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April 8, 2016 Graduate Institute of Linguistics National Chung Cheng University, Taiwan

Grammaticalization of the Verb yi 已 as an Aspectual Marker in Middle Chinese

Edith Aldridge (University of Washington) Barbara Meisterernst (Humboldt University)

1. Introduction Topic: Grammaticalization of 已 yǐ from verb to telic aspect marker (Similar development to Mod Man 了 le) Middle Chinese VO-ASP (已 yǐ ‘stop, complete’, 竟 jìng ‘finish’, 畢, bì ‘finish’ or 訖 qì ‘finish, cease’) as nonfinite subordinate clauses indicating completion of one event before beginning of second event (1) a. 王 升 車 已，群 臣 跪 賀

wáng shēng chē yǐ, qún chén guì hè king mount carriage YI, all ministers kneel bless ‘After the king mounted the carriage, all ministers knelt down and gave their blessings.’ (Zhongben qi jing 2nd -3rd c.) (Taishō 4, no.196, p.153b)

b. 佛 坐 飯 竟， 行 澡 水 畢， 為 說 經 法。 fó zuò fàn jìng, xíng zǎo shuǐ bì, wèi shuō jīng fǎ Buddha sit eat finish, go wash water finish, for say sutra dharma ‘After the Buddha had sat down and finished his meal, and after he had washed himself, he explained the sutra and the dharma (to them).’ (Zhongben qi jing, 2nd -3rd c.) (Taishō 4, no.196, p.162a)

Aspect markers 已 yǐ, 竟 jìng, 畢, bì, or 訖 qì grammaticalized from verbs. (2) a. 女 舞 未 竟，忽然 不 見，

nǚ wǔ wèi jìng, hūrán bù xiàn woman dance NEGasp finish, suddenly NEG visible ‘The woman had not stopped dancing yet when she suddenly became invisible.’ (Zhongben qi jing, 2nd -3rd c.) (Taishō 4, no.196, p.149b)

b. 數 譖 不 已，王 頗 惑 之. shuò zèn bù yǐ, wáng pō huò zhī several slander NEG finish, king quite confuse OBJ ‘The various slandering had not stopped, and the king found it quite confusing.’ (Zhongben qi jing, 2nd -3rd c.) (Taishō 4, no.196, p.157c)

Proposal: Reanalysis: YI-V ‘terminate’ > YI-ASP (secondary predicate marking end point

of an event) in Early Middle Chinese (EMC) (1st century BCE)

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Trigger: Loss of aspectual morphology at the end of Archaic Chinese (2nd – 1st C. BCE), neutralizing of the formal distinction between telic and atelic verbs

2. Previous Analyses Q: V-YI > YI-ASP as a native Chinese development or borrowing from Sanskrit? Cheung (1977): Borrowing as a calque for Sanskrit gerundial suffix –tvā, which also surfaced in clause-final position Mei (1999): YI-ASP as a native Chinese development

=> 1st century BCE, before the introduction of Buddhism to China (3) a. 鑽 中 已，又 灼 龜 首 zuān zhōng yǐ, yòu zhuó guī shŏu bore center YI, again burn tortoise head

‘After boring through the center (of the shell), then they burned the tortoise head.’ (Shiji: 128; 3240, 100 BCE; from Mei 1999:289)

b. 飯 已， 盡 懷 其 餘 肉 持 去， fàn yǐ, jìn huái qí yú ròu chí qù, eat finish, completely hold.in.bosom POSS rest meat take leave,

衣 盡 汙 yī jìn wū dress completely dirty

‘After eating, they took all their remaining meat with them (in their bosom) and left, and their clothes became completely soiled.’ (Shiji: 126; 3205; from Mei 1999:289)

