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    ayna (4,507 words)Pellat, Ch.

    , pl. ayntor iynfemale singing slave.

    The Arab lexicographers do not completely agree on the primitive meaning of the term (seeLA,TA, etc. s.v.), the real origin of which is unknown to them. They tend to apply it in the first place toa female slave ( ama, d jriya), charged in general with various tasks; secondly, and morespecifically, to the female singer who had a servile status (amaor d jriya mughanniya). Somelexicographers are inclined to connect ayna with a Vth form taayyanato embellish oneself(al-Washsh,Muwashsh, 164, uses the expression al-imal-mutaayyintin a sense close toal-mutaarriftthe elegant, the refined ladies), others want to see it as the feminine form ofaynworkman, more specifically smith and to give it the primitive meaning of workingwoman or woman hairdresser. Nir al-Dn al-Asad ( al-iyn wa l-ghinfi l-ar al-d jhil,

    Cairo 1968, 15-24) has devoted a thorough study to this term. Starting from a biliteral *n, hepoints out the semantic affinity of the radicals yn, nn, ny, and remarks the existence ofcognate words in various Semitic languages. He sees a phonetic and semantic relation between and canoon one side, and ayna on the other, and concludes that these are loanwords fromArabic. We shall limit ourselves here to underline the rightness of these connections, withoutbeing decisive about the direction of a possible borrowing and without following P. Anastase (al-Ikll, viii, 165) who considers ayna to be a derivative of or cano, while considering at thesame time the Arabic ghannto sing to be the origin of either verbs. What can be stated withnear certainty is that the Assyrian intuhas very probably become Arabic ayna [see GHIN]. Atan early period also other words are attested to indicate the female singer: karna(Ibn

    Khurraddh bih,Kitb al-lahw wa l-malh, ed. I. A. Khalif, Beirut 1969, 20), musmia(which isperhaps Islamic, ibid, 17), dd jinaand mudd jina(Asad, op. cit., 27), adand dia(ibid., 28)and finally d jardalocust.

    According to a well-founded tradition, the first female singers among the Arabs are reported to

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    have been two slaves called al-jardatn or jardat d. They are even given individualnames the spellings of which take all the form CCC (al-abar, i, 234-6; see al-Masd,Murd j,ed. Pellat, index). The name of the mythical person to whom they allegedly have belonged is alsoknown: Muwiya b. Bakr al-Imla. The continuity of the tradition is assured by the affirmationthat the inhabitants of Yathrib inherited the use of iynfrom the dites who had disappearedfrom history, (Ibn Khurraddhibih. op. cit., 20). The sources also attest female singing-slaves inthe future Medina at the end of the D jhiliyya (e.g. Aghn, ed. Beirut, xv, 34, about Uaya b.al-D julh). Mecca, which had remained outside the alleged dite influence, is said to have known

    music and singing thanks to al-rithb. Kalada on his return from al-ra (see al-Masd,Murd j, index, s.v.; Asad, op. cit., 115, 116, 118, 131, discusses this tradition). This detail confirmsthe origin of the ayna as proposed above, the more so because the sources report many traditionson the iynof the Narids, as they do on those of the Ghassnids. According to IbnKhurraddh bih (op. cit., 36), D jabala b. al-Ayham al-Ghassn [q.v.] is said to have had ten iyn,five of whom, apparently Byzantine, sang in rmiyya.

    In Arabia, outside the main towns, some iyn were living among the Bedouins, if the poets areto be believed, whose works can, however, not be credited with perfect authenticity.

    As far as can be judged, the female slave singers may have been divided into two main categories,the rle of one group, owned by a town or Bedouin person of standing, was to entertain theirmaster, alone or in the company of guests, without prejudice to other relations they could havewith him. The other group, quite inferior in rank, were attached to taverns or followed wanderingwine-merchants, and one can easily imagine that they could give themselves to a form ofprostitution. The poets (e.g.Tarafa, vv. 49-52 of theMuallaa; al-Ash, inRawi, no. 31, 26-7;Labd, v. 61 of theMuallaa) associate these women with drinking-bouts, and describe them so asnot to leave any doubt about their marginal activities. Nir al-Dn al-Asad (op. cit., 163-253) hasthoroughly studied the influence exercised by these two pre-Islamic groups of iynon the social

    and literary fields, and more particularly on al-Ash.

