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An

Annotated

Bibl iography o f S ele cte d

Japanese

A r t i c l e s on

Tokugawa Neo-confucianism, P a r t

Two:

From Matsuda Ko

t o

Shimizu Toru

John Allen Tucker

U n iv er s it y o f

North F l o r i d a

Matsuda Ko

tIl 1.

Fuj

iwara Seika

t o Kyo

s u i i n no kankei

t

M

t t ~

@t

P / ~ . 0

f k ~ 1 ~ .

(Fuj iwara Seika and Kang suun)

Rekish i c h i r i

i ~

j ;6i l . p a r t one) 5 3 . 1 1 9 2 9 ) :

4 5 - 5 4 ;

p a r t two) 5 3 . 3 1 9 2 9 ) :

2 4 5 - 5 4 ;

p a r t t h r e e )

5 3 , . 4

19 29 ): 3 4 9- 5 9.

These t h r e e a r t i c l e s

d i s c u s s

t h e

c l o s e

r e l a t i o n s h i p between

Fujiw ara S eik a

(1561-1619) and t h e

Korean p ri s o ne r o f war,

Kang

b J :

~ ~

.

n g ~

(1567-1618 pen

name:

suun P:E . U ~ \

who

Ldv

ed as

a

c a p t i v e

i n Japan

from

1 5 9 8 - 1 6 0 0 , fol lowing

Toyotomi Hideyoshi s

if:

'if.

~

~

1 5 3 6 - 9 8 ) f i n a l invasion o f

Korea. .Vi r t u a l l y

no

a t t e n t i o n i s

devoted

t o Kang

Hang s

r e l a t i o n s h i p

t o

Yi

T o e g y e s

i . l ~ >1 .

1 5 0 1 - 7 0 )

unders tanding o f Song Neo-Confucianism,

nor

t o t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e

f a c t t h a t

Seika imbibed t h a t

p a r t i c u

l a r v er s i o n o f Neo-Confucianism. Yet t h e s e a r t i c l e s were p a r t l y

t h e

p e r c u r s o r s

o f Abe Yoshio

s

~ 15

t t

s t u d i e s o f Kang Hang

and

Seika ,

which do delve

more i n t o

t h e p h i l o so ph ic al

s i g n i f i

cance o f S e i k a

s

f r i e n d s h i p with

Kang

Hang. Matsuda

examines

t h e documents r e ve al i n g t h e o r i g i n s ,

th e

n a t u r e , and

t h e

l e n g t h

o f

t h e Seika-Kang

Hang

f r i e n d s h i p .

MinamotoRyoen / ~ J I]] Tokugawa j i d a i

n i

okeru g o r i t e k i s h i i

no

h a t t e n

(1)

I t ~ ~ eMt 1 ; j ; l l r J - . ~ J j 3 ~

11

f { l . o ) ~ 1 1 . . .

(The

Development

o f a t i o n ~ l

Thought

i n t h e

Tokugawa

p e r i o d ) . Kokoro

/ ~

21

(October 1 9 6 8 ) :

5 6 - 6 3 .

A n t i c i p a t i n g

a

theme

developed

i n h i s l a t e r s t u d i e s o f p r a c t i c a l

l e a r n i n g

and

e m p i r i c a l

r a t i o n a l i s m i n

t h e

e a r l y Tokugawa

p e r i o d ,

Minamoto h e r e c r i t i c a l l y ques t ions Maruyama

Masao

s

11 J .4t ~

unders tanding o f t h e

development

o f r a t i o n a l i s t i c

thought . He

r e l a t e s

how

Kaibara

Ekken

~ ~ ~ f . f

(163

,0-1714)

and

Nishikawa

Joken

/I

{

~ 1 6 4 8 - 1 7 2 4 ) , while acknowledging Zhu

x i s 1 t

(1130-1200) unders tanding

o f

p r i n c i p l e

i n

t h e

world

o f

m o r a l i t y ,

p o s t u l a t e d

a

world independent o f Zhu s s p e c u l a t i v e

and

e s s e n

t i a l l y m o r a l i s t i c n o tio n o f p r i n c i p l e . Minamoto

s e e s

Ekken a s

t h e

i n i t i a t o r

o f t h e

move away

from

Zhu s

view o f

t h e

c q n t i n u i t y

45

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of the moral and na tura l worlds, and Joken, an ea r ly Tokugawa

as t ronomis t ,

as the one

who advanced the

view

of a world of

em pi r ica l ra t ional i sm apa r t

from

the world of Neo-Confucian

values . In Minamoto s view, th e

r i s e

of

ra t ional i sm

began

out

of,

r a the r than

in

oppos i t ion to ,

Zhu x i s

school .

. Tokugawa

zenpanki n i okeru

j i

tsugaku

to

keikentek i gor i

.shugi,

h ~ t o t s u no ~ h i k i r o n 4 ~

~ J f ~ \>1;11 J . l ~ t t r . ~ ~ ~ 1 l ~ ~ J . 1 1

~

(]) ~ A (An Experimental Essay on Prac t i ca l Learning and

Empir ica l

Rational ism

in th e F i r s t

Half of

the Tokugawa Per iod) .

Shiso ~

1 1 ~ . 15 (October 1974 ) : 1 -53 .

The t ex t of

t h i s a r t i c l e formed the f i r s t ha l f of the paper t h a t

Samuel H. Yamashita t r ans l a t ed in

pr inc ip l e

and Prac t i ca l i ty ,

Essays

in

Neo-Confucianism

and

Prac t i ca l

Learning , Wm

Theodore

de Bary and I rene Bloom, eds . (New

York: Columbia

Univ. Press ,

1979 ) , pp

.

375-418 .

In th e l a t t e r , Yamashita

t r ans l a t ed th e

titl as n :

J i t sugaku

and Emp ir ic al R at io na li sm in the F i r s t

Half

of

the Tokugawa

P e r i o d ~ Minamoto t r aces

two forms of

j i tsugaku, or p r ac t i ca l l ea rn ing , in

the

thought of ea r ly

Tokugawa Neo-Confucians. He i den t i f i e s

one form as morally

prac t i cab le j i tsugaku, and the othe r as em pir ica l j i tsugaku.

These two, which

were

no t mutual ly exclus ive , he t r aces in

th e

thought of Hayashi Razan - ; ; f . t ~ ~ L 4 ( 1 5 8 3 - 1 6 5 7 ) , Nakae Toju 1

~ f

1 (1608 -48 ) , Kumazawa B a n ~ a n > ~ L 4 (1619 -91 ) , Kaibara

Ekken (1630-1

Z14

Sato Naokata I / ~ t 1 ~ ~ fj (1650 -1719 ) , Yamaga

Soko

~

{ . ~ f

(1622 -85 ) ,

I to J i n s a i

r ~ / l - ;

ti

(1627 -1705 ) ,

and

Ogyu Sorai

1:..

q l ~ f

(1666 -1728 ) .

In Ph ilo s oph ic a l S tud ie s of

Japan 11

(Tokyo:

Japan

Socie ty fo r

th e Promotion of Science ,

1975) :

61 -93 , an English

t r ans l a t ion

of another essay

by

Minamoto Ryoen, en t i t l ed

The

Development of

th e J itsugaku

Concept

in the Tokugawa Per iod ,

appears . T h i ~

essay ,

while pa ra l l e l l i ng the above mentioned Shiso a r t i c l e a t

vario us ju nc tu re s,

summarizes

Minamoto

s

vis ion o f j

i

tsugaku

th oug ht as

something

which cont inued

a f t e r

the

Mei j i

Restora t ion

in the w rit ings

of

Tsuda

Mamichi

} ~

~ } ~

(1829-1903) ,

Fukuzawa

k i h i 1

,

r . -rc, 61 )

Yu 1 C 1. i ~ ~ l ( . ; . z (1834 -1901 ) , and N1 S 1. Amane ,' ' 2J- /{iJ (1829-97

. I to J insa i no j i

tsugaku

to

sono sh iso 1 f ~ 1

~ ~ I ~ , ~

t

0)

r . . . . ~ . ( I to J i n sa i s Prac t i ca l Leart:ing and

His

Philosophy) .

Tohoku . daigaku bungakubu k enkyu n enpo ~ ; i t

J t , ~

X I ~ ~ r ;oil

k

-

~ f L 26 (1 97 6): 9 1-1 49 .

46

I

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Minamoto analyzes J i n s a i s concept ion

o f

j i t sugaku, or

prac t i ca l

lea rn ing in

the

context

of

J in s a i

s

mature

thought .

F i r s t , Minamoto br i e f l y discusses

J i n s a i s

i n t e l l ec tua l develop

ment from an ea r ly

devot ion to Zhu Xi

towards

an eventual re jec

t ion

of

qu ie t i s t i c

prac t ices t h a t

he

associa ted

with

Zhu s

l earn ing . Minamoto notes how J i n s a i s thought d i f f e r s from Zhu

x i s

in

de ta i l s ,

yet

remains

s imi la r tc >

Zhu

X i s

thought

in

viewing

j i t sugaku

as the

pur su i t

of t r u th ,

by a human

being,

through th e prac t ice

of

moral i ty . Minamoto

acknowledges the

absence

of a de ta i led

system of

soc io -po l i t i ca l

thought in

J i n s a i s philosophy, but suggests t h a t Ogyu

Sorai ,

who took over

J i n s a i s method of ph i losophical anthropology, developed a

q uite d eta i le d

system of po l i t i c a l theory . This impl ies

t ha t

J i n s a i s

j i t sugaku

was not

necesa r i ly

void

of

po l i t i c a l implica

t ions .

.

Sora i

sh ik i ron :

Sora i

no

i

sh iso

n i

okeru

bunka

to

shokyo

no

mondai

0 megutte

q 1 J t ~

1 J 1 q ~ 7 t i ; ~

@ ;lldtJ j 1 t L

~ ; t

1 ~ ? : h

c 1

An

Experimental Essay

/ ;:

Sorai : The

Problem of C ulture and Religion in Sora i s

Po l i t i ca l

Thought).

Kikan Nihon shiso

sh i

t

f J

e

;f-

~ t

2 (1976):

3-42.

Minamoto discusses

what he

ca l l s th e

niji i

se i ti- or the

two-layered nature of So ra i s thought . One

the one

hand,

Mina

moto sees

Sora i

as an empir ica l r a t i ona l i s t who encouraged

human

endeavors, pra ised simple

teachings ,

and advocated a

form

of

humanis t ic

government

based

on

r i t e s

and

music.

