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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2003. 29:41742doi: 10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.100019
Copyright c 2003 by Annual Reviews. All rights reservedFirst published online as a Review in Advance on June 4, 2003
RACIAL AND ETHNIC STRATIFICATION INEDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT AND ATTAINMENT
GraceKao1andJennifer S.Thompson21Department of Sociology and Population Studies Center, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia 19104-6299; email: grace2@pop.upenn.edu2Education Statistics Service Institute, American Institutes for Research, Washington,
District of Columbia 20006; email: jthompson@air.org
Key Words immigrants, adolescents, aspirations
s Abstract Understanding racial, ethnic, and immigrant variation in educationalachievement andattainment is more important than ever as theU.S. population becomesincreasingly diverse. The Census Bureau estimates that in 2000, 34% of all youth aged1519 were from minority groups; it estimates that by 2025, this will increase to 46%(U.S. Census Bureau 2000). In addition, approximately one in five school-age childrenreside in an immigrant family (Zhou 1997, Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco 2001).
We provide an overview of recent empirical research on racial, ethnic, and immigrantdifferences in educational achievement and attainment, and we examine some cur-rent theories that attempt to explain these differences. We explore group differences ingrades, testscores, course taking, and tracking,especially throughoutsecondaryschool-ing, and then discuss variation in high school completion, transitions to college, andcollege completion. We also summarize key theoretical explanations used to explainpersistent differences net of variation in socioeconomic status, which focus on familyand cultural beliefs that stem from minority group and class experiences. Overall, thereare many signs of optimism. Racial and ethnic gaps in educational achievement andattainment have narrowed over the past three decades by every measure available tosocial scientists. Educational aspirations are universally high for all racial and ethnicgroups as most adolescents expect to go to college. However, substantial gaps remain,especially between less advantaged groups such as African Americans, Hispanics, andNative Americans and more advantaged groups such as whites and Asian Americans.The racial and ethnic hierarchy in educational achievement is apparent across varyingmeasures of the academic experience.
INTRODUCTION
In this review, we provide an overview of recent empirical research on racial, eth-
nic, and immigrant differences in educational achievement and attainment, and
we examine some current theories that attempt to explain these differences. The
link between academic performance, educational attainment, and eventual labor
market outcomes is well known and extensively documented (Coleman 1961,
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418 KAO THOMPSON
Jencks 1972). Moreover, we know that some of the relative disadvantages and
advantages faced by racial and ethnic minorities can be traced to their differen-
tial educational achievement and attainment (Jencks 1972). Understanding race,
ethnic, and immigrant variation in educational achievement and attainment ismore important than ever as the U.S. population becomes increasingly diverse.
Because minority populations are younger than their white counterparts, the in-
creasing diversity in the general population is even more apparent among youth.
The Census Bureau estimates that in 2000, 34% of all youth aged 1519 were
from minority groups; it estimates that by 2025, this will increase to 46% (U.S.
Census Bureau 2000). Similarly, approximately one in five school-age children
currently comes from an immigrant family (Zhou 1997, Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-
Orozco 2001). For both Asian and Hispanic youth, understanding patterns of
education among immigrants is especially vital. Approximately 50% of todaysHispanic youth are immigrants or children of immigrants; for Asian Americans,
this proportion is closer to 90% (Zhou 1997). This proportion is especially high
in urban school districts; for instance, in New York City, approximately 48%
of children in school are children of immigrant parents (Suarez-Orozco &
Suarez-Orozco 2001).
Our review proceeds as follows: First, we provide a short overview of key the-
oretical frameworks used to explain racial and ethnic differences in achievement.
Second, we examine group differences in grades, test scores, educational aspi-
rations, course taking, and tracking, especially throughout secondary schooling.Then we examine differences in high school completion, transitions to college, and
college completion. Because parental socioeconomic background has a profound
influence on educational achievement and attainment, we focus on race, ethnic,
and immigrant group differences before and after taking into account differences
in socioeconomic background. Finally, we review common themes and promi-
nent theories that are used to account for these differences; although we do not
offer an evaluation of these theories, we state some explanations that are more or
less consistent with the findings that have persisted throughout myriad empirical
analyses.We do not focus on the beginning school transition, as Entwisle & Alexander
(1993) completed an excellent review of that literature, nor do we focus on the
effects of the organization of schools on achievement outcomes (see Hallinan 1988,
Arum 2000 for excellent reviews), although we do examine tracking. Moreover, we
do not examine how race, ethnicity, and immigrant status affect youth in other areas
of life (see Lichter 1997 for a review on poverty among children; see Zhou 1997
for a review on immigrant children). Also, we do not examine the general literature
on childhood and adolescent development, as superb reviews of these literatures
were completed by Corsaro & Eder (1990) and Dornbusch (1989), respectively.We also do not fully explore the notion of social capital, which was thoughtfully
reviewed by Portes (1998). There is relatively little research on how social capital
differentially affects the educational achievement and attainment of race, ethnic,
and immigrant groups.