    From the period shortly preceeding Islam, we have detailed information on some iyn, inparticular on two new locusts, the D jardatn of Abd Allh b. D judn [q.v.] who was engagedin the slave-trade in both sexes. Shortly afterwards, female slave-singers apparently served inMecca as instruments of propaganda against the Prophet who had migrated to Medina, namelyFartan and arba/urayba, who were owned by Abd Allh b. Khaal (see al-D jhiz, Tarb,index, s.v. Fartan;Sra, ii, 410;Nasab uraysh, 442-3; Asad, op. cit., 86-7). They are said tohave been sentenced to death by Muammad after the conquest of Mecca for having propagatedsatirical songs against him (the traditions diverge however on the actuality of their punishment).

    Another ayna , Sra by name (see Asad, op. cit., 88), and owned by Amr b. Ab ayf (Nasaburaysh, 90-1), was sent to the urayshby ib b. Ab Baltaa to announce the Prophetsintention to seize Mecca (Sra, ii, 398, 410, 411). Sentenced to death, she escaped momentarily thesupreme penalty. A list of ancient iyncan be found in chapter xiv of the w l-funnwa-salwat al-maznof Ibn al-an, an author of the 5th/11th century (ms.Dr al-kutubno.539, Fine Arts) published by Asad, op. cit., 269-72.

    At the same period there existed certainly many other anonymous iynwho were engaged intheir usual activity. These slaves were surely of non-Arabic origin (e.g.the ayna of assn b.

    Thbit was called Srn, Ibn Khurraddh bih. op. cit., 36). Thus there were probably white slavesamong them, but the majority must have been black or half-caste. If some were perhaps stillsinging in a foreign language, like those of D jabala b. al-Ayham, the others had been brought up inan Arab environment and knew perfectly well the language of the poets whose works theyinterpreted. The absence of reliable documents prevents however any decisive affirmation.

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    The information becomes less unreliable when in the 1st/7th century the developmenst of musicand singing [see GHIN] in the holy cities of the id jz brought about a zeal for collectingtraditions which we know, to be sure, only from later sources. On the other hand, however acutethe later juridical disputations on the admissibility of these two pursuits, they in fact paradoxicallydeveloped, in spite of some attempts to stem their spread, in Mecca and especially in Medina,where one would have expected stronger puritanical feeling. This problem is further connectedwith those of love-poetry [see GH AZAL] and humour [seeAL-DJIDDWAL-HAZL].

    While the prohibition of wine must have entailed the disappearance of a great part of the femalesingers of the lower reaches of the profession, real schools can be seen growing around musiciansand singers who were instructing pupils of both sexes. Among the females, free and freed womenappeared, but mainly slaves, whose masters considered that sort of education to be a means ofincreasing the commercial value. In order to be chosen among the young slaves, whose numberwas now increasing, due to the conquests, the future iynhad of course to be beautiful and tohave a melodious voice, but to be at a premium on the market they also needed talent and skill, i.e.a fairly advanced musical education and intellectual culture. From the 1st/7th century onwards thefamous stories of iyn, bought at huge prices (thousands of dnrsare mentioned), have beenadopted into adab-literature, often with somewhat embellished details. Sallma [q.v.] andabba [q.v.] belong to them, but several others could be mentioned. Isal-Mawsil pretends(Aghn, v, 156) that the singers who had thus been educated, were originally black ( sd) oryellow ( ufr), i.e., white women, and hints that they did not stand out for their beauty. For, hesays, his father Ibrhm was the first to consider the physical qualities of the iynimportant, inview of the increase of their value in the eyes of those interested. This information is belied bytraditions going back to the 1st/7th century.