On

th e

o ther

hand, he

descr ibes

a

pa ra l l e l

Sora i who leaned

towards

mysti

cism, recognized

the exis tence

of

a

t ranscendenta l power

l imi t

ing th e e f f i cacy

of

human ac t ions , acknowledged th e profound

and

complex nature

of rea l i ty ,

and reso r t ed

to s up er st i t io u s prac

t i c e s l ike Yij ing ~ ( the Book

o f

changes)

d iv ina t ion .

Mina

moto does not see

these two l aye rs as

being inherent ly

con t ra

d ic to ry .

He

bel ieves t ha t they

der ived from So ra i s respec t fo r

Chinese

cul ture

and from

So ra i s nascen t

na t iona l i s t i c con

sc iousness . Minamoto argues

t h a t

fo r Sora i I s ru l e r , moral

act ion

and

mystical

reverence

were

means

and method s

of

govern

ing a s ta te and

pacify ing

people . Thus Minamoto recognizes the

mys t ica l , seemingly

supers t i t ious aspects

of

Sora i

I

s

th inking

on, e .g . , ghosts and sp i r i t s ,

bu t

he

also

denies

t h a t

So ra i s

rem arks can

be

taken l i t e r a l l y .

Ins tead , Minamoto contends t ha t

they

are fab r i ca t ions of so r t s meant

fo r

use in governing.

Minamoto argues t ha t Sora i s philosophy l a rge ly emerged

from

47

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con t rad ic t ions

t h a t

Sora i

witnessed

between

h is 14th and 24th

years while l i v ing

in

exi le

in

Kazusa with h is fa the r who

had

been capric iously

banished from

Edo fo r a decade. In ex i l e ,

Sora i s fa the r

required t h a t

h is

son read

a

co l loq i a l vers ion of

Zhu x i s commentary

on

the Gre at L ea rn in g.

That

work, rep le te

with

i dea l

i s t i c presc r ip t ions regarding

moral g ov ernmen t, was

s ta rk ly

a t

odds

with

th e p rim itiv e,

supe r s t i t i ous

soc ie ty

of

peasan t

farmers and

fishermen

around whom Sora i l ived .

Fuj iwara

Seika no

shiso

} - e . ~ T h e

Thought of

Fujiwara Seika) . Bunka j t ~ 42.1-2 (Spring/Summer

1978):

84-100.

Minamoto s t ruc tu ra l l y analyzes

Fuj iwara

Seika s

thought

in

an

e f f o r t

to show i t s

re la t ion

to j i t sugaku, or prac t i ca l l earn ing .

Minamoto admits

t h a t Seika

never ca l led h is own l ea rn ing j i t s u -

gaku, but he d id r e fe r to

in somewhat

s im i l a r t e rms. For

Seika,

and

fo r

Song

and

Ming

Neo-Confucians,

j i t sugaku

meant

not

techn ica l o r mechanical lea rn ing , bu t

ins tead

l earn ing t ha t ,

because

promoted

e th i c a l

prac t ice ,

should be app l ied to

governing. Minamoto sees Seika as an ec l ec t i c t h inker

who

re -

t a ined many

psycholog ica l elements

of

Rinzai

Zen

t each ings

even

a f t e r l eaving th e Shokokuj

i

tg @ f

temple

in Kyoto and accept ing

Neo -Confucian ism . M inamoto s

analyses of

Se ika s

thought com

pl iment th e

s ch ola rs hip o f

Abe

Yoshio

and

Imanaka

Kanshi ~

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~ I

k

~ ~ El1

i

1,

~

~

2 ) Tokugawa ga r i sh isa

no keifu

J) < Z- Y . . I C 10 The

Genealogy of Tokugawa R a t i o n a l i s m ) . Tokyo: Chua k a r o n ,

1 9 7 2 .

3)

Tokugawa sh isa s h a s h i 1 ~ ~ 1/ If d 1 t A

C o n c i s e

H i s t o r y

of

Tokugawa

Th o u g h t ). Tokyo:

Chua

k a r o n , 1 9 7 3 .

4)

Nihon

k i n d a i k a

to

k in se i s hisa

I]

idr

1-t 1t

t . L i L ~

J ~ t 1 ~

E a r l y

Modern J a p a n e s e Thought and Japan s M o d e r n i z a t i o n ) . Tokyo:

N ihon bunka ka ig i ,

1 9 7 6 .

5)

K in se i sh ok i j i t s u g a k u sh isa

no kenkyii

111ft ~ j

ftR 1 l t I ~

Q

;{Ztf/ S t u d i e s

in Early-Modern Prac t ica l

L e a r n i n g ) .

Tokyo:

Sabunsha, 1 9 8 0 .

6) J i tsugaku sh i sa no

kei fu 7 f . ~ ~ - 7 1 2 , l io

if The

Genealogy

of

Prac t ica l

L e a r n i n g ) . Tokyo: Kadansha,

1 9 8 6 .

7

Ed o

no

Jugaku: Daigaku

j u y a no r ek i sh i

0 1 f ~

- k . ( ~

f ;

J t 1:- Edo-Confucian

Att i tudes toward

th e G r e a t

L e a r n i n g ) . Minamoto Ryoen, e d . Tokyo: S h i b u n k a k u , 1 9 8 8 .

,

Miyake Masahiko :::.. {:

.i:E

7

.

IIJ

i n s a i g a k u

n o

kei se i :

d o i t s u no genri

to

b e n s h a h a t e k i s h i i 1 : : . ~ < 1 ) t t / ~ h X pi}-

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Miyake again in tro du ce

the

reader to the r i se and f a l l of Zhu

x i s thought .

For

Miyake

th i s

process

culm in ate d w ith

J i n sa i s

theor ie s

r a t he r

than those of

Sorai

. . Miyake does give a be t t e r

account

of Zhu

X i s thought

than

Maruyama did .

And,

he acknow l

edges Abe Yoshio' s scholarship

concerning

the

Korean

connec

t ion in the

development

of

Japanese

Neo-Confucianism.

But

often Miyake 's

i n t e rpre t ive terminology

seems

anachronis t ic .

Also, the t ex tua l

evidence

he c i t e s seems

too

s lender to

bu t

t r e s s

h is

ponderous conceptual dichotomy.

. I to J in sa i

to

SO-Gen-Minio

J U ~ h c ; > :

k o } ~ ~ k e ~ s e i no ke ik i

to sono tokushitsu 1 M {:- l t {o fJ -4t:

~

~ . 1 : _ h1 J

; f ~

It J t; ; .,

;< 17

'< . 1 r

-

; ... ..

{J)-r-f (I to

J in sa i and Confucian

Texts

o f the Song,

Yuan,

and

Ming:

The

Formative

Processes and Dis t inc t ive Charac

t e r i s t i c s of J i n s a i s

study

of Ancient Meanings).

Nihon rek i sh i

8 ) t t ~ 222

(November, 196 6): 61 -78 .

Miyake couples h is

di s t inc t ion

between

uni ta ry

pr inc ip le

and

d i a l ec ti ca l thought with a

more

h i s to r i ca l a t tempt

to

reveal

th e in flu en ce s affec t ing J i n sa i s

th inking

as formulated in

h is

kogigaku

~ * ~

, or

s tudy of ancient

meanings.

Miyake notes

the

in f luence

of works of the c h e n g - Z h u ~ I ~ school ,

especia l ly

Chen Beixi s 13>1 ;1l51 (1159-1223)

Xingli

z iy i + ~ J - . t ~ (J .

Se i r i j i g i ;

The Meanings

of

Neo-Confucian

Terms), as having

played a

major

ro le in J i n sa i s at tempt to redef ine Neo-Confu

cian

concepts in

accordance with t h e i r

or ig ina l

meanings.

Miyake denies ,

however,

t ha t wu

suyua n s , j,

,(*- ft,

(1489-1559)

c r i t i que of Zhu

Xi, the

J i zha iman lu

~

~ t

t-iz.

( Jo t t ings of

J izha i ) was

the source of

J i n s a i s thought , as

severa l

Tokugawa

scholars asser ted. Miyake claims

t h a t

the

Cheng-Zhu

philosophy

funct ioned

as a c ruc ia l

mediator in the

format ion of J in s a i s

thought . More spec i f i ca l ly , Miyake argues

t h a t J in sa i

expanded

some o f

the

d ia l ec t i ca l tendencies o f Cheng-Zhu

thinking

and

ce r t a i n phi losophica l ly mater ia l i s t i c

tendencies

and not ions

which

had

been

ea r l i e r associa ted

with

Cheng Hao

~ * l 1 0 3 2 - 8 5 ) .

Miyake

admits Abe

Yoshio' s view t ha t Luo Qinshun' s ~ ~ I I J ~

(1465-1547)

Kunzhij i

l

l a

~

(Knowledge

Pa infu l ly

Acquired)

inf luenced J in s a i s th inking ,

concluding

t h a t

the

impact o f

Luo t s ideas

on

J in sa i i s doubt less . But

Miyake

denies t ha t

Luo's

thinking

played a

formative

ro le

fo r J i n s a i s

mature

phi losophy.

Shohyo:

Imanaka

Kanshi cho, Soraigaku no kiso tek i kenkyu

50

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~ i f 1 ,t

t

&l ~

111 f t ~

1

i M

fl1

~

1f.,

(Book

Review: Imanaka

Kanshi s

Basic Research on

Sora i s

Learning) . Shi r in

53.5

(July

1970 ): 11 4-1 20 .

Miyake opens

h is

review by not ing how

research

on ea r ly modern

Japanese Neo-Confucianism has been extremely slow due to : (1 )

s tagnat ion in the

methods

of

ana lys i s ,

and

(2)

th e

l ack

of

new

ana lyses of h i s to r i ca l resources .

Thus,

scho la rs have ye t to

go

beyond Maruyama s ana lyses o f nature and a r t i f i c e and

r a t i o n a l i ~

ty and i r r a t i ona l i t y ; nor have they

inves t iga ted and

analyzed

primary

source

mater i a l s o ther

than th e

ones

which

Maruyama

used, desp i t e

Maruyama s omission of severa l key

works

by

the

t h inkers he s tudied . Turning to s tud ies of Sora i, Miyake la -

m ~ n t ~

t h a t

s ince the pUblicat ion

o f

Iwahashi Shigena r i s ~ ~ ~

~ h Sora i kenkyu

q . . q . . ~ . J 1 rt (Research on

Sorai)

(Tokyo: Seki

shoin , 1934) , no

noteworthy

advances have been made. Miyake

proceeds

to c r i t i que

Imanaka,

noting

how much

o f the

informat ion

included in

h is

Soraigaku no

kiso tek i

kenkyu comes

from

e i the r

Iwahashi

s

Sorai

kenkyu or from I sh izaki

Matazo

s

iG-

l jtr ,Z

/12

Kinsei

Nihon

n i

okeru S hina zokugo

bungaku sh i 14 8-4- j{ t

;J..

t fir / v ~ ~ ~ X,.:'1;1 - (His tory of Chinese

Vernacular

Li te ra ture in

Early Modern

Japan)

(Tokyo: Kobundo shobo, 1940). While pra i s -

ing

Imanaka

fo r

h is de ta i led analyses of

So ra i s Ken en

zuih i t su

ri M1 (Ken en Miscel lany) and

Doku

Shunshi

~ 1 t 1 i ]

(Read

ing Xunzi) , Miyake f au l t s him

fo r

not examining So ra i s

Rongocho

~ t ~ q ~ t c o m m e n t a r y

on

th e

Analects ) .