Jiang (2001, 2007): 1. YI-ASP1 with atelic events supplying the end point (native Chinese development) 2. YI-ASP2 with telic predicates signaling accomplishment/achievement (Sanskrit influence) (4) a. 然 於 後 世， 事 究竟 已, 言談 斐粲

rán yú hòu shì, shì jiùjìng yǐ, yántán fĕicàn so in later generation, affair thoroughly.realize YI, utterance brilliant ‘So in later generations, after these things had been thoroughly comprehended, words and utterance became brilliant, …’ (Zheng fahua jing, 3rd century) (Taishō 9, no.263, p.88a)

b. 佛 滅度 已，受 持 經卷. fó mièdù yǐ, shòu chí jīngjuàn Buddha reach.extinction YI, receive hold scripture ‘… and after the Buddha had reached his extinction, they will receive and hold on to the scriptures.’ (Zheng fahua jing, 3rd c.) (Taishō 9, no.263, p.101a)

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Proposal for the Origin(s) YI-V > YI-ASP as native Chinese development YI-ASP1 and YI-ASP2 did not have separate origins. => YI-ASP1 emerged first; YI-ASP2 was a natural extension in response to the loss

of telicity marking on verbs. 3. Aspect in Late Archaic Chinese (5th – 2nd C. BCE) Sinitic languages: member of the Tibeto-Burman / Sino-Tibetan language family => Verbal (derivational) morphology in Pre-Archaic Chinese (before 11th c. BCE): (LaPolla 2003, Meisterernst 2015); no inflectional morphology. Previous hypothesis on aspectual marking: => Morphological marking of the imperfective and perfective aspect (Outer Aspect) 1. [+/- VOICE] alternation of the root initial (voicing caused by former nasal prefix) (Karlgren 1933; Mei 1988, Baxter and Sagart 1998, Hong and Yang 2010; etc.) 2. *-s (perfective aspect) > falling tone (qùshēng 去聲) (Haudricourt 1954, Downer 1959, Sagart 1999, etc.).

(5) Suffix *-s and the verb (chí/) zhì治 in Archaic Chinese (Jin Lixin 2006): => [-SUFFIX] = transitive and/or imperfective aspect: *r-de => [+SUFFIX] = unaccusative and perfective aspect (resultant state): *r-de-s (6) a. 政 以 治 民， 刑 以 正 邪.

Zhèng yǐ chí (*r-de) mín, xíng yǐ zhèng xié Government CON regulate people, punishment CON correct bad ‘The government is necessary in order to correct the people, the punishments are necessary to correct the bad.’ (Zuozhuan, Yin 11, 5th-4th c. BCE)

b. 使 為 左師 以 聽政， 於是 宋 治. Shǐ wéi zuǒshī yǐ tīngzhèng, yúshì Sòng zhì (*r-de-s)

Cause become zuoshi CON manage.govt thereupon Song ordered ‘He made him Zuoshi and let him manage the government, and thereupon Song became well ordered.’ (Zuozhuan, Xi 9, 5th-4th c. BCE)

(7) [+/- VOICE] alternation and the verb huài 壞 in Archaic Chinese (Jin Lixin 2006:84): => [-VOICE] = transitive and/or imperfective aspect: qlɯr‐s => [+VOICE] = unaccusative and perfective aspect (resultant state): glɯr‐s (8) a. 是謂天子壞法亂紀。 (Liji 09.02.07) (LAC)

Shì wèi tiān zǐ huài (qlɯr‐s) fǎ luàn jì This mean heaven son destroy law disturb rule ‘… this means that the son of heaven destroys the laws and disturbs the rules.’

b. 君子三年不為禮，禮必壞； (Lunyu 17.21/1) (LAC) Jūnzǐ sān nián bù wéi lǐ, lǐ bì Gentleman three year NEG make correct.form, correct.form certainly

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huài (glɯr‐s) destroyed

‘If a gentleman does not perform the correct form for three years, the correct form will certainly be destroyed.’

Refinement: => Aktionsart formation belongs to derivational morphology adding semantic features such as ingressivity, terminativity, iterativity, etc. => Aspectual morphology in the Inner Aspect Phrase (Travis 2010) checking telicity (aktionsart) features, not in the Outer Aspect Phrase (imperfective - perfective) (Meisterernst 2015)  

=> No affix: causative variant, no endpoint is implied; => With affix: unaccusative, telic, resultative.