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 419
THEORETICAL OVERVIEW
The achievement gap between blacks and whites is longstanding and has re-
ceived considerable empirical attention and theoretical discussion (Jencks 1972,Miller 1995, Jencks & Phillips 1998). Much of the discussion of subsequent eth-
nic groups academic achievement (for instance, Jews, Southern Italians, Greeks,
and more recently, Hispanics and Asian Americans) follow similar types of ar-
guments. Although the debates are complex, most contemporary theories about
why ethnic groups differ in their educational achievement fall into two general
categories. The first is about how cultural orientations of certain ethnic groups
promote/discourage academic achievement, and the second is about how the struc-
tural position of ethnic groups affects the childrens (parent, peer, and school)
environments.The first argument credits ethnic group differences in cultural orientation, most
specifically differences in orientation toward schooling (McClelland et al. 1953,
Rosen 1959, Lewis 1966, Ogbu 1974, Caplan et al. 1991). Some of these arguments
can be traced to Webers The Protestant Ethic (1976), where an ethnic-religious
group was credited for having a cultural orientation conducive to the develop-
ment of capitalism. Ethnic groups have cultural orientations, which can benefit or
hurt their odds of economic (and in our case, educational) success relative to other
groups. Following McClellands (McClelland et al. 1953) laboratory studies of the
achievement motive, where he and his colleagues theorized that individuals havevarying degrees of the achievement motive and that those with higher achieve-
ment motives perform better in achievement tests, Rosen (1959) argued for ethnic
group differences in their orientation toward achievement. Rosen (1959) argued
that Jews, Greeks, and Protestants shared greater motivation toward achievement;
hence this explained their higher socioeconomic mobility. In contrast, Rosen found
that blacks, Southern Italians, and French Canadians scored lower on items that
measured their achievement motivation and vocational aspirations. It is important
to note that minority status does not imply poor outcomes.
The second argument traces the structural position of ethnic groups, creditingeither their time of arrival, the skills migrants brought with them at their time of
arrival, the needs of the local economy, or the fit between their skills and their abil-
ity to fill certain economic niches (or some combination thereof) (see Steinberg
1989, Lieberson 1980, Wilson 1980 for examples). Again, because parental social
class has a considerable influence on a childs educational outcome, structural
arguments fault or credit differences in achievement and attainment on parental
socioeconomic status (SES), which is associated with parental participation, qual-
ity of instruction, school peers, teachers, and other influences (see Sewell & Shah
1968, Sewell et al. 1969, Murnane et al. 1980, Baker & Stevenson 1986, Astone &McLanahan 1991, Bankston & Caldas 1998). In other words, class differences are
manifested through varying parental practices and schooling opportunities, which
in turn favor more advantaged students. We come back to these arguments in our
overview of empirical findings.
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420 KAO THOMPSON
Of course, some theoretical discussions fall in between, often crediting and
faulting cultural orientations to ethnic groups economic positions or experiences
in society (Lewis 1966, Ogbu 1974, Willis 1977, MacLeod 1995, Sue & Okazaki
1990, Steele & Aronson 1995, Steele 1997). We expand on these explanations later,as most contemporary arguments about ethnic group differences in achievement
fall along the intersection of cultural orientation and structural position.
A third, but much less frequent, line of reasoning credits genetic differences
between racial groups in their innate intelligence (Jensen 1969, Herrnstein &
Murray 1994), but most sociologists today dismiss these arguments both for their
inherently racist overtones and for the lack of empirical data to support such
claims. Very simply, no gene has been identified as affecting test scores. What
is more striking is that great improvements in IQ and achievement scores within
racial groups and the shrinking gaps between groups have occurred in just a fewdecades; hence genetic differences cannot account for these considerable changes
in a brief time span (Jencks & Phillips 1998).
TEST SCORES
The test scores of blacks have lagged behind those of whites in vocabulary, read-
ing, and math for the past 30 years, although this gap is shrinking. The National
Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) has been testing 17 year olds since
1971; from 1971 to 1996, the black-white reading gap shrank by almost one halfand the math gap by almost one third (Jencks & Phillips 1998). Specifically, Miller
(1995) documents that among 17 year olds, blacks scored an average of 239 points
as opposed to 291 points among whites on the NAEP reading tests in 1971; by
1990, blacks scored an average of 267 as opposed to 297 for whites (out of a
possible 500 points total). On NAEP math tests in 1973, blacks scored an average
of 270, whereas whites scored 310; by 1990, blacks average score was 289 com-
pared with 310 for whites (Miller 1995, table 3.5, p. 53). Although parental SES
accounts for some of the black-white test gap, it does not account for all of it (see,
e.g., Kao et al. 1996).