    Azza [q.v.] and D jamla [q.v.] gave concerts in honour of personalities of Medina, and the latterwas surrounded by a considerable number of iynwho constituted the choir. It was under the

    direction of these two artists, famous in the history of the Arabs, that the great singers of the1st/7th century were formed [see GHIN]. Out of these one needs only to mention Mabad [q.v.],who in his turn taught iyn, both female musicians and singers, who were very much in demand.The best pupils of the Medinese school easily found buyers in Ir, particularly in Bara where anew school, competing with the one of Medina, was quickly to come into existence and whichproduced some of the most famous female singers of the court at Baghdd. There were formedBadhl (Aghn, ed. Beirut, xvii, 32-7), ayna of al-Hd and al-Amn, Arb (Aghn, xxi, 58-102)whose career reached from the reign of al-Mamn to that of al-Mutawakkil, Mutayyamal-Hshimiyya (Aghn, vii, 280-93) and Shriya (Aghn, xv, 320-8) who was adopted byIbrhm b. al-Mahd and whose biography Ibn al-Mutazz did not judge himself unworthy to write.Al-D ji(Rasil, ed. Hrn, ii, 288-90), gives a detailed list of Baraniyn, whom he prefersto the Kfan. From that time onwards it is not always easy to make a distinction between theslaves who had become famous for having given birth to caliphs (those born from a mother whowas a free woman are very few), those who had distinguished themselves as poets (like Inn [q.v.]or Fal) and the singers proper who could at the same time share the caliphs couch or that of avery high personality, compose verses, sing their own or those of other poets and play a musicalinstrument (like Mabba). In fact, many iynwere capable of writing short poems and ofimprovising occasional pieces; competing in this field with the court poets, they rivalled them invirtuosity, especially in the classical game of the id jza[q.v.]. In an unpublished thesis (

    Recherches sur la posie des qiyn, Paris-Sorbonne 1970), A. Chirane has brought forward thename of more than a hundred iynto whom verses are attributed, without counting severaldozens of anonymous poetesses, whose preserved works represent only a tiny part of thecompositions and improvisations. In general, this kind of poetry cannot be called exemplary, but ishas the merit of being spontaneous and unusually refreshing. Love ( ish[q.v.]) is largely

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    celebrated, while amorous reproofs ( itb) and lamentations over forced separations also abound.On the other hand, one finds eulogies of high-ranking personalities, elegies on the death of themaster and pieces in which the iyn, far away from their native land, express their nostalgia.Wine and descriptions find their place also, next to epigrams which were held in high esteem inthese refined milieux.

    These women had received a thorough education. They had to give proof of talent and vastknowledge of Arabic language and poetry. We are told that al-Rash d, before taking a decision,

    instructed al-Ama to examine one of them; she answered her examiner with such assurancethat she seemed to read the answers from a book (al-Anbr,Nuzha, ed. A. mir, 72-3). It wasdue to the erudition of another ayna , pupil of the grammarian al-Mazn, that the latter had thehonour to be admitted to the court (see Pellat,Milieu, 250). These slaves knew a great number ofverses by heart, which was in itself normal; some, however, although everything in their daily liferemoved them from religion, were well-versed in the traditional sciences and had studied theurn, as suggested by the story of a riarelated by al-Masd (v, 428-31 = 2184-5), whogives a beautiful example of arab[q.v.]. Besides, it is known that the Holy Book was chanted andthat the ira bi l-aln, favoured by the development of singing at Medina (see M. Talbi, inArabica, v/2, 1958, 183-90), spread afterwards to other areas of the Muslim world, in spite of thehostility of thefuah(see, e.g., M. Talbi,Emirat aghlabide, 307).

    Thanks to the school founded by Ibrhm al-Mawil [q.v.] and developed by his son Is, himselfformed by a ayna called Ata, Baghdd tended at the beginning of the 3rd/9th century to securepre-eminence over Bara, which had not in fact succeeded in putting an end to the monopolywhich the school of Medina had possessed in the formation of the iyn. Indeed, still in the3rd/9th century Abd al-Raman II summoned to Cordoba the so-called Medinese women Fal,Ilm and alam, while the last-mentioned, a native of Navarre, had only been sent to the id jz toround off her education there (see H. Prs,Posie andalouse, 40-1; E. Lvi-Provenal,Hist. Esp.

    Mus., i, 267-8). The Umayyad amr, who took them as concubines, caused a special pavilion to beconstructed for them inside his palace where they conducted a real orchestra. In the early 3rd/9thcentury, the AghlabidamrZiydat Allh (201-23/817-38) sent to Baghdd a messenger entrustedwith purchasing iynfor 30,000 dnrs (Ibn Askir, TarkhDimash, v, 396; cf. . . Abdal-Wahhb, Warat, ii, 195). At the end of the century, in spite of the prohibition issued in themeantime by al-Muhtad (see al-Masd,Murd j, viii, 2 = 3111) it was from Baghdd that theking of Seville, Ibrhm b. al-ad jd jd j(286-98/899-911) ordered the purchase of amar, whocontributed to the diffusion of Ira poetry which she knew perfectly well (H. Prs, op. cit., 41).She was one of those who expressed in verses their regret for having left their native land.