Verbs with aspectual morphology were only rarely modified by aspectual adverbs jì 既 and yǐ 已 (perfective aspect). => Activity verbs (e.g. shí 食 ‘eat’, yán 言, MC shuō 說‘speak’) with aspectual adverbs. Adverb adds an end point to the event. (9) a. 吾 既言 之 矣， 敢 不 勉 乎!

wú jì yán zhī yǐ, gǎn bù miǎn hū 1P YI say OBJ SFP, dare NEG make.effort SFP ‘After I said that, could I dare not to make the utmost effort!’ (Zuozhuan, Ai 11.1.10, 5th-4th c. BCE)

b. 既 食, 而 後 食 之. jì shí, ér hòu sì zhī JI eat, CON afterwards feed OBJ ‘After they had eaten, they let him eat.’ (Zuozhuan, Xiang 24.8.3, 5th-4th c. BCE)

Parallel to early function of YI-ASP as supplying an endpoint (西漢 and Early Buddhist literature; see also Wei 2015) (10) 佛說已，弟子當受，令是說當為解利。

fó shuō yǐ, dìzǐ dāng shòu, líng shì shuō Buddha talk YI, disciple DANG receive, make this talk

dāng wéi jiĕ lì DANG be explain advantage

‘After the Buddha had spoken, the disciples were about to accept, and made him explain what the advantages of this talk would be.’ (Ren ben yu sheng jing, 2nd c.) (Taishō 1, n. 14, p. 244a)

Morphological distinctions started to lose their transparency. 1. Increase in the employment of aspectual adverbs (with both atelic & telic

predicates)

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(11) a. 問 之 曰:『吾 城郭 已 治，守 備 已 Wèn zhī yuē: wú chéng guō yǐ zhì, shǒu bèi yǐ ask OBJ say: I wall outer-wall YI regulated, defence arrange YI 具， 錢 粟 已 足， 甲 兵 有 餘 jù, qián sù yǐ zú , jiǎ bīng yǒu yú, ready, money grain YI sufficient, armour weapon have surplus,

‘… asked him: “My walls are already in good order, my defence arrangements are already ready, money and cereals are sufficient, the armours and weapons are numerous,”’ (Han Fei Zi 10.6.16, 3rd c. BCE)

b. 季子曰:『堯 固 已 治 天下 矣， Jì zǐ yuē Yáo gù yǐ (chí) / zhì tiānxià yǐ Jizi say: Yao certainly YI regulate empire SFP

‘Jizi said: “Yao had certainly already regulated the empire.”’ (Lüshi chunqiu 25.3.2.1,, 3rd c. BCE)

2. Start of the disyllabification process => Resultant state readings are confined to adjectives >>> development of a new disyllabic causative verb => huài 壞 (broken) ≥ dǎhuài 打壞 (break-broken); implicit activity becomes explicit in the disyllabification process (Hu 2016). (12) a. 是身爲譬如會壞城，多怨家。 Shì shēn wéi pìrú huì huài chéng, duō yuàn jiā this body be like meet smashed city, many angry family

‘This body will be like meeting a smashed city with many angry families.’ (Daodijing, 2nd c. (Taishō 15, n. 607, p. 236a)

b. 出外令人打壞天祠。(Xianyujing, 5th c.) (Taishō 4, no. 202, p.425b) chūwài lìng rén dǎhuài tiān cí go.out make man destroy brahmanic temple

‘he went out and ordered someone to destroy the brahmanic temple.’ Connection with YI-ASP: => Loss of aspectual morphological distinctions as trigger for YI-V > YI-ASP in Early Middle Chinese  

4. Evolution of YI-V to YI-ASP as End-point Denoting Secondary Predicate 1. Loss of derivational affixes distinguishing telic from atelic verbs 2. Ambiguity between N and V 3. Emergence of VP-internal secondary predicates 4. YI-V > YI-ASP (as secondary predicate denoting end point) 4.1. Structural Environment for the Reanalysis Mei (1999): V O NEG YI-V > V O YI-ASP (via deletion of NEG)