Similarly, for Hispanics, the average NAEP math score for 17 year olds in
1973 was 277 (as opposed to 310 for whites); in 1990, the average score among
Hispanics was 284 compared with 310 for whites (Miller 1995, table 3.5, p. 53).
Due to their small population size in the 1970s, similar trend data are not available
for Asian Americans, but their recent scores suggest that they perform at levels
comparable or above that of whites. Data from the 1990 NAEP Mathematics
Assessment Tests show that among twelfth graders, Asians scored an average of
315 points compared with 301 points for whites, 270 for blacks, 278 for Hispanics,
and 290 for Native Americans (Miller 1995, table 3.8, p. 58). Racial and ethnic
differentiation is most apparent at the highest achievement levels; 13% of Asians
performed at level of 350 points or higher, whereas only 6% of whites, less than
1% of blacks, 1% of Hispanics, and less than 1% of Native Americans did so.
Using standardized reading and math tests administered to a national sample of
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 421
eighth graders, Kao et al. (1996) found that parental background characteristics
accounted for differences between Asians and whites, but not between Hispanics
and whites, nor between blacks and whites.
Racial and ethnic variation in SAT scores are even more striking, although theyfollow a similar pattern. The average SAT math score in 1990 was 491 for whites,
528 for Asians, 385 for blacks, 429 for Mexican Americans, and 437 for Native
Americans (Miller 1995, table 3.9, p. 61). Again, racial and ethnic differentiation
is most noticeable at the higher range of scores. For instance, 34% of Asians
compared with 20% of whites, 3% of blacks, 7% of Mexican Americans, and 9%
of Native Americans scored above a 600 on the SAT math section. On the SAT
verbal section in 1990, whites scored an average of 442, compared with 410 for
Asians, 352 for blacks, 380 for Mexican Americans, and 388 for Native Americans.
Eight percent of whites, 10% of Asians, 2% of blacks, 3% of Mexican Americans,and 3% of Native Americans scored above 600 on the SAT verbal section in 1990
(Miller 1995, table 3.9, p. 61).
Overall, researchers have treated achievement test scores as an indicator, to
varying degrees, of a combination of innate ability (intelligence) and learned in-
formation. The underlying assumption is that achievement test scores, however
imperfect, measure some degree of ability or intelligence. Hence, when racial and
ethnic differences persist after taking parental socioeconomic background into ac-
count, sociologists often fault unmeasured differences in quality of schooling or
other unmeasured differences. Because recent studies suggest that the achieve-ment gap (at least for whites and blacks) begins at an early age (Dreeben &
Gamoran 1986), increasingly researchers look at the growth in achievement test
scores among a cohort of students as a way to examine how parents, schools, and
peers affect changes in test scores (see, for example, Keith & Page 1985, Guo
1998, Stevenson et al. 1994). Although change in test scores is, conceptually, a
more precise measure, it is the absolute scores that affect attainment and eventual
labor market outcomes.
GRADES
Another indicator of academic performance is grades. Although some researchers
fault grades (especially self-reported grades) as being an imprecise measure that
is affected by variation in biases of teachers and students as well as the quality
of schools and the relative difficulty of particular classes, grades are an important
outcome because students and parents regularly monitor student performances via
grades (DiMaggio 1982, Fehrman et al. 1987, Farkas et al. 1990, Valenzuela &
Dornbusch 1994, Fuligni 1997, Kao 1995, Kao et al. 1996). Grades are positively
correlated with achievement tests, but they are more sensitive to student input,
such as hours spent on homework and time watching television (see Fehrman
et al. 1987, Rumbaut 1990, Kao et al. 1996, Fuligni 1997, Rumbaut, unpublished
manuscript). Moreover, they are a more concrete measure of student orientation
toward schooling than abstract attitudes or educational aspirations because most
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422 KAO THOMPSON
students embrace proschooling attitudes and report extremely high educational
aspirations in survey questionnaires (Alexander & Cook 1979). Moreover, grades
signal to students, rightly or wrongly, their odds of success in school, which may
affect their odds of attaining higher education (Fehrman et al. 1987).Racial and ethnic variation in grades parallel that of test scores; however, varia-
tions in grades are more likely to be accounted for by parental background and stu-
dent characteristics and behavior. Like achievement test scores, grades are highly
correlated with parental SES. In some studies, parental SES accounts for much, if
not all, of the variation. For example, in an earlier paper using a nationally represen-
tative sample of eighth graders from the National Education Longitudinal Study of
1988 (NELS), Kao et al. (1996) found that Asians had the highest GPA (3.24) ver-
sus 2.96 for whites, 2.74 for Hispanics, and 2.73 for blacks. After taking parental
education, income, household status, immigrant status, and prior experiences atschool into account, the mean GPA of Hispanics was no longer significantly differ-
ent, whereas the mean GPA of Asians was still moderately significantly different
from that of whites. The mean GPA of blacks, on the other hand, remained statisti-
cally significantly lower than that of whites. It is likely that more precise measures
of parental education would have better captured the extent to which Hispanic
youth are disadvantaged because the lowest parental educational category was
less than high school. Hence, more-detailed parental SES measures may have
completely accounted for group differences between Hispanics and whites.
EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS
Although educational aspirations were an important predictor of eventual educa-
tion and occupational status, their position in recent social science literature is more
problematic. Starting with the early studies of status attainment, researchers argued
that educational aspirations were a good indicator of students plans for the future
(Sewell et al. 1969, 1970; Campbell 1983). Hence, they provided an important clue
to a students eventual educational and occupational attainment. More recently, the
concept of educational aspirations has been more controversial. Although few re-
searchers would cast doubt on the claim that high aspirations are an important
precursor to high attainment, it is unclear that modern survey instruments actually
capture the difference between students who are seriously and actively thinking
about college and those who simply report lofty goals (Alexander & Cook 1979,
Jencks et al. 1983, Kao & Tienda 1998). Moreover, some argue that aspirations are
simply a report of students likelihood of attending college and not a motivating
factor per se (Alexander & Cook 1979, Jencks et al. 1983). However, most youth
report extremely high educational aspirations, with most surveys reporting that the
vast majority of youth expect to complete college. Moreover, Asian, black, and
Hispanic youth all report much higher aspirations than would be expected given
their SES (Kao & Tienda 1998). The problem of almost uniformly high educational
aspirations among youth (but much lower subsequent attainment) has been well
documented by others, such as Hansons Lost Talent(1994, 1996), and Schneider
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 423
& Stevensons The Ambitious Generation: Americas Teenagers, Motivated but
Directionless (1999). Although aspirations are correlated with grades, test scores,
and eventual attainment, it is unclear what having high educational aspirations
actually implies for todays youth.
TRACKING AND COURSE TAKING IN HIGH SCHOOL
Students are stratified within schools according to ability groups or tracks. Nu-
merous studies have shown that poor children and racial and ethnic minorities
are disproportionately placed in low-ability groups early in their educational ca-
reers and in non-college-bound groupings in junior high and high school (Joseph
1998, Slavin & Braddock 1993, Oakes 1985). Likewise, research shows that low-
income and minority students participate at higher rates in vocational curricula andat lower rates in academic curricula than do affluent and white students (Oakes &
Guiton 1995, Ekstrom et al. 1988, Oakes 1985). Recent statistics from the Digest
of Education Statistics (National Center for Education Statistics 1997) report the
following patterns: the percentage of high school seniors who reported being in the
college preparatory or academic track were 46% of whites, 36% of blacks, 31%
of Hispanics, 51% of Asians, and 23% of Native Americans. Those reporting in
the general track were 43% of whites, 49% of blacks, 56% of Hispanics, 40% of
Asians, and 61% of Native Americans. Finally, the percentages of each race/ethnic
group reporting to be in the vocational track were 11% of whites, 15% of blacks,13% of Hispanics, 9% of Asians, and 17% of Native Americans (National Center
for Education Statistics 1997). These statistics show that half of Asians and almost
half of whites report being in the highest track. Blacks, Hispanics, and Native
Americans are more likely to be in the general track, and they also have the high-
est numbers in the lowest track (vocational). Similarly, another study found that
nonblacks were almost three times more likely than blacks to be in the honors or
advanced track in English and math (Kubitschek & Hallinan 1996). Thus, patterns
of racial and ethnic disadvantage in tracking continue.
There is mixed evidence on whether these racial and ethnic effects on track
placement remain once controls, such as ability, are added to analytic models
(Oakes et al. 1992). An older study found race effects disappear (blacks versus
nonblacks) once test scores, academic orientation, course selection, and grades
were controlled for (Alexander & Cook 1982). However, a more recent study
found that once academic achievement was controlled, racial and ethnic differences
decreased but did not disappear (Hallinan 1994). School track placements may also
be influenced by students measured English-language ability, so that, for instance,
otherwise talented and capable Mexican-origin students are placed in remedial or
vocational tracks (Donato et al. 1991).