    One or several iynof this category were often offered to the caliph (like Mabba, a gift of AbdAllh b. hir to al-Mutawakkil; see al-Masd, ed. Pellat, index). But it also happened that theruler made his choice himself. Having heard alam al-liiyya singing during a private session,al-Wthiexpressed the wish to buy her, but her owner required a prohibitive price together withan official document appointing him to the government of Egypt. This incident was at the origin ofal-ji Tarb(see ed. Pellat, Introd.).

    At the other extremity of the social scale of the iyn, there were also cabaret singers in Ir(curiously enough, Bashshr,Dwn, i, 136, describes as bikra ayna singing among drinkers),

    but it is hard to know whether they are the singers who are celebrated (or criticised) by the poets inthe verses quoted, e.g.by al-Washah(op. cit., 119-28), or whether the latter are inspired by moredistinguished iyn, whose existence is attested with certainty. To be sure, there came intoexistence, first at Bara, then in other cities as far away as Cordoba, the very profitable professionof ayynor muayyin, the germ of which had already existed much earlier. It consisted inacquiring young slaves fit to become iyn, in forming them under strict rules and in hiring out on

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    various circumstances their services to private persons. The ayynorganised also musicalsessions in the hope that such a passion would arise among the guests that they would not hesitateto pay the most exorbitant prices in order to obtain the object of their ardour. In particular, thereis mentioned the case of a certain Umar (or al-Fal) b. Abd al-Malik al-Bar, Abu l-Nar/Abul-Bar (al-l,Awr,, i, 8-10;Aghn, xi, 267-74) who was at the same time a minor poet, asinger and a muayyin. His memory is kept alive thanks to the sharp criticisms addressed to himby Abn al-Li (al-Sl, op. cit., i, 9;Aghn, xxiii, 24; Rif Ar al-Mamn, ii, 317). Othernames are also known, for they appear in the beginning of al-D jizsKitb al-iyn(ed. Finkel,

    Three Essays, 53-75; ed. Hrn,Rasil, ii, 139-82; tr. Pellat, inArabica, x/2 (1963), 121-47). Inthis small masterpiece, the author describes the ayna-typewhom he shows exerting herself toseduce the well-to-do visitors and whose moral portrait he describes with great fineness. Thus wegain an insight into the rle the iynwere playing towards the members of the aristocracy andthe bourgeoisie: adroitly they were provoking ishwhile the wives of these men, kept in seclusionand generally uneducated, were quite incapable of exercising such an irresistible appeal. TheKitbal-iyn, unique in Arab literature, was plagiarised with a certain talent by al-Washsh, whoseMuwashshcontains also a choice of verses illustrating in particular the ravages caused by theiynin the hearts of the enamoured (119-28). This treatise, composed for the benefit of the

    refined milieux ( uraf), gives also an accurate description (ibid., 164) of the clothes of the immutaayyint, who dressed in vividly-coloured robes made of dyed material, while the freewomen wore only natural fabrics. There are also many details on the customs of those milieux, onthe phrases written on the footwear, on the forehead, on the palm of the hand, etc. ( ibid., 236 ff.).

    The monographs devoted to the iynand cited for instance by Ibn al-Nadm and Yt were probably far from having the same literary value as the works of al-D jiand al-Washsh, forthey were likely to contain exclusively anecdotes and verses in the same way as theKitbal-Aghn, the notices of which have been usefully gathered together by F. al-Amrs, al-jawrl-mughanniyt, Cairo 1945. The following titles have been brought to light: K. iyn al-id jz