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(13) a. 行 之 不 已，是 謂 履 理 也. xíng zhī bù yǐ, shì wèi lǐ lǐ yĕ walk OBJ NEG stop, this call tread principle SFP ‘To walk on it without stopping, this is called treading along [on the path of] the principles.’ (Han Fei Zi 8.1.3, 3rd c. BCE)

b. 智 伯 兼 范、中行 而 攻 趙 不 已. Zhì Bó jiān Fàn, Zhōngháng ér gōng Zhào bù yǐ Zhi Bo unite Fan, Zhonghang CON attack Zhao NEG stop

‘Zhi Bo joined Fan and Zhong Hang and attacked Zhao without end.’ (Han Fei Zi 21.3.1, 3rd c. BCE)

Problem: Reanalysis requires ambiguity. But 行之不已 and 攻趙不已 (event not completed) are not at all similar in meaning to 行之已 and 攻趙已 (event completed). Proposal: Ambiguity in the context of N or VINTR followed by YI 1. N YI-V ‘N ends.’ 2. VINTR YI-V > YI-ASP Aspectual morphology *-s also had nominalizing function (Haudricourt 1954a, Pulleyblank 1973, Mei 1988, Baxter 1992, Jin 2006). => Loss of *-s: Loss of telicity distinction & loss of N/V distinction (14) a. Verb: Pulleyblank EMC: *lɨɑŋ

量力而動，其過鮮矣。 Zuŏzhuàn, Xī 20.4 liáng lì ér dòng, qí guò xiǎn yǐ measure strength CON move, GEN mistake few SFP ‘if one measured the strength before moving, one’s mistakes would be

few.’ b. Noun: EMC: *lɨɑŋh

齊舊四量，豆、區、釜、鍾。 Zuŏzhuàn, Zhāo 3.3 Qí jiù sì liàng, dòu, qū, fǔ, zhōng. Qi old four measure, dou, qu, fu, zhong. ‘Qi formerly had four measures, the dou, the qu, the fu, and the zhong.

YI as an unaccusative verb in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC): NP YI ‘NP ends/finishes’ (15) a. 則身不活、病不已矣。 (Han Fei Zi 46.2.1., 3rd c. BCE) zé shēn bù huó, bìng bù yǐ yǐ then body NEG live, disease NEG stop SFP ‘…then the body does not survive and the illness does not end.’ b. 今義渠之事已，寡人乃得受命。 (Shiji: 79; 2406)

    jīn Yìqú zhī shì yǐ, guǎrén nǎi dé shòu mìng now Yiqu GEN affair finish, I then can accept order ‘Because the affair of Yiqu is finished now, I can accept the order.

Context permitted ambiguity between verbal and aspectual YI: => 飯 fàn ‘eat/meal’ and 會盟 hùiméng can be verbal or nominal.

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(16) a. 飯 已， 盡 懷 其 餘 肉 持 去，

fàn yǐ, jìn huái qí yú ròu chí qù, eat finish, completely hold.in.bosom POSS rest meat take leave, 衣 盡 汙 yī jìn wū dress completely dirty ‘After eating/after the meal had finished, they took all their remaining

meat with them (in their bosom) and left, and their clothes became completely soiled.’ (Shiji: 126; 3205; from Mei 1999:289)

b. 會 盟 已，飲， 而 衛 鞅 伏 甲 士 huì méng yǐ, yǐn, ér Wèi Yǎng fú jiǎ shì make.a.covenant YI, drink, CON Wei Yang hide armour officer 而 襲 虜 魏 公子 卬， ér xí lǔ Wèi gōngzǐ Áng CON attack imprison Wei prince Ang ‘After they had concluded the covenant, they drank, and Wei Yang hid

armoured men in ambush and attacked and imprisoned the prince of Wei, Ang.’ (Shiji: 68; 2233)