The effects of track placement have also been extensively studied. Because
racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately in lower tracks, the effects of
tracks will lead to differential outcomes. The general conclusion on the effects of
tracks is that tracking and ability groups have a negative effect on the achievement
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424 KAO THOMPSON
of lower track students, a negligible effect on students in the middle groups, and a
weak-to-modest positive effect on students in the high tracks (Hallinan 1988,
Oakes 1985, Eder & Felmee 1984, Sorensen & Hallinan 1986, Alexander &
McDill 1976, Hauser & Featherman 1976, Heyns 1974). Further disadvantagesfor the lower tracks include the development of negative attitudes and behaviors
related to learning (Hallinan 1988). On the other hand, placement in the college
preparatory track in high school produces positive effects such as high academic
achievement (grades, test scores), measures of motivation, and educational aspi-
rations and attainment, even after controlling for family background and ability
differences (Rosenbaum 1976, Alexander et al. 1978, Hauser & Featherman 1976,
Alexander & Cook 1982). Similarly, research has shown that upper-track students
obtain higher grades, are more likely to complete college, have more positive self-
concepts, and have lower rates of misconduct and truancy, even after controllingfor home background variables (Ansalone 2001).
Just as there are racial and ethnic differences in student track and ability group
placement, there are also differences in the courses students take in high school.
Of course, patterns of course taking are related to placement in specific tracks.
The Digest of Education Statistics (National Center for Education Statistics 1997)
examined the average number of Carnegie units earned in various subjects and
found that Asian students had the highest number in math, science, and foreign
language. The Carnegie unit represents one credit for the completion of a 1-year
course (National Center for Education Statistics 1997). Native Americans had thelowest total units in math and foreign language, whereas blacks had the lowest
in science. Blacks and Native Americans had the highest vocational education
units, whereas Asians had the lowest. The Digest (National Center for Education
Statistics 1997) also reported the percentages of high school graduates earning
various combinations of credits in different subjects. The highest level (4-English,
3-science, 3-math, 0.5-computer science, 2-foreign language) was earned by 27%
of whites, 20% of blacks, 28% of Hispanics, 36% of Asians, and 13% of Native
Americans. Other statistics find similar patterns. Miller (1995) found that blacks
and Hispanics lagged substantially behind whites in enrollment of all math andscience courses except Algebra I and Biology in 1982 and 1987. However, from
the 1980s to the 1990s, both black and white high school graduates were following
a more rigorous curriculum. Yet, black high school graduates were still less likely
than white graduates to take advanced science and math courses or study a foreign
language (U.S. Department of Education 1995, Epps 1995). Mare (1995) also
found an increase over time in the total number of courses and basic academic
courses taken, especially among blacks and Hispanics.
Even within tracks, racial and ethnic differences in course taking persist. Within
the vocational area, low-income and minority students disproportionately takeclasses related to low-skill jobs, whereas white and affluent students more of-
ten take courses that teach general skills or include considerable academic con-
tent (Oakes 1983). On the academic side of the curriculum, low-income and
non-Asian minority students disproportionately take low-level and remedial
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 425
courses, whereas whites and Asians tend to dominate enrollments in advanced
and honors courses (Braddock 1990, Oakes 1990).
One reason for the differential course taking in high school is that different
schools offer different courses. Low-income, urban schools do not offer the samerange and level of courses as their more affluent suburban counterparts. Urban
schools are less likely to offer advanced courses or gifted and talented programs
(Garibaldi 1998). Predominantly white and wealthy schools offer more high-ability
classestwo to three times as many advanced placement courses per student as
low-income, predominantly minority schoolsand a larger share of their students
take these advanced classes (Orfield et al. 1996). In addition, differences in course
participation are due to educators perceptions about race and class differences in
academic motivations and abilities. Students and parents also make choices about
course taking (Oakes & Guiton 1995).Both tracking and course taking have effects on educational outcomes. Gamoran
(1987) found that tracking and course taking together accounted for substantively
significant differences in student achievement. Thus, racial and ethnic differences
in the tracks students are placed in, and the courses they take in high school, can
lead to further differentiation in educational achievement and attainment.
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Whereas educational performance is crucial for eventual success in higher educa-tion, educational attainment is key in affecting eventual labor market outcomes. In
general, Asians have the highest probability of school progression at each level of
schooling, followed by whites, blacks and Hispanics, and Native Americans (Mare
1995). For all groups except Asians, family background explains a large proportion
of the differences in educational attainment between white and nonwhite ethnic-
racial groups. In many cases, family background explains one half to two thirds
of the difference (Mare & Winship 1988). However, remaining group differences
suggest that other factors affect the collective performance of each group. Immi-
gration policy also plays a role, as requirements of family reunification and occu-pational qualifications have resulted in the need for formal credentials, and account
for the high educational levels among some Asian immigrant groups (Portes &
Rumbaut 1996). The sections below review racial and ethnic differences in edu-
cational attainment at the high school and college levels.