    andK. al-iynof Isb. Ibrhm al-Mawil (Fihrist, 202; Udab, vi, 56) ;K. al-iynofYnus al-Mughann (Fihrist, 207);K. al-ayntof al-Madin (Udab, xiv, 133);Ash ral-d jawrof al-Mufad jd ja(Fihrist, 123; Udab, xvii, 194);K. iyn al-id jzandK. iynMakkaof Sulaymn b. Ayyn (Fihrist, 212; Udab, xi);K. Akhbr al-iynof Ab l-Farad j himself (Udab, xiii, 99; Brockelmann, S I, 226). To this list of works which do not seem to havebeen preserved, should be added, apart from the chapter of Ibn al-an mentioned above,anthologies like the abatof Ibn al-Mutazz, theMurd jof al-Masd or theNafal-bofal-Maar, the sections on the iynin encyclopaedias like the Idof Ibn Abd Rabbih (iv,127-38), theMustarafof al-Ibsh h (ii, 211-7), theNihyat al-Arabof al-Nuwayr (v, passim),

    works relating to women (e.g.Ibn ayyim al-jawziyya,Akhbr al-nis, ed. N. Ri, Beirut 1964,or the study of U. R. Kala,K. Alm al-nis, Damascus 1379/1959), or also those devoted topoetesses but which have also been lost. Useful information can finally be found in:Nisal-khulaf, attributed to Ibn al-S (ed. M. D jawd, Cairo n.d.), and in al-Mustaraf min akhbral-d jawrof al-Suy (ed. . al-Munad jd jid, Beirut 1963).

    Even if some iynare still mentioned occasionally after the 4th/10th century but then almostalways anonymously, the tradition, judging from the sources available, is essentially based onthose of the first centuries of the hid jrawho acquired a lasting celebrity. After Medina and Bara,Baghdd was the centre of the Muslim world in this respect. Al-Tawd (Imt, ii, 183) counts

    460 slave (and 120 free) female singers at al-Karkh[q.v.], giving the names of about 20 of themand citing the pieces of poetry they would sing. The iyncelebrated by al-Azd ( ikyat Abl-sim, 70 ff.) were also from Baghdd. He describes, like al-Tawd (ibid.), scenes of arab, i.e.of that delirious joy to which persons who are otherwise self-controlled and conscious of theirdignity have often surrendered themselves. Thus Baghdd supplied the most appreciated female

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    slave singers (see in particular the history of the Fimid Tamm al-Muizz (d. 368/978) in Mez,Renaissance, Eng. tr. 401), whatever their land of origin may have been. The passage of IbnBuln (d. 454/1062) brought forward by Mez (op. cit., tr. 161; text inRisla f shiral-rawatalb al-abd, ed. Hrn, Cairo 1954, 374; taken up again by al-aka, isba, 50, Spanish tr.by Chalmeta in al-Andalus, xxxiii/2 (1968), 375 and note 8) refers probably to the iyn, for it issaid there that the ideal slave is the Berber woman who from the age of nine spends three years atMedina, three at Mecca and then nine in Irwhere she learns adab.

    It is also known that shortly after the conquest of the Maghrib, iynwere trained on the spot,while exchanges took place with the Orient (M. Talbi,Emirat aghlabide, 35). Much later, theexistence of female slave-singers is still attested in Ifriya (R. Brunschvig, afides, ii, 412; cf.Leo Africanus,Description de l Afrique, 388), but it is possible that some came from the Orientor from Spain. It was in any case a Berber woman who, having been offered to al-Mutamid byYsuf b. Tshfn, met with a tragic end because of a blunder she had perpetrated (H. Prs, op.cit., 13). She had undoubtedly been trained in Morocco, but since the arrival of Ziryb [q.v.], whopossessed iynhimself, Cordoba had become an important training-centre. Thus henceforth thearistocracy and bourgeoisie did not need to address themselves to Baghdd, from where the importof iynbecame exceptional (see E. Lvi-Provenal, op. cit., iii, 316). We even have an eloquentevidence of Ibn al-Kattn (H. Prs, op. cit., 383-5; in the 2nd ed. he corrects this to al-Kinn; E.Lvi-Provenal, op. cit., iii, 317), a physician employed by al-Manr and al-Muaffar (seeal-abb,Bughya, no. 81; Boustany,DM, iii, 477) who died in 420/1030. He taught his slaveslogic, philosophy, geometry, music, astronomy, astrology, grammar, prosody, adabandcalligraphy, and then sold them at a very high price (in one case for 3,000 dnrs). TheAndalusianiynplayed also conjuring tricks and even executed exercises of skill with weapons,and formed orchestras called sitraafter the name of the curtain which in the Orient separated intheory the caliph from the singers and musicians (Mez, op. cit., 479). After the fall of theUmayyads in Spain, theMulk al-awifin their turn disputed among themselves for the most