Structural ambiguity: => YI as V or as secondary predicate signaling end of event (17) a. [TP fàn [vP [VP yǐ < fàn> ]]] meal YI ‘After the meal had finished, ….’ b. [TP pro [vP [VP fàn [XP yǐ ]]]] eat YI ‘After they finished eating, ….’ Reanalysis: If fàn parsed as N: YI categorized as V (LAC YI) If fàn parsed as V: YI categorized as ASP (EMC reanalysis) 4.2. YI-ASP as Resultative Secondary Predicate Sybesma (1997, 1999) on Modern Mandarin le 了 as resultative secondary predicate: (18) a. Ta mai-le ta-de ji-tou zhu. he sell-LE he-DE several-CL pig ‘He sold those few pigs of his.’ (Sybesma 1999:68) b. VP (Sybesma 1999:75) V YP NP Y (end point) Sybesma (1994): LIAO-V > LE-ASP as resultative secondary predicate

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(19) 作是語了，遂即南行。 Zuò shì yǔ liǎo, suìjí nán xíng. make this statment finish then south go ‘Having made this statement, (he) set off toward the south.’ (Dunhuang Bianwen 8; from Mei 1981:65) Grammaticalization of LIAO-V > LE-ASP coincided with rise of VVRES (Wang 1980, Mei 1981) (20) a. Zhangsan qi-lei-le liang pi ma. Zhangsan ride-tired-ASP two CL horse ‘Zhangsan rode two horses tired.’ (Cheng & Huang 1994: 188) 5th C: Secondary predicate expressing a resultant state; 6th C: Modern Mandarin VVRES compounds (21) a. 今 當 打汝 前 兩 齒 折. Jīn dāng dǎ rǔ qián liǎng chǐ zhé. now should hit you front two tooth break

‘Now I should break two of your front teeth.’ (Xianyujing, 5th c.) (Taishō 4, no. 202, p.429a)

b. 主人 欲 打 死 之. Zhǔrén yù dǎ sǐ zhī. master want hit die 3.OBJ

‘The master wanted to strike him dead.’ (Guang Gujin Wuxingji, Guangji 91)

Widely held that LE-ASP was a replacement for YI-ASP (Mei 1981, 1999; Cao 1986, 1999; Wu 1998). Point: YI-V > YI-ASP underwent same development to resultative secondary

predicate 4.3. Rise of VP-Internal Secondary Predicates Emergence of VVRES resultative compounds as consequence of loss of causative morphology on verbs (Mei 1991) Here: Causative/unaccusative morphology also expressed aspectual distinctions. (22) [+/- VOICE] alternation and the verb huài 壞 in Archaic Chinese (Jin Lixin

2006:84): => [-VOICE] = transitive and/or imperfective aspect: qlɯr‐s => [+VOICE] = unaccusative and perfective aspect (resultant state): glɯr‐s

And: Loss of aspectual morphology = loss of causative morphology => Rise of VVRES can be dated to EMC, coincided with the

grammaticalization of YI-ASP. LAC: Only goal PPs as VP internal end point denoting constituents

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(23) a. 雍 子 發 命 於軍 曰: Yōng zǐ fā mìng yú jūn yuē Yong zi issue order to army say

‘Yongzi issued an order to the army saying …’ (Zuozhuan, Xiang 26.10.15, 5th-4th c. BCE)

b. 請 王 縞 素 辟 舍 於 郊, 遣 使 於齊, qǐng wáng gǎo sù pì shè yú jiāo, qiǎn shì yú Qí ask king plain silk avoid house at suburb, send envoy to Qi

‘I beg the king to dress in plain silk and to avoid his dwellings and move to the suburbs, and to send an envoy to Qi.’ (Lüshi chunqiu 20.6.4., 3rd c. BCE)

Early Middle Chinese: Sequence of two verbs sharing the object or the subject (Wang 1980, Ohta 1958, Shimura 1984, Mei 1991, Cao 1999, Jiang 1999, and Liang 2005) (24) a. 子嬰 遂 刺 殺 高 於 齋 宮. Zǐying suì cì shā Gāo yú zhāi gōng. Ziying then stab kill Gao in cleanse palace