HIGH SCHOOL:DROPOUTSAND COMPLETION
DroppingOut
Dropping out of school is not evenly distributed racially, economically, or geo-
graphically (McLaren 1988). Researchers have noted that blacks, and especially
Hispanics and Native Americans, are significantly more likely than white or other
minority students to drop out of school (Velez 1989, Warren 1996, Teachman
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426 KAO THOMPSON
et al. 1996, White & Kaufman 1997). For instance, researchers analyzing High
School and Beyond (HS&B) data, which is a nationally representative sample of
high school sophomores and seniors in 1980, found that Asians had the lowest
percentage of drop outs (14%), followed by non-Hispanic whites (17%). NativeAmericans had the highest level (29%) followed by Mexican Americans (28%) and
Puerto Ricans (26%). Slightly less than one quarter (24%) of blacks dropped out
of high school (White & Kaufman 1997). More recent statistics (National Center
for Education Statistics 1997) found that among persons 1624 years old in 1996,
7% of non-Hispanic whites, 13% of non-Hispanic blacks, and 29% of Hispanics
were high school drop outs. However, these figures include youth who were not
educated in the United States, thus underestimating the educational outcomes of
Hispanics in the U.S. educational system.
For Mexican Americans, who make up more than 75% of all Hispanics in theUnited States, this categorization is especially problematic because the average
educational attainment of Mexicans who migrate is very low. Combining those who
are educated in the United States with those who are educated in Mexico, many
who have left school in Mexico and then migrated to the United States to work
underestimate the educational attainment of Mexicans who receive their education
in the United States. Again, after controllingfor differences in parental background,
some researchers have found Hispanics to have higher odds of graduating from
high school (Hauser & Anderson 1991).
Once factors such as generation, language, and social capital are controlled for,ethnicity does not appear to have much impact on dropping out (White & Kaufman
1997). However, when students performance and expectations as sophomores are
taken out of the analytic model, ethnicity increases in importance. This indicates
that there are substantial ethnic differences in school performance and expectations
that lead to differences in dropping out of high school (White & Kaufman 1997).
Others find that the greater likelihood of blacks to drop out can be explained by
the relative lack of financial, human, and social capital (Teachman et al. 1996).
Researchers have also examined the factors that predict dropping out of school
for various racial and ethnic groups. Using HS&B data, White & Kaufman (1997)found that immigrants are more likely to drop out than are native-born persons
of native parentage, and that this is especially true of recent immigrants. The
authors found that social capital is also very important in reducing the likelihood
of dropping out, and that it can buffer negative effects associated with foreign
birth and low socioeconomic origins. This runs somewhat counter to research using
more recent data and larger samples of Asian Americans (see Kao & Tienda 1995),
which suggest that the effects of immigrant status may vary substantially by ethnic
group and by period effects. Moreover, recent research by Louie (2001) suggest
that there are significant socioeconomic differences within immigrant ethnics, andthis affects their ability to transform uniformly high parental aspirations.
Rumberger (1995) notes some differences between groups. He found that SES
predicted drop-out rates for Hispanics and whites, but not blacks. Misbehavior,
changing schools, and low grades all increased the odds of dropping out for blacks
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 427
and whites, but not Hispanics. High school absenteeism predicted dropping out
for all groups. Students who attend low-SES schools as well as schools that are
predominantly black or Hispanic also experience higher drop-out rates, although
for minority students, the effect of attending a predominantly black school islargely accounted for by the low mean SES of these schools (Mayer 1991). Velez
(1989) examined the differences in drop-out predictors among Hispanics. Cutting
classes, suspensions, dating, being older, and being female increased the odds of
Chicano students dropping out. Others find that large families, Spanish-language
dominance, foreign birth, urban environment, and lower-quality schools lessen
the likelihood that the Mexican-American student will stay in school (Fligstein &
Fernandez 1985). However, bilingualism has positive or neutral effects on edu-
cational achievement (Fernandez & Nielsen 1986, Mouw & Xie 1999). Among
Cuban students, suspensions increased the odds of dropping out, but having disci-plinary problems at school, high SES, and having two parents at home substantially
decreased them. For Puerto Rican students, cutting classes, suspension, being older,
and being female increased the odds, but having two parents at home decreased
them. For non-Hispanic whites, dating, being older, and being female increased the
odds of dropping out (Velez 1989). Immigration also had different effects. Cuban
students who were relatively new arrivals in the United States were less likely to
drop out, whereas their Puerto Rican and Chicano counterparts were more likely
to drop out. Family background (high SES) reduced the odds that all students
would drop out, although the effects of SES were particularly strong in the caseof Cubans (Velez 1989).
HighSchool Completion
The flip side of dropping out of high school is, of course, graduating from high
school. All racial and ethnic groups have increased their average rates of school
continuation and levels of educational attainment over time (Mare 1995). In 1990,
among adults 25 years and older, approximately 78% of whites, 63% of blacks,
50% of Hispanics, 78% of Asians, and 66% of Native Americans or Alaskan Na-tives had a high school diploma (National Center for Education Statistics 1997).