Imanaka i s

a lso c r i t i -

cized fo r

h is

desc r ip t ion of

Zhu

X i s

philosophy

as

one which

p riv ile ge d th e metaphysical notion of k o t o w a r i ~ (C. I i ; i dea l

pr inc ip l e ) ,

whil e sUbo rd in at ing t h a t o f

k i

(C. g i; m a te r i-

a l fo rce ) .

The faul t f inding cont inues ,

leaving th e r eader

somewhat )d i s a pp oi nt e d with both Imanaka s f a i l i ngs and Miyake s

a t tacks .

.

J insa igaku no genzo: Kyoto

choshu n i

okeru socho

ketsugo

no

sh iso ke i t a i {-: ~ OJ 1 Y ~ :

1{-

-t-r ~

\::-;1 .

rt ~ r ~

~ ,

(The Orig ina l

Form

of

J in s a i s School: The

Formation

of

a

Philosophy of

th e Kyoto Populace) .

Shi r in

57.4 (July 1974):

56.

Miyake analyzes th e oldes t extant manuscript by

J i n s a i ,

the

Sansho

tomo ju ippon 3fi

-t - t (The Three

Books:

The Ana

l e c t s , Mencius, and the Doctrine o f the Mean, in

Eleven

Volumes),

which

J insa i supposedly wro te in h is l a t e fo r t i e s

or

51

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ear ly

f i f t i e s .

Miyake also discusses J i n s a i s Machi

naka

sadame

61 1 ') t

(Neighborhood

Rules) .

Miyake r e l a t e s

how

J in s a i

s

Three

Books emerged out of J insa i I s re ac tio n a ga in st Zhu

x i s s i shu

j izhu

9

1};

: (Commentaries on the Fou r Books). Miyake re i t -

e ra te s

t ha t

while J insa i re jec ted

Zhu Xi I s

phi losophy, the

l a t t e r

mediated J i n s a i s own

ideas . This essay s

thes i s

i s

t h a t

J i n sa i s

aff i rmat ion

of

the

primacy

of

pr iva te

emotions

i s

l inked to h is

support

fo r the r e l a t ive autonomy of var ious

machi,

or neighborhoods,

in

Kyoto

over

aga in s t th e

bakufu'

s

po licy of

convert ing the

machi

in to adminis t ra t ive ce l l s

o f

the

bakufu. Miyake

notes

how J i n s a i s a ffi rm ation o f watakushi

A

or th e realm

of

the pr iva te and

personal ,

ran counter

to

the a t t i t udes

of

ideologues

who

supported the

bakufu in t h e i r

aff i rmat ion

of

oyake

L or the

pub l Lc order .

Miyake

ad

mits , however, t ha t th i s

ear ly

fea ture of J i n s a i s

thought did

n ot continue in h is l a t e r wri t ings , nor in the

th inking

of h is

d isc ip le s .

I to J i nsa i

no

k i ichigen ron: tendo to ten to j indo no bunr i

if

~

) ) ~

1 L . > ~

K ~ t

t

. t-.&CT)9 (i-(Ito J i n s a i s

Monis ti c D i scuss ion o f Ma teria l

Force:

The Separa t ion

o f

the Way

of Heaven, Heaven, and the Way o f Man). In Mori Mikisaburo

h ~ k a s h i shoj u kinen: Toyogaku

ron shu

~ ~ ; f i = t ar it ~

G

f ; f / ~ 1 f v 1 J :

(Commemorating

Professor

Mori

Mikisaburo 's

Life

and

h is Scholarship:

An Anthology of Essays

on

Asian

Stud

i e s ) ,

ed. Osaka daigaku bungakubu Chugoku te tsugaku kenkyushitsu

(Kyoto:

Hoyu

shoten ,

1979) : 1 347 -6 6.

Miyake descr ibes J i n s a i s

monis t ic

philosophy of

k i ,

o r

mater ia l

force, in terms

of

J in s a i s

re jec t ion

o f Zhu X i s not ion

o f

pr inc ip le . He suggests th at J in sa i

re jec ted:

(1) the

fundamental

rea l i ty of pr inc ip le , (2)

th e

t ransformation

of

mater ia l force

through

the di rec t ion of pr inc ip le , and (3) the

substance

funct ion dichotomy.

The

l a t t e r t h ree

charac ter ized Zhu

x i s

unique

view of

pr inc ip le . Ins tead , J i nsa i

asser ted

t h a t heaven

and

ear th exis ted pr io r to mater ia l force , and tha t the l a t t e r ,

which he

i n t e rp re t s

as

the

forces of y in

and

Yng,

presuppose

the

existence of Heaven

and

ea r th . Regarding

tendo

~ E

or

the

way of

heaven,

J insa i dis t inguishes between

ten

or

heaven,

which

appears

as

a

superv isory nature , and tendo, the way

of

heaven, which crea tes the

myriad

th ing s, tak ing

the

movements

of y in

and

Yng as

i t s

pr inc ip le .

Princip le

i s

nothing more

than the connect ions between th ings and a f f a i r s .

t

i s

not

52

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e q u a t a b l e w i t h

e i t h e r heaven o r man. W h i l e

man i s

c r e a t e d by

t h e a c t i v i t y o f y in and Y 9 J1 g , th e l a t t e r do n o t c o n t r o l him.

F o r

J i n s a i ,

tenmei

-4;: , o r th e

d e c r e e

o f

heaven

, i s th e d e c r e e

t h a t man sh o u ld a c t m o r a l l y .

k - - - .

J

-

;;t ~ .f1,f.c:f ..J- \

. _ J l. ns al .g a ku k en yu no hoho

t o kada

L

I ~

.

J

k{ . n

c :

~

Methods

and

T o p ic s

i n

R e se a r c h

on

J i n s a i s

L e a r n i n g ) .

Nihon

s h i s o s h i 27

1 98 6): 7 9 -1 15 .

J ~

c

i

Kikan

Miyake d i s c u s s e s f o u r i s s u e s c r u c i a l

t o

p r o s p e c t i v e

r e s e a r c h on

J i n s a i s

l e a r n i n g . The

f i r s t co n cern s

h i s t o r i c a l

r e s o u r c e s .

M ~ y a k e n o t e s

t h a t

w i t h i n

J i n s a i

s l i f e t i m e t h e Gomo

j i g i t

J; 1

Meanings o f Terms i n th e A n a l e c t s

and

Mencius) was pUb

l i s h e d w i t h o u t J i n s a i s

p e r m i s s i o n . The

p i r a t e d e d i t i o n

w id e ly

c i r c u l a t e d : a copy o f t f e l l i n t o S o r a i s h a n d s ,

t h u s

p r o v i d i n g

him a c c e s s to

J i n s a i s

id e a s b e f o r e

t h e y were

p U b l i s h e d . The

o f f i c i a l

v e r s io n o f

th e

Gomo

j

i g i ,

however,

d i f f e r s

from

th e

p i r a t e d one.

Thus,

Miyake c a u t i o n s r e s e a r c h e r s t h a t t h e y

must

b e s p e c i f i c

i n

a s s i g n i n g

f a m i l i a r i t y

w i t h a c e r t a i n

t e x t

t o a

c e r t a i n p ers o n , a s

t h e v e r s i o n s o f J i n s a i s p h i l o s o p h y

i n

c i r c u -

l a t i o n sometimes

d i f f e r e d

w i d e l y . The s e c o n d i s s u e p er t a i n s t o

t h e b e l i e f

t h a t J i n s a i s

t e a c h i n g s

were

t r a n s m i t t e d a s p a r t o f

a

f a mily s c h o o l .

Miyake

war ns t h a t J i n s a i s so n and p h i l o s o p h i c a l

s u c c e s s o r ,

I t o Togai

1?ifif.

1 6 7 0 - 1 7 3 6 ) , may

n o t have t r a n s -

m i t t e d h i s f a t h e r s i d e a s and

i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s a s

f a i t h f u l l y a s

some

s c h o l a r s

l i k e

Inoue

T e t s u j i r o JrJ

t ~

)1 ~ r

have

assumed.

T h u s ,

works

by J i n s a i

which

were

p u b l i s h e d

p o s t h u m o u s l y ,

u n d e r

t h e e d i t o r i a l d i r e c t i o n o f T o g a i, m ight be b e t t e r u n d ers t o o d

a s

s ta te m en ts o f

h i s

t h i n k i n g

r a t h e r t h a n t h a t o f h i s

f a t h e r .

R e g a rd i n g t h e

t h i r d i s s u e , Miyake warns

a g a i n s t

d i s c u s s i n g

J i n s a i s

t h o u g h t

e x c l u s i v e l y i n t e r m s o f t h e w o r k s

which

J i n s a i

a u t h o r e d

i n

h i s l a t e r

y e a r s ,

w i t h o u t

examining J in s a i s e a r l i e r

i d e a s . F o u r t h l y , Miyake i n s i s t s t h a t J i n s a i s p e r s o n a l

h i s t o r y

m ust be in ve s tig a te d i n c o n j u n c t i o n

w i t h

s t u d i e s

o f

J i n s a i s

i d e a s . And,

b i o g r a p h i c a l

s t u d i e s

o f J i n s a i need t o be b a s e d on

p r i m a r y

s o u rce

m a t e r i a l

o t h e r t h a n what

I t o T og ai p ro du ce d

a b o u t

h i s

f a t h e r , a s T o g a i o f t e n p r e s e n t e d

h i s

f a t h e r s a c t i o n s an d

i d e a s i n

te r ms

t h a t

most r e fl e ct e d h is ,

To g a i

1 s , own

c o n c e r n s

r a t h e r

t h a n th o s e o f J i n s a i h i m s e l f .

- - - -

i . ~

.1; ~

}.I.

1

-

~ m

Kyoto

choshu I t o Jl.nsal. no

shJ.so el.seJ. I

7er ~ 1 ~ = 7

--

~ v l

Xl ~ :tf J1X I t o J i n s a i s

P h i l o s o p h i c a l

B e g in n in g s and

th e

P e o p le

o f

K y o t o ) . Tokyo: Shibunkaku

s h u p p a n ,

1 9 8 7 .

