man h imsel f an d a t the same t im e con t inues h is
search for w hat is genuinely Japanes e, it become s clear,
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11
\ I l l 1 l u~ i< l
\
. l . l ~ ~ ; l l l l ~ s ~ ~~ l . l l l i l ~ ~ l l l l l ~ l l l
however , tha t the con t rad ic t ion i s on ly apparen t , fo r t rue
universal ity m ay be found no t so m uc h in foreign paradigms
as a t th e core o f one s ow n soc iocu l tu ra l t rad i t ion . T h e
value of being hu m a n , an d being hum an rel ig iously, can
only be media ted by the par t i cu lar and the concre te .
Only
i n t he com m on ques t fo r ways o f be ing human in one s own
and in other cul tures can t ru ly cross-cul tural human en-
counters t ake p lace tha t may enhance the way of be ing
hu m an th at w e call science. Ikado s work-and
t h e
man
himself-st imulate us t o move in th is d i rect ion .
Ikado Fujio s areer
1 9 2 4
1 9 4 9
1 9 5 4
1 9 5 5
1 9 5 8
1 9 5 9
196
1 9 6 8
1975-
ooks
Bir th in Shiga Prefecture
Grad ua t ion f rom t h e Un ivers ity o f To ky o (Humani t i e s D iv i-
s ion , Dep ar tme nt of Rel ig ious S tudies )
Com ple t ion o f s tud ies a t the Un ivers ity o f To ky o Gradua te
Schoo l (De par tm en t o f Re ligious S tud ies )
Dep ar tu re fo r th e Un i ted S ta tes on a Fu lb righ t s cho la r sh ip
Graduat ion f rom the Univers i ty of Chicago Divin i ty School
R e t u r n t o J a p a n
Specia l is t o n th e s taff of th e Rel ig ious Affa i rs Sect ion , Minis -
t ry of Ed uca t ion , p lus par t - t im e teach ing a t the Universi ty of
To ky o (D epar tm en t o f L i t e ra tu re ) and Ke io Un ivers ity (Depar t -
men t o f Economics )
Professor of Com parat ive Cul tu res a t Tsu da W omen s College
(Dep ar tm en t o f In te rna t iona l Re la tions)
Professor a t Tsu kub a Universi ty ( In s t i tu te of Phi lo sophy)
C h i e f P u b l i c a t i o n s
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8/10/2019 Ikado Fujio
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Co:i~~tliorc.J
n d cditcd
w o r k s
)I I I / d ~ I i ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ r - ~ ~ ~ l ~ y$Chris t imzi ty
iz
Ju)(rii Jrot&mzfisrtz
I @ [Religions o the
.Ial)ntrc~st-].Kyoto Tank6sha.
I G2
~ U / N I I I ( : Wdigiorl.
Tokyo
:
Kodansha International.
l GS M i l / s // ri lr \.&y~k ~: Chitsztjo
e
~ r ohiisoz :
{ I):. -~/)j.JLij [ I k e y s in the scientific study o f religion,
vol. i C I1aIlc~ngc~so ortlrrl. l okyo : Tokyo 1)aig;iku
S l ~ ~ t p p i t r ~ k ~ ~ i .