This figure obscures those who were educated in the United States versus those
who were not. Among most groups, a majority of members graduate from high
school. When groups are further broken down into subgroups and by immigrant
status, more variation is evident (Mare & Winship 1988, Mare 1995). For exam-
ple, in 1980 (persons aged 2635), among foreign-born Mexican Americans, only
29% of men and 27% of women had graduated high school. Native-born Mex-
ican Americans also had relatively low rates of graduation (68% for men, 64%
for women). Puerto Rican rates were even lower (54% for men, 53% for women).Groups with the highest high school graduation rates were native-born Japanese
Americans (98% of men and women), native-born Chinese Americans (97% of
men and 96% of women), foreign-born Japanese Americans (96% of men and 92%
of women), and native and foreign-born Asian Indians (men have slightly higher
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428 KAO THOMPSON
rates at 90%94% versus women, 78%87%). However, even among Asian Amer-
icans, much variation exists as Japanese, Chinese, and Asian Indians have much
higher graduation rates than Laotians, Hmong, and Vietnamese (Miller 1995).
In general, Asian Americans have higher educational attainment levels than Pa-cific Islanders. Among Hispanics, Cubans have the highest high school graduation
rates, followed by Central/South Americans, Puerto Ricans, and, lastly, Mexican
Americans (Miller 1995).
As in the research on dropping out of high school, researchers have simi-
larly examined the predictors of completing high school. One area of interest has
been the effects of family structure and other family background characteristics.
Wojtkiewicz (1993) found that years spent in mother-only or stepparent families
had a negative effect on high school graduation; however, a race difference was
found, where mother-stepfather families were not negative for black students. Thiseffect of family structure on high school completion would have differential effects
because blacks have the highest degree of experience with nonintact families, fol-
lowed by Hispanics and whites (Wojtkiewicz 1993, Krein & Beller 1988). Duncan
(1994), however, found that female family headship had a positive association with
school completion for black females. Warren (1996) found that a great deal of the
observed gap between whites and Mexican immigrant adolescents in the odds of
completing high school and nearly all of the gap between whites and Chicano
adolescents can be attributed to group differences in family background (parents
education and occupation, family structure, siblings). However, even after numer-ous controls, Mexican-origin students are still less likely to complete twelfth grade,
suggesting that issues such as discrimination, school segregation, or differences
in aspirations play significant roles in creating and maintaining inequalities in ed-
ucational attainment (Warren 1996). Wojtkiewicz (1993) also found that although
family structure mattered (parental structure, number of siblings), family SES had
a stronger effect on educational attainment. The effects do vary by group, how-
ever. For example, background variables may be more powerful predictors of high
school completion among whites than Mexican Americans (Fligstein & Fernandez
1985). Generation also differentially affects high school completion. For Hispan-ics, high school completion rates increase with each generation, whereas for whites
and Asians, they increase from the immigrant to second generation only, with little
difference between the second generation and the native born of native parentage
(Rong & Grant 1992). However, White & Glick (2000), using HS&B, found that
immigrant youth who arrived as adolescents were more likely to persevere through
high school, compared with both native-born and immigrant youth who arrived at
an earlier age, despite having lower levels of parental SES and social capital.
COLLEGE TRANSITION
Although in recent years most high school seniors plan to go to college right
after high school (in 1992, 77% of whites, 75% of blacks and Hispanics, 83% of
Asians, and 66% of Native Americans), much fewer actually make the transition
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 429
to college (National Center for Education Statistics 1997). College enrollment
of blacks and Hispanics has increased over time, although these improvements
slowed in the 1980s (Baker & Velez 1996). The enrollment rates of 1824 year
olds in institutions of higher education in 1996 show racial and ethnic variation.Forty-five percent of non-Hispanic whites, 36% of non-Hispanic blacks, and 35%
of Hispanics were enrolled (enrollment as a percent of high school graduates)
in postsecondary institutions in 1996 (National Center for Education Statistics
1997). Rates of college attendance for Asian groups are extremely high; except for
Vietnamese, the rates of persons aged 2635 in 1980 with some college are close to
or above 50% and in many cases as high as 7080% (Mare & Winship 1988). Some
of the highest rates are among foreign-born Asians. Non-Hispanic blacks had rates
of 33%34% (depending on gender), non-Hispanic whites were 44%54%, and
Native Americans had lower rates of 30%36%. Among Hispanics, Cubans hadhigher rates than Mexican Americans and the foreign born were worse off than the
native born. Lowest overall rates were among foreign-born Mexican women; only
11% completed some college. Persistence in college also varied by group. Peng
(1988) found that 86% of Asian Americans versus 64% of whites were found in
some kind of higher education program 2 years after high school graduation. For
those who entered a 4-year university, 86% of Asians stayed the following year
compared with 75% of whites, 71% of blacks, and 66% of Hispanics.