53

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In t h i s r e c e n t

monograph, Miyake

r e c a p i t u l a t e s many of h i s

previous ly pUblished

es say s, s yn th es iz in g them

i n t o a s tudy

which

i s

more

than a mere anthology of p a s t a r t i c l e s . A consid

e r a b l e amount

of ne w

s c h o l a r s h i p

i s

included. For

example,

Miyake

o f f e r s

e x c e p t i o n a l l y

d e t a i l e d comparis ions of var ious

v e r s i o n s

of

J i n s a i s

Gomo

j i g i ,

thus lay ing bare

th e

need

f o r

p r e c i s i o n on

t h e

p a r t o f any i n t e l l e c t u a l

h i s t o r i a n

who hopes

t o

t r a c k t h e

impact

of

t h a t work

on

o t h e r s

known t o

be

f a m i l i a r

with

th e

Gomo j i g i .

Miyake

a l s o

c o - e d i t e d

I t o J i n s a i shu 1 f ~ ,

::

~

11.

(Collected

. _ I_

\ l./

~

Wr1t1ngs o f I t o J i n s a i , and Kogaku sense1 sh1bun shu ~

~

- t ~ X

~ (The

Collected

Poems and

Prose

of t h e

Scholar

o f

Ancient

Learning) .

I .

Miyagi

Kimiko

[1h\ .

It,..\

-

.

Shohyo : Imanaka

Kanshi

cho,

Kinsei

Nihon

s e i j i

s h i s o

no

s e i r i t s u : Seikagaku

t o R a z a n g a k u l l : t f ; 1 \ . t f : ~

r ~ ;f i f : ~ ) ~ ; ~ ; f ~ 7) J7 ::

f t

t . ~ : f 11

(Review:

fmana-

ka Kanshi s

The Formation

of Early Modern Japanese

P o l i t i c a l

Philosophy: The Thought o f Seika and Razan). S h i r i n

56.3

(March

1 973): 16 4-66 .

Miyagi p r a i s e s Imanaka s empir ical

analyses

o f th e r i s e o f

p o l i t i c a l

thought

in

e a r l y

modern Japan. She

notes t h a t Imanaka

ques t ions convent ional accounts o f th e r e l a t i o n s h i p

between

s e i k a

and Razan.

Imanaka

a s s e r t s

t h a t

Razan

c r e a t e d t h e

Seika

s e n s e i

gyojo 4 { ;t;

fu

;l1\. (Biography of My Teacher

S e i k a ,

which recounts S e i k a s supposed denunciat ion o f BUddhism, i n

an

e f f o r t

t o b o l s te r h is own s ta nd in g as a

Confucian a d v i s o r

t o th e

bakufu.

Razan s

main r i v a l s

within th e bakufu were Buddhis ts .

Trying t o

give

h i s ne w

philosophy,

Neo-Confucianism, a Japanese

genealogy, Razan claimed

t o

have received

h i s

t e a c h i n g s from

s e i k a , who l i k e

him, Razan,

had a l s o repudiated

Buddhism i n

favor o f Neo-Confucianism. Imanaka b e l i e v e s t h a t S e i k a s Neo

Confucianism, which

s t r e s s e d s e l f - c u l t i v a t i o n

and

book-reading,

was

not

a s

adverse

t o Buddhism

as R azan s

b i o g r a p h i c a l

ske tch of

Seika

a l l e g e d .

Imanaka

sugges ts

t h a t s e i k a s urbane approach

t o

Neo-Confucianism allowed

f o r

embracing elements

o f

BUddhism,

contrary t o Razan s p o r t r a i t o f S e ik a s l i f e

and

i d e a s . Razan,

on

t h e o th e r

hand, was more

c o n c r e t e l y p o l i t i c a l

i n h i s

views o f

Neo-Confucianism: drawing ideas from th e Kiyowara teachings o f

medieval Japan,

ones

which s y n c r e t i z e d Shinto

p o l i t i c a l

dogmas

54

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with Neo-Confucian not ions , Razan spun theor ie s

which

would

poten t i a l ly

l eg i t imize bakufu

ru le . Desp ite R az an s

e f fo r t s a t

l inking h is ideas with Se ika s ,

Imanaka shows how,

a t

l e a s t

in

the f i e ld of Razan s Shinto thought , Razan drew from

Kiyowara

and Yoshida

Shinto ideas

t h a t c ircula ted

a t th e

Kenninj i

temple

where he had br i e f ly s tudied as a t eenager .

Shohyo: Minamoto Ryoen cho, K insei sh ok i

j i ts ug ak u s his o no

kenkyu ~

f 3

rjJ

*

Ll:r.1B: 1;1 jrM IK ~ 2 1 1 i j v1fIt;L (Book Review:

Minamoto Ryoen s Resea rch on

Prac t ica l

Learning in

Early

Modern

Japan) . Shir in

63.6

(November

1980):

151-60.

Miyagi

pra i ses Minamoto s 600 -p age study of prac t i ca l l earn ing

in the ea r ly

per iod of

th e

Tokugawa

era

as

th e

product of some

tw en ty-f ive years of r esea rch . She expla ins

t h a t t h i s

book

i s

par t one of Minamoto s grand l i f e

work,

a s tudy

en t i t l ed

J i t su

gaku

kenkyu

1 1:

~ J t

(Research

on

Prac t ica l

Learning) .

Miyagi

notes how Minamoto expl ica te s

th e

notion of j i t sugaku compara

t i ve ly ,

expl ica t ing

i t s

development in China,

Korea,

and Japan.

Next,

Minamoto

examines

th e

ro le

played

by j i

tsugaku

in the

modernization

of

not j u s t Japan, but

Korea

and

China

as wel l .

Admitt ing

t ha t the not ion j i t sugaku embraces many

nuances,

Minamoto

asse r t s

t h a t a cen t r a l thread

connect ing

them a l l

i s

th e

re levance

of

j i tsugaku

to

r i a ru na mono I 1 /f. j:; ::t 0) or

r ea l

th ings ,

i .

e . ,

naiyo no aru mono

r1J

}) ~ =E , th i n g s

possess ing meaning and s ignif icance . Original ly , however,

Minamoto

admits

t ha t

j i t sugaku

was

f i r s t

a

polemical

not ion .

Theories

contrary

to one s

own

were dismissed as f al s e lea rn

ing , while one s own ideas were lauded as j i t sugaku, o r r e a l ,

s i gn i f i can t

l earn ing . Late r

j i t sugaku came

to r e f e r to l ea rn ing

which perta ined to

governing nat ions and br inging peace to

th e

world. In t h i s volume, Minamoto t r aces

the

t r ans i t i on from

j i t sugaku as

a

lea rn ing of po l i t i ca l l y - re l evan t , moral prac t i ce

to a

more

pos i t i v i s t i c ,

empir ica l ,

and r a t i ona l l earn ing which

was more

fo r the

sake of

ind iv iduals .

Most

g en era lly , th e

mod

e rn iza t ion process fo r ji ts ug ak u t hought invo lv ed a

d i f f e ren t i a

t ion

of

Neo-Confucianism

in to

d iverse a reas ,

definable

by two

schools : the school

of

kotowari , or pr inc ip le , being primari ly

involved with

metaphysics,

empiricism, and phys ics ; and

th e

school of

k i , or m ater ia l

fo rce , a sso cia te d

with

pos i t i v i s t i c

and

empi r i ca l l y - ra t i ona l i s t i c

t endenc ies . Miyagi s review i s

much more de ta i led , d e s r i ~ n g th e minute po in t s of Minamoto s

pains taking analyses . While re f ra ining

from

excess in p ra is in g

8/11/2019 06.1tucker45-78

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th e work, M iyagi

seems

s t rangely r e luc t an t to o f fe r much in the

way of even f r iendly c r i t i c i sm.

Miyazak i Michio l;f ~ ~ ~ . Kumazawa Banzan

to

Arai Hakuseki

t

t t *Jf j

le f Kumazawa

Banzan and Arai Hakuseki).

r ek i sh i 308 (1974, no. 1):

150-64.

li t. >

11 t.

:I .

.

Nihon

Having noted how Banzan and

Hakuseki

a re o f ten pra ised

jo in t ly

as two of th e i n t e l l ec tua l giants of Tokugawa

Japan,

Miyazaki

explores Hakusek i s under st and ing and

.evaluat ion

of Banzan. But

in

the

major i ty

of h is essay, Miyazaki out l ines poin ts

of con

gruence and

incongruence

between

Banzan and Hakuseki.

In

the

end, however, Miyazaki concludes by not ing

how

d i f f i cu l t t i s

to

f ind subs t an t i a l ,

sys temat ic poin ts

o f comparison

between

them.

.

Kumazawa

Banzan

to

Yamaga

Soko

)j

~

L

Ji

t

l

f

Kuma-

zawa

Banzan and

Yamaga

Soko). Kokugakuin zassh i

1 y ~

111 tt

82.8 (August 1981): 1-28.

Miyazaki

discusses

Banzan and

Soko

as two 17th-century

samurai

phi losopher- teachers

whom

the bakufu

e i the r placed

under

house

a r r e s t o r

ex i l ed .

And

t h i s desp i t e , but

a lso

poss ib ly because

of , th e popu lar ity of t h e i r ideas among, in Banzan s case,

both

the cour t i e rs of Kyoto

and samurai of

southwestern

Japan,

and,

in Soko s case ,

samurai

and daimyo from a l l co rners of Japan.

Miyazaki

notes

t ha t

Arai

Hakuseki f i r s t

associa ted

Banzan and

Soko in a l e t t e r

to

Sakuma

Togan

f t i ~ ~ [ ] ~ ~ i i (1653-1736),

re fe rr in g to

them

as rek i rek i iff. z ,

i l l u s t r ious

f igures

of

t h e i r day.

Miyazaki

fol lows

up

on

Hakuseki s remark, noting

many

s i gn i f i can t

pa ra l l e l s between Banzan and Soko, thus

i l lumi

nat ing th e fa te

of both . For

example,

Miyazaki

observes

t ha t

both Banzan and

Soko

were

to le ra ted

and even f lour ished during

the re ign of the th i rd shogun,

Iemitsu ~

(1603-51). But,

a f t e r Iemi t su s demise,

Soko, under

th e adminis t ra t ion

of

Hoshi

na

Masayuki

1t

t 1..

(1609-72),

and Banzan, under

t ha t

of

Sakai

Tadakatsu

i1J

- -

~ \ ~

(1587-1662)

came to

be

persecuted

as

t h inkers whose resp ect iv e w ri tin gs , th e seikyo yoroku

(E ssen t ia ls o f the Sagely Confucian

Teachings)

and th e Daigaku

wakumon JZ

.