‘Ziying then stabbed and killed (Zhao) Gao in the room for ritual cleansing.’ (Shiji: 6, 275, 100 BCE)

b. 百日 而 餓 死. Bǎi rì ér è sǐ. 100day CONJ starve die ‘After one hundred days, (he) starved to death.’ (Shiji: 79; 2411) Later Han period: V + dé 得 as aspectual marker signaling completion (Cao 1999) (25) a. 孟孫 獵 得 麑， 使 秦西巴 持 之 歸 Mèngsūn liè dé ní, shǐ Qín Xībā chí zhī guī Mengsun hunt get fawn, send Qin Xiba hold 3.OBJ return

‘Mengsun hunted and caught a fawn and he sent Qin Xiba to get it and return with it.’ (Han Fei Zi 22.22.3, 3rd c. BCE; cited by Cao 1999:21)

b. 堯射得之，猶不能傷日 Yáo shè dé zhī, yóu bù néng shāng rì Yao shoot get 3.OBJ, but NEG can hurt sun

‘Yao shot at it and met it, but he could not hurt the sun.’ (Lunheng 19.1.4, 1st c. CE; cited by Cao 1999:21)

LAC: Causative/unaccusative verb dìng 定

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(26) a. 王 未 能 定 鄭 而 歸. wáng wèi néng dìng Zhèng ér guī king NEGasp can settle Zheng CON return

‘The king was not able yet to settle Zheng and returned.’ (Zuozhuan, Xiang 9.8.4, 5th-4th c. BCE)

b. 君 既定 矣，又 何 求? Jūn jì dìng yǐ, yòu hé qiú Prince JI establish SFP, furthermore what seak ‘Since my prince is already settled, what else would I wish for?’

(Zuozhuan, Dìng 5.7.5, 5th-4th c. BCE) First Han period: dìng 定 semantically bleached to mean ‘settle’ (27) a. 荊 軻 坐 定， 太子 避 席 頓 首 曰: Jīng Kē zuò dìng, tàizǐ bì xí dùn shŏu yuē Jing Ke sit settle, heir get.off mat knock.ground head say

‘When Jing Ke had sat down, the heir got off his mat, knocked his head to the ground and said:’ (Shiji: 86; 2531, 100 BCE)

b. 田 光 坐 定，左右 無 人， Tián Guāng zuò ding, zuŏyòu wú rén,

Tian Guang sit settle, entourage not.have man, 太子 避 席 而 請 曰: tàizǐ bì xí ér qǐng yuē heir get.off mat CON ask say

‘When Tian Guang had sat down, no one of the entourage was around, and the heir got off his mat and asked:’ (Shiji: 86; 2530)

Point: Early Middle Chinese VV sequences in which the second verb indicated that the event had come to successful completion => First emergence of resultative secondary predicates => Allows YI-V to be reanalyzed as YI-ASP resultative secondary predicate Summary: Reanalysis: YI-V > YI-ASP (secondary predicate marking end point) in EMC Trigger: Loss of aspectual morphology on telic verbs in LAC/EMC 5. Extension of Aspectual YI as a Native Development Jiang (2001, 2007): Two different YI-ASP 1. YI V ‘terminate’ > End point YI-ASP1 (native Chinese development)

(occurred with atelic events and supplied an end point to the event)

(28) 飲 已 復 吐. yǐn yǐ fù tǔ drink YI again spit ‘He drank, but spit it out again.’ (Fobenxing Jijing, 6th c.) (Taishō 3, no.190, p.777a)

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2. YI-ASP2 as calque of Sanskrit gerundive participle: (occurred with telic predicates and signaled accomplishment/achievement)

(29) 至 已 長 跪. zhì yǐ cháng guì arrive YI ruler kneel.down

‘After he had arrived, he knelt for a long time.’ (Fobenxing Jijing, 6th c.) (Taishō 3, no.190, p.706c)