    talented singers. The coming of the Almoravids and Almohads did not put an end to theiractivities, but from the 6th/12th century onwards, Seville had robbed Cordoba of the monopoly ithad enjoyed before. A reliable evidence of this is to be found in a text of al-Tfsh (d. 651/1253),Mutat al-asmf ilm al-sam, quoted by .. Abd al-Wahhb in his Warat, ii, 231-2, whereis given a detailed account of the training of the Sevillian female singers who were sold in NorthAfrica. In the north of the peninsula the iynserved to a certain extent as a link betweenMuslims and Christians, who both kept them in their entourages. Some still sang in Arabic, andIbn Bassm describes in this respect moving scenes (see H. Prs, op. cit., 386-7). On anotherplane, the Andalusian iynare probably no strangers to the insertion of Romance words in the

    khard jaof the muwashshatand to the structure itself of these pieces [see MUWASHSH AandZADJ AL].

    Since the abolition of slavery, iynproper are no more met with, but those who in the MiddleAges formed troupes survive at present in the free female singers who in Morocco are calledshkht(sing, shkha, f. of shkh= shaykh). They form companies and participate in family feastsor solemn ceremonies. In Fs their very diversified repertoire included Andalusian songs, poemsin colloquial language and even Algerian songs (R. Le Tourneau,Fs avant le protectorat,Casablanca 1949, 561). The ghennyt, of inferior rank, sometimes even composed small poemsfor family feasts (E. Aubin,Le Maroc, Paris 1912, 345-51).

    We are, however, very far from the ayna of the classical period, who played a much larger rle,even to such a degree that any history of Arabo-Islamic civilization cannot omit to recognize it. Notonly, as S. Jargy (La musique arabe, coll. Que sais-je?, no. 1436, Paris 1971, 39-40) hasremarked, was there at the origin of every career of the great singers in Islam a qaynawhose

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    pupil he was, but on the literary plane the iynalso contributed to the development of theso-called modernist ( mudath) poetry, both by their own compositions, the value of which wasby their very nature quite varied, and by their function as inspirers of the poets. At the zenith ofAbbsid civilisation some of them kept real literary salons where the participants, whilelistening to music and songs, vied in wit and improvisation. Countless are the poets who, inspiredby iyn, celebrated their seduction or complained of their cruelty. In this respect almost all greatnames of mudathpoetry should be cited, whatever may be the opinion of Ibn utayba who, in theintroduction of theAdab al-ktib, fulminates against the secretaries of the administration whose

    ideal it was to recite trashy verses in praise of a ayna (see G. Lecomte, inMlanges Massignon,iii, 51).

    (Ch. Pellat)

    Bibliography

    The main sources have been cited in the article. To these may be added: D j. Abd al-Nr,al-jawr, coll.Irano. 59, Cairo 1947

    A. M. al-awf, al-Mara f l-shir al-d jhil, Cairo 1954, 438-65

    the histories of Arabian music mentioned in theBibliographyof the article GHIN

    H. G. Farmer, The sources of Arabian music, Leiden 1965

    s Sba, al-Mughanniyt f l-adab al-Arab, Beirut 1954

    D. Boustany,Ibn ar-Rm, Beirut 1967, 56-61 and bibliography

    Abd al-Karm al-Allf, iyn Baghdd fi l-ar al-Abbs wa-l Uthmn wa-l-akhr, Baghdad1969 (not seen)

    J.-C. Vadet,Lesprit courtois en Orient, Paris 1968, 241-6

    J. E. Bencheikh,Les voies dune cration, 214-6 (doctoral thesis, Sorbonne 1972, forthcoming)

    S. D. Goitein,Slaves and slavegirls in the Cairo Geniza records, inArabica, ix/1 (1962), 1-20.

    In the Thousand and One Nights, iynare quoted in the 334th, 383rd, 436th and 896th nights.

    On the status of slaves, see ABD

    on their position in society, B. Lewis,Race and color in Islam, New York-London 1971, andbibliography

    see also LIMA.

    Cite this page

    Pellat, Ch.. "ayna."Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van

    Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs. Brill Online, 2014. Reference. UNIVERSIDAD DE GRANADA. 10 January 2014First appeared online: 2012First Print Edition: isbn: 9789004161214, 1960-2007

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