(Questions and Answers on th e Great

Learning) , were deemed insufferably

dangerous

to

the

pub

l Lc

order . Miyazaki unvei ls o ther

s i gn i f i can t

pa ra l l e l s and

dispa r

i t i e s

regarding

t h e i r

views

of Confucianism, th e bakufu

and the

56

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imper ia l c o u r t ,

the Tokugawa

s o c i a l

o r d e r ,

and

methods

of

government.

/ 7 l

/

\ 1 1 :t

. Kumazawa Banzan t o Ogyii Sorai j0) MF /J\ WLl j Y 1 ~ . . t 1

:1 l f

(Kumazawa

Banzan

and ogyii S o r a i , P a r t 1 ) . Kokugakuin zasshi

84.1

(January

1983) : 1 - 4 4 ;

P a r t

2:

I b i d .

84.2

(February

1983) : 59-72.

Miyazaki compares

Banzan

and s o r a i , grouping them

as

two Tokuga

wa

t h i n k e r s whose

ideas

were c r i t i c a l

o f

t h e

i n s t i t u t i o n s and

s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s

o f

th e Tokugawa

regime.

Banzan s c r i t i q u e s , i n h i s Daigaku

wakumon,

w r ~ ~ r u r s o r s of

Sorai s , expounded in th e l a t t e r s

Taiheisaku

j:: -f (Plan for

an Age o f

Great Peace) and h i s

Seidan {

P o l i t i c a l Dis

c o u r s e s ) . The

l a t t e r ,

w r i t t e n l a t e i n S o r a i s

l i f e , were

sub

mit ted

t o Yoshimune t ~ (1684-1751) , th e e ig h th shogun. Miya

zaki notes t h a t Sorai i s today th e most f r e qu en tly p ra is ed

Confucian

s c h o la r in

a l l

Japanese

h i s t o r y .

Yet

S o r a i ,

Miyazaki

observes, p r a i s e d Kumazawa Banzan

as

a t h i n k e r who would remain

a

g i a n t

among Con fu cia ns even a century a f t e r

h i s dea th . Fur

thermore, Sorai e x t o l l e d

Banzan s

s o c i a l

and p o l i t i c a l ideas as

a model which cannot

be surpassed

o r

improved.

Miyazaki s

study

o f Banzan

and

Sorai

shows

how

S o r a i

s i d e a s

regarding

reform o f th e Tokugawa

p o l i t y drew

i n l a r g e

p a r t

from

those

of

Banzan.

While

h i s study seeks t o e l u c i d a t e t h e s e

t i e s ,

ones

noted a l s o

by l a t e r

generat ions o f Tokugawa s c h o l a r s .

Mizuta

Norihisa

1J(.

rf

f\S

.

Hihyo

t o

shokai :

Imanaka

Kanshi cho,

Soraigaku no

k i s o t e k i

kenkyii itt

Y

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Sorai .

Apart

from not ing

minor typographica l

e r ro r s ,

few sub

s tan t ive

cr i t i c i sms

are given

in t h i s review which seems too

e ffu siv e in i t s pra i se .

Morimoto

Jun

i ch i re It ? f

.

Yamaga

Soke

n i

okeru

sh ise

no

rek ish i

t e k i

seikaku

~

/ ~

{.

l

:-1 ,

J

~

J ~

6)

1: 134

.fi

- t ~

(The His tor ica l Nature of

Yamaga

Soke s Thought) . In

Yamaga

Soke

t / ~ t.?

ed.

Tahara

Tsuguo

and Morimoto

Jun iChire . Nihon

sh ise

t a ike i (hereaf te r , NST), vol . 33. Tokyo: I ~ a n a m i shoten,

1970: 500-47.

Morimoto s analys is o f

the

h i s to r i ca l ch arac te r o f Soke s

phi -

losophy of anc ien t

l earn ing suggests t ha t it

can be

seen

as

or igina t ing out

o f

the Song

Neo-Confucians

h i s t o r i c i s t a t tack

on Buddhism as a fore ign re l ig ion which

had

no ~ s in Chinese

ant iqui ty .

Morimoto s

analyses of Soke s thought pa r t i a l ly

der ive from

Maruyama Masao

s

dichotomy

of nature

and a r t i -

f i ce : Morimoto contends t ha t in combining elements o f

natura l -

ism

and a r t i f i c e ,

Soke s

thought reveals

a

ty pic al p at te rn

of

Tokugawa feudal thought . The

tens ion

between nature and

a r t i -

f ice

was

a l t e rna t e ly resolved, Morimoto claims,

in

favor

of

ar t i f i ce with Sora i s

thought ,

and towards natural ism in Motoori

Norinaga s f ~ I ~ kokugaku. Morimoto

sees

Sok e s b alan ce

o f

nature and a r t i f i c e as being eyidenced in

the

dichotomy of

bun

cul ture , and

bu ~ \

mil i ta ry ar t s , and a lso in

h is

ec lec t i c use of c o r i f u c i ~ n and Shinte thought . Morimoto

repea t-

edly

charac ter izes

Soke s

system,

and Tokugawa

thought

genera l -

ly , as i deo log ica l . Morimoto concludes t h a t

Soke

slater

ideas

caused

the quickening

of

Japanese

nat ional ism.

Nihon

no JUkye l3;; 0

~ I t ~ (Japanese

Confucianism).

Shise

482 (1964): 79-94.

Morimoto f i r s t

br i e f ly

analyzes the development o f Japanese

Confucianism

in th ree

per iods :

(1) from i t s

in trod uc tion in

Japan

to

th e

mid-18th

century;

(2)

from the mid-18th century

un t i l

th e

mid-20th

century;

and

(3 )

from tha t

t ime

un t i l

the

present . Morimoto s

focus

however i s on th e n atu re

o f Confucian

and Shinte

ideorogi i , t he i r

compatabi l i ty o r

incompatabi l i ty ,

t h e i r

s imi la r i t i e s and

d i s s imi l a r i t i e s ,

and t h e i r ro les

.

and

funct ions .

Much

of h is discuss ion centers on

the presence

o r

absence of these in

the

Koj ik i

~ . -

t

0

(Records of Ancient

Matters , 712)

and

th e Nihon shoki t ~ I

(Chronicles

of

l

tj

g \ .

58

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Ancient Japan , 720). Brie f ly s t a t ed , Morimoto sees th e two as

being

consanguineous

ideologies used by those who ru led China

and Japan.

Morimoto

admits

t ha t

Shinto was th e

weaker of

th e

two id eo lo gie s, b ut t h a t

t

was invigora ted through assoc ia t ion

with Confucianism.

Murakami

Toshiharu

t::t

J:.

4 j

5&.

Yamaga Soko

no

sh i s

.o

sh i

t e k i t ach i -

ba:

iwayuru kogaku ha no r i n r i se t su

(1)

t l

t

q1

J

/ty H

:SL

~

17 ~ i\ ~ : . : f ~ : t j ~ ; t Y a m a g a Soko s Standing in the

History of Thought: Eth ica l Theories of th e School of Ancient

Learning, . Pa r t One}. Kyoto gakugei daigaku kiYo

;1.-t.r ~

ft

J:GJ -

A.27 (November

1965):

183-93.

Murakami argues t h a t while Yamaga sexs. I to J in s a i , and ogyu

Sora i have

been grouped

together as the kogaku, o r ancient

learn ing

school ,

Soko s th inking in par t i cu l a r made a much l e s s

complete

break with

Zhu

Xi

s thought .

Murakami

sugges ts

t h a t

while

Soko

d is ag re ed w ith Zhu

on

numerous poin ts , beginning with

the

legi t imacy

of th e not ion mUkyoku sh ikash i t e ta ikyoku

1if7

i;... ; f ~ , lithe ul t imate of non-being and the g re at u lt im a te ,

he did

so within

parameters

t h a t

were

allowed even by Zhu

x i

schoolmen. without

making f ac i l e equat ions between Soko and Zhu

Xi, Murakami shows how Soko s

th inking on

many

i s sues

arose

from

problems cen t r a l to Zhu x i s

Song

phi losophy,

such

as h is i n t e r -

pre ta t ions of

th e opening

passages of the Great L ea rn in g. While

t he re

a re sev era l

weaknesses

in t Murakami s i n t e rp re t a t i on i s

a valuable

cor rec t ive

to

accounts

of

the

kogaku

school

which

b l i

t he ly speak

o f th e d is in te gra tio n

of

the Zhu x i

mode

of

thought as concomitant with , and because of , th e r i s e

o f kogaku,

which supposedly began

with Soko.

Murakami r igh t ly

cha rac t e r i z -

es Soko

more

as a

mil i t a ry

phi losopher than as a kogaku scho la r .

In

th e p ers pe ctiv e of Tokugawa i n t e l l ec tua l

his tory ,

Soko s

key

ro le was in conver t ing Zhu s ideas in to

ones

su i t ab l e fo r

samurai

as t he i r

dut ie s

moved

away from the ba t t l e f i e ld and

c lo se r to the

ha l l s

o f government.

Soraigaku

n i

okeru

dotoku

ron:

iwayuru

kogaku

ha

no

r i n r i

se tsu (2) 1 l

~ t I : : : J;.

t J

j J . 1 ~ * ~

l I

~

t

~ ~ >-k Cf 14J- .1)t

(Discussions

of

Moral i ty

in

So ra i s

Learning: Eth ica l Theories

of

th e School of Ancient Learning,

Par t

Two). Kyoto kyoiku

daigaku kiYo

1f. tp 1 } ~

~ * - l ~ _ ~ G ~ A. 36 (1969): 29-44.

While center ing

h is a t ten t io n

on Sora i s

thought ,

Murakami

59

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examines

the

e th i c a l t heor i es

of

Soko, J insa i ,

and

Sora i - - the

so -ca l l ed kogaku school .

u r ~ k m i

concludes t h a t more

than

the

Ming c r i t i c s L i Panlong ~ y f t ~ (1514-70) and Wang

Shizhen

J-

~ (1526-90),

whom Sora i

praised

as

th e l i t e r a ry

and

ph i lo

sophica l sources

of h is

kobunjigaku approach,

Yamaga

Soko and

I to

J i nsa i seem to have been

the

r ea l

sources

of

So ra i s method

ology.