But: No direct evidence or need for positing different sources of YI-ASP1 and YI-

ASP2 Proposal: YI-ASP2 developed directly from YI-ASP1, not as a borrowing. Early examples: 1. YI-ASP1 with atelic predicate supplying the end point (30) 供養 已，皆 白 佛 言:

gòngyǎng yǐ, jiē bái fó yán sacrifice YI, all say Buddha say ‘when the sacrifices were over, they all said to the Buddha …’ (Daoxing bore jing, 2nd c.) (Taishō 8, no.224, p.439b)

2. YI-ASP2 with telic predicate signaling accomplishment or achivement (31) a. 既受 已，復 持 反 遺 薩陀波倫 菩薩，

jì shòu yǐ, fù chí fǎn wèi Sàtuóbōlún púsà, JI accept YI, again hold return send Satuobolun bodhisattva,

即 自 言: jí zì yán

then himself say ‘After he had accepted them, he held on to them and sent them in return

to the Satuobolun bodhisattva and said to himself’ (Daoxing bore jing, 2nd c.) (Taishō 8, no.224, p.476a)

b. 佛 滅度 已，受 持 經卷. fó mièdù yǐ, shòu chí jīngjuàn Buddha reach.extinction YI, receive hold sutra ‘After the Buddha reached extinction, we will receive and hold the sutras.’ (Zheng fahua jing, 3rd c.) (Taishō 9, no.263, p.101a12)

Extension of YI-ASP1 to YI-ASP2: => Loss of morphology distinguishing telic from atelic verbs allowed end point denoting YI-ASP to occur with telic as well as atelic predicates. Parallel with Modern Mandarin le 了 (Sybesma 1997, 1999): 1. LE1 to express the end point of the event (attaches to atelic predicate)

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(32) Ta mai-le ta-de ji-tou zhu. he sell-LE he-DE several-CL pig ‘He sold those few pigs of his.’ (Sybesma 1999:68) 2. LE2 to communicate that the end point has actually been realized (attaches to telic predicate) (33) Zhangsan ca-gan-le boli Zhang San wipe-dry-LE glass ‘Zhang San has wiped the glass dry.’ (Sybesma 1999:69) (34) VP (Sybesma 1999:75) V XP YP X (realization) NP Y (end point) Point: YI-ASP1 = Y; YI-ASP2 = X Extension as further grammaticalization: Movement from Y to X (cf. Roberts and Roussou 2003: grammaticalization as movement up the syntactic tree) Parallel with adverbs: => Early LAC: Aspectual adverbs only occur with atelic predicates to signal completion. => Late LAC: Aspectual adverbs OK with achievement verbs to signal reaching of the natural end point implied by the predicate. (35) a. 既 食，而 後 食之.

jì shí, ér hòu sì zhī JI eat, CON afterwards feed 3.OBJ ‘After they had eaten, they let him eat.’ (Zuozhuan, Xiang 24.8.3, 5th-4th c.

BCE) b. 季子曰：堯 固 已 治 天下 矣，

Jì zǐ yuē Yáo gù yǐ chí/zhì tiānxià yǐ Jizi say: Yao certainly YI regulate empire SFP ‘Jizi said: “Yao had certainly already regulated the empire.”’ (Lüshi chunqiu 25.3.2.1, 3rd c. BCE)

6. Summary Trigger: Loss of aspectual morphology on verbs in Early Middle Chinese

=> Telic and atelic verbs no longer distinguished Change: Verb YI reanalyzed as an aspectual functional category marking the end

point of an event

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Environment: Structural ambiguity when YI followed N or VINTR => VINTR YI-V > YI-ASP (Category ambiguity resulted from loss of morphology.) Result: YI as a resultative secondary predicate (coincided with the emergence of secondary predicates in the language) Extension: YI-ASP with atelic predicates > YI-ASP with telic & atelic predicates References Aldridge, Edith. 2013. Survey of Chinese Historical Syntax Part I: Pre-Archaic and

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