In analyzing So r ai s o b je c ti f ic a tio n

of the

Way,

u r k ~

mi,

fol lowing Imanaka,

notes the u t i l i t a r i a n and pragmatic

or ien ta t ions evident

in

Sora i s

ideas . Murakami

cont ras t s t ha t

or ien ta t ion with

th e more

p e rs o n al is ti c, mo r al is ti c concerns of

Soko

and

J i nsa i . Regarding

Sora i s aff i rmat ion of

th e des ire s

and

emotions,

Murakami suggests

t h a t Soko

and J i nsa i exerc ised

c on sid er ab le i nf lu en ce

on

him

regarding

t h i s i s sue . Murakami

contends t h a t

a l l

t h ree

th inkers may have

been reac t ing aga ins t

th e a uste re s er io u sn e ss a ss o ci at ed with

Yamazaki

Ansai

s

tJ.j d J ~

P 1

f

(1611-99) fundamental is t ic school of Zhu Xi

l ea rn ing .

Re la t ive to Sora i

s

concept of humanity, Murakami

notes how

Sora i

saw

human beings as

c rea tu res

possess ing

t a l en t s

t h a t

could

be t r a ined

as hab i t s ,

which

in

tu rn

could be

used

fo r th e

po l i t i c a l

ends

of ru l e r s .

Though

admi t t ing

s o r a i s recogni t ion

of th e d ive r s i t y of human nature , Murakami sees

littl

t h a t

i s

des irab le in Sora i

s

ana ly s is o f human na tu re . While

he

ob

serves th e empir ica l , mate r i a l i s t i c , pos i t i v i s t i c , and

r e l a t i v

i s t i c

t endenc ies apparent

in

much

of

So ra i s thought , Murakami

notes

how

so ra i ,

fa l l ing

in to an i r r a tio na l so rt of

myst ic ism,

a l so contends

t h a t men should

have abso lu te , t o t a l

fa i th in the

sages

Way. He

sugges t s

t h a t t h i s

extreme

f ide l i t y

might have

been

inf luenced

by Yamazaki Ansa i s>q uas i - r e l ig ious fa i th in

Zhu

Xi a n d / o ~ by Shi];;ran

Shonin s ,*t t

(1174-1268)

Jodo

Shinshu ;

t :: t (T ru e Schoo l of

Pure Land BUddh ism), both o f

which

also emphasized the need

fo r

f a i th . This lapse

in to

i r r a

t i ona l

mysticism makes

Sora i s

th inking d i s t i nc t i ve ly Japanese,

Murakami

contends.

.

Ogyu

Sora i

no j i n s a i ron

(Sorai Gakusoku

no kenkru, sono

h i to t su) iwayuru

kogakuha no

r i n r i se t su

3 Lj;

4 * - 1 A t i t ~

~ a q ~

\ ~

~

U :? lt

J ~

J l

~ . . ~ z > : t

1 ~ : t : f

Ogyii

So ra i s

Discussion

of

Human

Abi l i t i e s - -A s tudy of So ra i s Rules

fo r

Students :

Eth ica l Theor ies of th e School of Ancient Learn

i ng , Par t Three) .

Kyoto

kyoiku

daigaku

kiyo

A.43

(1973):

57-69.

Murakami s essay

on

Sora i s conception of human t a l en t s and

ab i l i t i e s focuses

on

the ideas evident in So ra i

s

Gakusoku,

60

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8/11/2019 06.1tucker45-78

18/34

sketches the

vic i ss i tudes

of the

Ashikaga

School from i t s found

ing

to i t s

pos t -Mei j i

rev iva l .

}eK ..I: 4

-

-

x

If-

Wakokubon kansekl bunrUl

mokuroku

1f \2. IfA

Ji >

t

X;K W J l ~ , - - A

Class i f i ed Bibl iography of Japanese Woodblock Edi t ions of

Chin es e Books ). Tokyo: Kyuko

shoin, 1986

3rd ed i t i on ) .

This

reference

work i s one

o f the

indispensable t oo l s fo r t ex tu

a l s tud ies of Tokugawa

Neo-Confucianism.

t cata logues ,

accord

ing to the

Chinese

s iku

~

, or four l i b r a r i e s

(c lass ics ,

h i s t o r i e s ,

phi losophy, and col lec ted works), system of c l a s s i f i

ca t ion ,

Japanese woodblock ed i t ions of Chinese t ex t s , giving th e

date of pUbl ica t ion, the pUblisher , the loca t ion of the pUblish

e r , th e date

and

p lace o f the Chinese

edi t ion

upon

which th e

woodblock

edi t ion

was

based,

the number

of

chap te r s ,

and th e

number of

r ep r i n t s

of each

edi t ion .

Nakamura Tadayuki

t *t ; ,

f .

Jusha no

sh i se i :

Rikuyu engi 0

meguru

S o ~ ~ i K y u s e

no t a i r i t s u

:t ~ ~ :{ :JL: i

tJtJ

~ i

t l C ~

L

ttl

if l)

11 Z

Antagonisms

among Confucian Scholars :

The

Conf l ic t between Sorai and

Muro

Kyuse over

th e Rikuyu

engi ) .

Tenri

daigaku

gakuhe

j(: J

7 t J ~ \ ~ ~ t l

78 March 1972): 2 19-51.

Nakamura discusses

the antagonism

between

ogyu

Sorai and Muro

Kyuse 1658-1734) over the

Rikuyu

engi ~ I ; r k

C Liuyu

yanyi ;

Commentary on

the s ix Edic ts) , a s impl i f ied Japanese

vers ion

of the

s ix

remonstrances

promulgated

by

th e

Qing

dynas

ty . Sora i or ig ina l l y punctuated

the

Chinese

t ex t , and wrote

a

preface

to

it

bu t So ra i1 s p re fa ce was l a t e r preempted

in

favor

of

another

wri t ten

by

Kyuse. While

Sora i

was rewarded fo r

h is

work, the t e x t to which Kyuse at tached

h is

preface and commenta

ry ,

th e Rikuyu engi t a i

I i

~

~ Yf

~ ~

I

became

extremely

famous in the Tokugawa and Meij i perlods as a bas ic pr imer fo r

moral ins t ruc t ion .

The fame fol lowing

pUbl ica t ion went to

Kyuse, much to Sora i I s chagr in . Though Sorai I s unr iva l l ed

ab i l i t i e s in

reading

and punctuat ing

col loquia l

and

c la s s i ca l

Chinese

made

th e

pUbl ica t ion

possib le ,

he

was l e s s

valued

as

a

moral

commentator.

Nakada Yoshimasa \t Efl ~ . . I t t . Sora i to Chugokugo : Eppe

oshe

to no

hitsugo

1.13

~

y t ~ ~ :

4 ~ 1

rq

7 .f Sorai and the

Chinese Language: Sora i ' s Let t e rs

to

the

Pr i e s t Eppe). Kyushu

Chugoku

gakkai

he 1L 1

/ 11 l.1J ~ ~ 15 1969): 52-68.

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Nakada discusses

Sora i s

correspondence with th e

Pr ie s t Eppo

(Yuefeng; 1655-1734),

a

Chinese

Obaku Zen monk l iv ing

in

Japan.

After a rr iv in g in

Japan

in 1686, Eppo was inv i ted

to

l ec ture

in

1708 in the presence

of

Yoshimune, th e

shogun, and h is

advisor ,

Yanagisawa

Yoshiyasu

q: t:?

~

1;t (1658-1714). For th e

remainder

of

h is

l i f e ,

Sorai

corresponded

with

Eppo.

So ra i s

l e t t e r s

reveal h is sk i l l s in Qing-dynasty co l loqu ia l Chinese. Nakada

analyzes the correspondence between

Sorai and

Eppo to assess

Sora i s

ab i l i t i e s

in the w rit ten language, which Nakada f inds

to be

l e s s than except ional .

While

much of

Nakada s examinat ion

of

the

twenty-year

correspondence

i s

r evea l ing , t does

not

at tempt to r e l a t e Sora i s Chinese-language exper iences

to h is

kobunjigaku phi losophy.

Noguchi

T a k e h i k ~

Jt G

~

Sora i

s e i j

i gaku n i okeru kyoko to

i

t t a i

LE t;tz tC::

~ d r . J 1 ; f ~

L

1:

JJ;

(F ic t ion

and

Real i ty

in

Sora i s

Po l i t i c a l

Thought) . Shiso no kagaku ~ - > f ~ i f ~ : . : t 64

(1967): 14-23.

Noguchi s ana lys is o f f ic t ion

and

rea l i ty in Sora i s

po l i t i c a l

tho ug ht, w hile d i f f e ren t

from

Maruyama s Nihon s e i ; i sh iso sh i

kenkyu

and i t s

approach

to

Sora i ,

i s obviously indebted to t h a t

work

more

than any o ther . In Maruyama-like fashion, Noguchi

se t s out to

r evea l

th e aspects of Sora i s

th inking

which

led

to

modern pa t te rns of

though t . Noguchi concludes

t h a t in d i s -

covering

th e

f i c t ion

of

government,

1.

e . ,

in

discover ing

t h a t

government i s a c rea ted en t i ty , and not a n atu ra l ly o r div inely

ordained

in s t i tu t ion ,

Sora i

introduced Japanese

po l i t i c a l

t h ink -

ing to

moderni ty .

Noguchi sugges ts t ha t in so doing,

Sora i

played a ro l e analogous to t ha t of

the

the

soc i a l

cont rac t

t heo r i s t s , espec ia l ly Hobbes, in over turning Thomist ic

po l i t i c a l

thought . As warmed-over Maruyama, t h i s a r t i c l e i s only of

mar

ginal value .

Kogi

gakuteki hoho

no s e i r i t s u : I to J in sa i

Chuyo

hakki no sho

kohon

o

,megut te

( jo )

~ ~ . ~ S : 1 ~

>t

G h t l ~ ~ 1 q

; i

~ ~ ~ ~

] t i

~ k ; . f

{ ~ 7 t (The Establ ishment

of the

Methodology

of

S tudy ing Anci en t

Meanings: An

Examination of Various Edi t ions

of I to J in s a i s Commentary on

th e

Doctrine of the

Mean). Bungaku

: : t l ~ 36.7 (September 1968): 747-57.

Noguchi sugges ts t h a t J i n sa i s Commentary on th e Doctr ine

of

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th e Mean reveals the ear ly formation of J in s a i s

kogigaku

methodology. Noguchi systemat ica l ly expl ica te s J in s a i s c r i -

t ique of

Zhu

x i s commentary on th e Doctr ine of

the

Mean,

the re -

by rev ea lin g th e ph il os oph ic al ph il ol ogy

opera t ive in

J i n sa i s

ana lys i s . Noguchi

does

not

consider the ques t ion: Was J i nsa i

r ight? so

much

as the

one: What

was th e nature of

h is c ri t iq ue

of

Zhu

x i s

understanding

of

The

Mean?

A

valuable

ar t i c l e

fo r

those in te res ted

in

an ea r ly s ta tem en t o f

J i n s a i s

ph i lo log ica l

cr i t i c i sm of Zhu X i s ideas .

.

Edo oyomeigaku

to Moshi

( jo)

/1 r 1. V ~ ~ \ t : ~ t . :-) (The

Wang Yangming School of

the

Edo

Period and th e

Mencius, Par t

One). Bungaku 49.2

(February

1 98 1): 8 6-10 3; pa r t two: Bungaku

49.3 (March

1981) :

79-95.

Noguchi

opens

t h i s

two-par t a r t i c l e

by quot ing

the l a t e Mishima

Yukio

:;;.

jy

\13

kG

1 .

(1925-1970)

on

the

teachings

of

Wang

Yang

ming. Ju s t two months before h is dea th , in November of 1970,

Mishima

pUblished

a

work

ent i t l ed Kakumei t e t sugaku to sh i te

no

Yomeigaku f ir 1ir r L 7 0) 13 1 :I Wang Yangming s

Teachings

Viewed

as a

Revolut ionary

Phi losophy). There, Mishima observed:

In contemporary Japan, Wang Yangming s teachings

a re

bur ied in

the dust,

or

l e f t as ide deep

in

a s tack of books on a she l f .

Mishima recognized the

important

ro le played by the Wang

Yang

ming school

in

bringing about

th e

Meij i

Restora t ion

of

1868.

In

an

e f fo r t

to

t e s t Mishima s

chaFac te r iza t ion

o f th e Wang

Yang

ming

school

as

a

revolu t ionary school ,

Noguchi

t r aces

the

extent

to

which scholars of t h a t school in te rpre ted

the

seventh

chapter o f the Mencius

as a sta tem en t o f th e

way o f t rue kings

or as a

form

of revolu t ionary thought .

But

Noguchi s

aim

i s

also

much wider: he

examines

many passages in

the

Mencius

which

were c ru cia l to

the

formation of Japanese Wang Yangming thought ,

showing thus

not only the d i s t inc t ive fea tu res of

the Japanese

school, but addi t ional ly how Wang Yangming teachings came in to

being.

11.

.::t

\ t t.j;.

Odaj ima

Toshie

J

tfl

~ i i ]

.tu)L .

Ekkengaku no

tokushi

t su

6i

; fl :;?

0 -1

~

(The Dist inc t ive Cha ra cte r o f Kaibara

Ekken s

Learning) .

Shiso 22 (November 1981) : 94-136 .

Odaj ima expla ins t ha t most

s tudies

of Kaibara Ekken examine

Ekken s Taigiroku J:::

J } ~

ttL (Record of Grave Doubts) .

comparing

e i the r to Zhu x i s

philosophy

o r t ha t o f th e kogaku school .

64

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Odaj ima s ta te s t ha t

h is

study wil l not depar t from

t ha t

well

es tabl ished

path .

Thus,

he cons iders

the ex ten t

to which

Ekken s world

view and h is philosophical methodology

der ive

from

and/or are comparable with those

of Zhu

x i . Nevertheless ,

Odajima

emphasizes

t ha t

h is

concern i s with Ekkenqaku, or

Ekken s

l earn ing , including

Ekken s

Confucian

thought , h is

s tudies of botany, m edicine,

his tory ,

geography, l i ngu i s t i c s ,

and

Shinto. odaj ima

analyzes Ekken s

Yamato

honzo

\ *-12- 5f

(Flora

and

Fauna of Japan), an

analyt ic

taxonomy of over 1,550

objec ts

of

nature

in Japan. Odajima sees the

Yamato honzo

as

typ i fy ing

Ekken

s many achievements in the realm o f

natura l

sc ience .

Then,

from the more organic perspect ive of

Ekkengaku

as

a whole, Odajima in te rpre t s the Taigiroku,

especial ly

as

,-

re la tes to Ekken s sc ien t i f i c research on

the

world of nature .

Oga ta Korek iyo

trt

041i

I to

J insa i :

sono n

i .nqenzS 1 f ~ 1 ; . 1 f

t

O , - ~ t l 1 1 1 f , - A Por t r a i t of I to J in sa i as a Human

Being) . Chiba

- - - - -

-J.-- j;;L J.: J

dE .:J.:.7. ,J.-

daJ.gaku kyoyobu

kenkyu

hokoku

r r :

;r 1 1; -

A.5 (December 1972): 3-30.

Ogata readi ly acknowledges

t ha t

he i s an eighth

generat ion

descendant of one of J i n s a i s

disc ip les , and

t h a t , moreover,

h is

family i s re la ted to J i n s a i s f i r s t wife.

In

th e f i r s t

l ine

of

h is conclusion, Ogata

s ta te s ,

J i n sa i was a man

of generosi ty ,

harmony, modesty, and kindness . He continues by pra i s ing J in

s a i l s

vi r tues

as a son, fa the r , husband,

and

th inke r in unre

servedly

pos i t ive

terms.

Though

in te res t ing

and

perhaps

accu

r a t e ,

th is a rt ic le cannot be

cal led

c r i t i c a l scholarsh ip given

the

author s

evident , and

readi ly admitted, biases .

Ogawa .Kando

d,

III edi tor . Kangakusha denki oyobi

chojutsu

shuran

\ ~

~ 1 ; ~ G 1 ; : '11- ~ ~ (Compendium o f Japanese

Scholars of Chinese Studies and t h e i r Writ ings). Tokyo: Seki

shoin, 1935. Reprint : Tokyo:

Meicho

kanko ka i , 1977.

This

i s an important

reference

work for s tud ies of Japanese

Confucians

and

Neo-Confucians.

Typically

the en trees

give

the

the Confucian s family name and h is pen name, o r gQ o ther

names t ha t he

used,

place

of

b i r th ,

the era name and the

year

of

b i r th , the year of

demise,

the grave s i t e , th e school a f f i l i a

t ion , occ as iona l m is ce lla neou s in fo rma ti on , and a

bibl iography.

Kangakusha denki

oyobi

chojutsu shoran

inc ludes

1,256 such

biographies , and l i s t s

some 14,800

books.

Surnames are a r-

65

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ranged

according

to the

order of the kana

sy l labary . The

in for -

mation compiled i s based on the

c r i t i c a l

use of bib l iographies

extant

th ro ug ho ut Ja pa n.

Several indexes a t th e

end

of the

work, fo r pen names, s ty l e names,

and book names,

provide

a l t e r -

nat ive

avenues fo r lo ca tin g informat ion.

Okada Takehiko I ~ \

a

t

Edo

k i

no Jugaku:

Shu-Ogaku no

Nihonteki

tenka i ;

r

~ ~

'J) ~ I

~ 1

~ (i )

I l ; f u ~

fry

(Neo-Confucianism

of the Edo Period: The

Japanese

Development of the Schools

of

Zhu Xi

and

Wang Yangming). Tokyo: Mokuji shukan,

1982.

Reviewed

by

Yoshida Kohei

@

n Shukan

Toyogaku

fiJ

j l ;;f

49 (May

1983): 9 0-9 7.

To

place

Edo

k i

no

Jugaku in

the

context of Okada s ea r l i e r

scholarship ,

Yoshida

f i r s t l i s t s the ten major

monographs

tha t

Okada

has

published.

Yoshida categor izes

them as s tudies of:

(1)

early-modern Chinese thought , especia l ly t h a t of

the

l a t e -

Ming per iod , (2)

more

general top ics t ha t

center

on

Confucian

thought, and (3 ) early-modern

Japanese

thought as compared

to

t ha t of China. Edo k i no

Jugaku

belongs to the

l a s t

ca tegory .

Yoshida re la te s th at

Okada s

book i s composed of two

halves :

the

f i r s t , center ing

on the ea r ly Edo

p erio d, focu se s on Yamazaki

Ansai, K aibara Ekken, and

the kogaku movement; the

second

ha l f

examines

the

schools

of

Zhu Xi and Wang

Yangming a t

the

c lose

of

the Edo and beginning of the Meij i periods. Yoshida notes tha t

Edo

k i

no

Jugaku

inc ludes

the

13

essays

t ha t Okada

has

e i the r

publ ished

or

p re sent ed p revi ou sl y. Okada

does

not a t tempt

a

sys temat ic , ho l i s t i c h i s to r i ca l

in te rpre ta t ion ,

then, o f

Edo

thought .

Since

Yoshida s book

review

can be seen as

a

s e t of

reviews of Okada s

journal pUblicat ions,

t wi l l be summarized

here more or l e s s as such. Bibliographical data on, and reca-

pi tUla t ions

o f, the

chapters composing

Edo k i

no Jugaku

a re

given below

'.

(1) Yamazaki Ansai no

se ishin: Jugaku 0 chiish

i.n to

sh i t e

lJ

~

~ t i f

; 1 i ~

Ir

~ ~

l:

L

L

(The

Sp i r i t

of

Yamazaki

Ansai:

Focusing on h is Neo-Confucian Thought).

Kan

53

(June 1976).

Okada recounts tha t Ansai s

Kimon school of Zhu

x i

Neo-Confuci

anism was very i n f luen t i a l throughout th e Edo

per iod .

Despi te

the phi losophica l

depth

of Kimon d oc trin es , sch olars o f Japanese

thought have

often e i the r

neglected

them

or found them

to

be

66

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disagreeable . From

th e p er sp e ctiv e

o f i t s notion

of t a i n in

1 ~ i i

(C. t i r en ) , or s in ce re

personal

exper ience , Okada

examines

Kimon

teach ings on methodology, heterodoxies , duty , the mind s

s torehouse

of wisdom, and prac t i ca l

l earning. Okada

claims

t h a t because

the

cruc ia l

Kimon doct r ine i s t a in in j i t o k u / v f ~ ~ , ~

1l

or s ince re

personal

exper ience

and

se l f - r ea l i za t ion ,

naimenteki f i {j l i ] i . e .

in t rospect ive

research

i s

extremely

important . Okada suggests t h a t i f the

bas i c sp i r i t

of Zhu X i s

prac t i ca l l earning i s

centered

around ideas about s in ce re p er

so nal experience and se l f - r ea l i za t ion (C. zide 3

~ ~ ;

J .

j i t oku ) , then Ansai s Kimon

school

i s an except iona l ly exce l l en t

branch

of Zhu X i s

school . Okada also

admits t ha t the Kimon

school l a t e r

became

very kokusuishugi \ b1 if t

:

.fx: o r na t iona l i s

t i c . Yoshida notes t ha t t h i s essay

exemplif ies

th e s ty l e and

conten t

of

Okada s schola rsh ip .

(2 )

Kaibara Ekken

no

jugaku

to j i t sugaku

~

fir

~

~ f a )

1 ~

~ , ~ . ~ (Kaibara Ekken s

Neo-Confucianism and

Prac t i ca l Learn

ing)

se inan gakuin daigaku

bunr i

ronshu 11 :1: ~ t f ~

I ~

~ : f l

~ ~

15 .1

(October 1970 ) .

Okada

s t a t es

t ha t ,

while Ekken was

a

disc ip le of

Zhu

x i s

i deas ,

he never the less doubted many of them. And,

though he

never

overcame h is skept ic ism,

Ekken

remained

Zhu s d i sc ip le un t i l

the

end. This t ens ion between

doubt

and f ide l i ty was, Okada a s

se r t s ,

a

dis t inc t ive aspec t of Ekken s thought . Okada

recogniz

es l inks

between Ekken s

objec t ive

and r a t i ona l i s t i c

prac t i c a l

l earning and Zhu

x i s

discussions of in ve st ig at in g th in gs ,

plumbing pr inc ip les , and

the

re la t ionsh ip

between pr inc ip le and

mater ia l force .

However,

he contends t ha t the

dr iv ing force

beh ind Ekken s avid p u r s u i ~ of prac t i ca l l earning

was

th e

not ion

of

humaneness as a

myst ic vi r tue of

ul t imate ly

cosmic

propor

t ions , one

enabl ing

a

person

to form one body with

the

unive rse .

Okada

a lso

views

Ekken

I

s

prac t i ca l

l earning

in

terms

of

h is

achievements in the natura l

sc iences

and geography, and ~ i s a -

v is

Ekken1s

cr i t ic i sms of Zhu

x i s thought

k i

l:r:.

/ >-1: v -r.. IiB

(3) YU1

a ron

to r1.gaku

h

Lhan ron

no

t.enka

L

0 1 ~ ) i L - ; : ~ ; } -

}tL }J ~ ~ 1 ) f \ y ~ T h e Development of Material ism and c r i t i ques of

the

Neo-Confucian

School of

pr inc ip le ) .

This paper summarizes one t ha t Okada presented a t the Juhachi

se ik i

no ch iiqoku shiso kenkyiika

i

/\

-ttt J t

11J

~ ;6fl JiL

~

67

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(Society

f o r

Research on

l a t h - c e n t u r y

Chinese Thought)

in

C a l i f o r n i a , June

1977.

(4 )

Tai

Shin (1724-1777) t o Nihon kogakuha no shiso

If ~ \ ~

u:

J)

/@ (Dai Zhen and the

Thought

of

the

Japanese

School of

Ancient Learning).

Seinan gak uin daig aku bunr i ron shu

1 8.2 (Feb ru ary 1978).

According

t o

Yoshida,

Okada s

t h i r d

essay r e c a p i t u l a t e s

the

fourth;

thus

only t h e l a t t e r

w i l l

be

summarized

here .

Okada

expla ins

t h a t the

development of

Chinese thought reveals a

movement away from

vacui ty

and towards m a t e r i a l i s t accounts of

s u b s t a n t i a l

r e a l i t y . Okada notes

how

s e v e r a l Ming t h i n k e r s

r e

jected Neo-Confucian

r a t i o n a l i s m ,

advocated material ism,

and

proclaimed

t h e i r

r e t u r n t o

ancient l e a r n i n g ,

c a l l i n g

Confucius

and Mencius t h e i r t e a c h e r s . Okada p o r t r a y s the late-Ming,

ear ly-Qing

t h i n k e r ,

Dai

Zhen,

as

t h e

successor

t o

t h i s

t rend

toward

material ism. Moving to Japan,

Okada

describes the

kogaku,

o r ancien t l e a r n i n g , movement,

as a

p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y

m a t e r i a l i s t i c r e j e c t i o n of Neq-Confucian r a t i o n a l i s m .

Yoshida

expresses mild r e s e r v a t i o n s about Okada s terminology, which

does seem too

a b s t r a c t .

In e va lu atin g th e book

as

a whole, Yoshida concludes t h a t Oka

d a s achievement in Edo k i no Jugaku c o n s i s t s in showing t h a t

t h e ideas of th e late-Ming,

e arly -Q ing s choo ls

of Zhu Xi and

Wang

Yangming

in China

were reaff irmed

i n

th e

TOKugawa and e a r l y

Meij i

per iods

in Japan. Yoshida

s t a t e s t h a t e a r l i e r

scholars

were no t aware of th e extent

t o which

late-Ming Neo-Confucian

th inking permeated

late-Edo

thought .

Okada

s analyses e s t a b

1 i s h ,

Yoshida adds, t h a t s o l i d research on

bakumatsu

Neo-Con

fucianism needs t o

be

thoroughly grounded i n s t u d i e s of l a t e

Ming, earlY-Qing Neo-Confucian developments.

5 Bakumatsu no shin Shushigaku t o shin Yomeigaku t j)

j?f ~ I - t

~ ~

3

, t T h e New

Schools of

Zhu x i

and

Wang

Yang

ming

i n

th e late-Tokugawa Per iod) . Nihon Kanbungaku tokushu e

f j L \ ~

~ J r

(1979).

(6 )

Minmatsu Jugaku no t e n k a i ,

bakumatsu

no shin

shu-5gaku fJA

? t t 1 ~

O)Jt ~ ~

f J) f rif

~

~ T h e

Emergence of Neo-Confucian

ism a t th e End of

t h e Ming

Dynasty, the New Schools of Zhu x i

and Wang Yangming in th e Late-Tokugawa

Per iod) . Kyushu

daigaku .

68

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25/34

Chugoku t e t sugaku ron shu

1L

1 f J : \ t t I J - - ; t : ~ ~ ~ 2 (October

1 9 7 6 ) .

(7 )

Bakumatsu Jugaku no t e n k a i , bakumatsu no s h i n Shu-5gaku

no kadai ~ ~

1;t

\:t

~ ~ m ~ ~ ~ 6

ff. T

5f J 11 ~ t ~ i

(The Devel-

opment o f Neo-Confucianism i n t h e Late-Tokugawa Per iod, t h e New

Schools o f Zhu

x i

and Wang Yangming). Katsusui j o s h i t a n k i

daigaku,

Katsusui ronbunshu ~ ~ J Y - -

- r

1-- Zf

k t

; ~ l k J ~

i

~ : f :

24

(March 1 9 8 1 ) . s e c t i o n s 4 - 8 o f t h i s essay were added

from

a

paper ,

Tokugawa j i d a i no shiso

1 , ~ 1 i 1

JI/ 1 3 ~ 1 t \

f

2.

(Tokugawa

Thought) f i r s t presented a t s t .

J o h n s

U n i v e r s i t y i n

1 9 8 0 .

(8)

\. Bakumats:u i s h i n Yomeigakusha goshi ryakuden f ; f . ~ : 1 i . ~ > r

~ \ 3 ~

~

31

~

l 1 } . 1 ~

(Brief Biographies o f

Five

Wang Yangming

Scholars

o f th e

Late-Bakufu,

Ear ly-Mei j i P e r i o d s ) . Yomeigaku

t a i k e i r ~ a 1 ~ 7\ f 1 1 . Tokyo: Meitoku

shuppansha, 1 9 7 1 .

Yoshida

e x p l a i n s t h a t

s i n c e essays

four through

e i g h t a r e r a t h e r

s i m i l a r , he reviews them

c o l l e c t i v e l y . As

r p r ~ ~ n t i v s o f t h e

Zhu

Xi school , Okada d i s c u s s e s

Ohashi

Totsuan 1\. ~

irJ 9:{

8 6 -

6 2 ) ,

Kusumoto Tanzan

* , ~

tJ i

1 8 2 8 - 8 3 ) , K u ~ u m o t o S e k i s u i

f : \ i ~ 7k

1 8 3 2 - 1 9 1 6 ) , and Namiki Rissui

3i

t-'f. - 1 8 2 9 - 1 9 1 4 ) .

V is - a - v is t h e Wang Yangming school , Okada exam ines Hayashi

Ryosai if;t

tk

t 1 8 0 7 - 4 9 ) , Ikeda Soan i f1I

f i

1 8 1 ~ - 7 8 ,

Yoshi

mura Shiiyo 11ft

J( p ~

1 7 9 7 - 1 8 6 6 ) , Higashi

Takusha

> ~

1 8 3 2 - 9 1 ) , Kasuga Sen 'an ~ 3 ~ j : J t

1 8 1 1 - 1 8 7 8 ) , and

Yamada

Hokoku

J.-t

f J

15 a:

1 8 0 5 - 7 7 )

Although

t h e s e t h i n k e r s

l i v e d

through a

monumental per iod of

s o c i a l ,

p o l i t i c a l ,

economic,

and

i n t e l l e c t u a l

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n

in Japanese h i s t o r y , Okada focuses

on t h ~ due t o t h e i r persona l e x e m p l i f i c a t i o n o f

t h e

Neo-Confu

c i a n

not ion

o f t a i n i n

j i t o k u .

Yoshida

s t a t e s

t h a t t h e s e

essays

p e r f e c t l y e x p l i c a t e Okada's p e t theory from th e l a s t s e v e r a l

y e a r s . I n h i s concluding e v a l u a t i o n o f Edo k i no

Jugaku,

Yoshi

da admits t h a t Okada's c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o f la te-Ming Neo-Con

fucianism in

te rms o f t a i n i n

j i toku i s not

o v e r l y

s i m p l i s t i c .

Yoshida

observes, however,

t h a t

p r e c i s e l y what t a i n i n

j

i toku

involves ,

e s p e c i a l l y in

terms

of

communicable

knowledge, i s

no t

c l e a r l y expla ined.

(9 )

Haya sh i Ryo sa i t o

Oshio

chiiaaL

tit

t

* -

t ' ~

(Hayashi

Ryosai

and Oshio

chiisa L

Toyo bunka >.f ...-1 ~ r e p r i n t

o f

nos. 3 0 - 3 2 (June

1 9 7 3 ) .

69

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(10)

Hayashi Ryosai to Kondo Tokuzan

fit

t

8/11/2019 06.1tucker45-78

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Yangming

schools .

(13)

Nanmongaku to

Ri Taikei- - -Ansai no

gaku to Taikei

no

. , t ~

8/11/2019 06.1tucker45-78

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language.

Okubo .Ta t sumas a i\

f z ~ q J 1 ; E

oqyii sora i

no

tosh i ,

Edo, hihan K

1-1.fl1 . O ~ F 1 7 ;:r:

f ~ U : t J OC3yu so ra i s

Cri t ique

of

the Shogun s

cap i t a l ,

Edo). Toyo kenkyu

fZ t

22 (1970):

122-37.

Okubo

expla ins

tha t

Sora i

c lear ly

perceived how

Edo

had changed

from a smal l cas t le town

in to

a

sprawling

urban

cap i t a l by the

l a te -17th

and

ear ly-18th

centur ies .

His thoughts .

on Edo