Hauser & Anderson (1991) found that the chances of college entry declined
among blacks from the 1970s to the 1980s, and that this change could not beattributed to changing aspirations. In 1984, the odds that a black high school
graduate would enter the first year of college within a year were less than half
of the corresponding odds for a white high school graduate. Blacks are still less
likely than whites to make an immediate transition from high school to college
(U.S. Department of Education 1995). The decline in black college enrollments
has been attributed in part to decreases in the amount and form of financial aid
(Hauser 1992). During the 1970s, black high school graduates were more likely to
enter college than were white high school graduates with the same family income.
However, after 1980, differences in family income could no longer account forblacks lower odds of enrollment in college (Hauser & Anderson 1991). Older
studies have also found that once background and aptitude are taken into account,
traditionally disadvantaged minorities had equal or greater chances of attending
college (Mare & Winship 1988, Rumberger 1982, Thomas et al. 1979). Further-
more, for students with similar levels of academic aptitude, lower-class minority
students had higher rates of college attendance than did lower-class white students
(Alexander et al. 1987). Hallinan & Williams (1990) found that blacks had higher
aspirations than whites but were less likely to be attending college 2 years after
high school graduation. However, once SES and other variables were taken into ac-count, blacks had higher aspirations and higher outcomes (although the latter was
not statistically significant). Interestingly, both black and white students who had
cross-race friendships had higher educational aspirations and outcomes than did
those with same-race friendships. This indicates a peer effect, although cross-race
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430 KAO THOMPSON
friendships are rare (Hallinan & Williams 1990). The low college attendance rates
of Hispanics, especially Mexican Americans, are due to low high school gradua-
tion rates. When only the population of high school graduates is considered, some
find that Mexican Americans attend college at a higher rate than whites (Fligstein& Fernandez 1985).
Racial and ethnic groups vary in the kind of postsecondary institutions they
attend. However, SES matters more than race and ethnicity for entry into selec-
tive institutions (Hearn 1991). Racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately
represented in community colleges, which have poorer outcomes than other post-
secondary schools (Brint & Karabel 1989, Dougherty 1994). The concentration
is especially true of Hispanics (Lee & Frank 1990). In 1992, approximately 57%
of Hispanics in higher education were enrolled in 2-year colleges, compared with
39% of all students (U.S. Department of Education 1994). There is some evidencethat students of color have become more concentrated over time in the 2-year sec-
tor than whites (Karen 2002). In addition, minorities were somewhat more likely
than whites to attend school part-time (Rumberger 1982). Blacks were less likely
to attend selective institutions, net of social background factors, such as parents
education and income, and number of siblings (Karen 2002, Hearn 1991). The
effect was reduced but still remained when academic controls, such as test scores,
grades, expectations, and activities were added to the analytic model. Hispanics
(controlling for various factors) attended schools that were as selective as the
schools whites attended (Karen 2002). There appears to be some leveling off inthe past couple of decades in the movement of minorities into top-tier institutions
(Karen 1991).
COLLEGE COMPLETION
Persistence through college and earning a bachelors degree are important markers
that influence future labor market outcomes. Between the transition from some
college to the attainment of the bachelors degree, some racial and ethnic differ-
ences grew between 1980 and 1990 (Mare 1995). Progression probabilities grew
for Asians and whites, whereas other groups remained unchanged. Mare (1995)
explained this process where inequality in education attainment moves from ear-
lier to later stages of schooling as average levels of attainment increase for all
groups. In other words, inequalities persist or even increase at the postsecondary
level as groups become more equal at lower levels of education. Recent statistics
show that of persons aged 25 and older in 1990, 22% of whites, 11% of blacks, 9%
of Hispanics, 37% of Asians and Pacific Islanders, and 9% of Native Americans
or Alaskan Natives had earned a bachelors degree or higher (National Center for
Education Statistics 1997). Asians are the most likely to complete college (exceed-
ing the national average), followed by whites, blacks and Hispanics, and Native
Americans. Variation exists within racial and ethnic groups. For instance, 26% of
Japanese, 37% of Chinese, and 52% of Asian Indians had completed 4 or more
years of college in 1980 (persons aged 2529), whereas only 6% of Laotians, 3%
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 431
of Hmong, 13% of Vietnamese, 10% of Native Hawaiians, 11% of Melanesians,
and 7% of Samoans did the same. Among Hispanics (aged 25 and over) in 1990,
20% of Cubans, 16% of Central/South Americans, 10% of Puerto Ricans, and 5%
of Mexican Americans had completed 4 or more years of college.Greater proportions of blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans than whites
drop out of college (Kalsner 1991). Camburn (1990) found that whites are con-
siderably more likely than blacks and Hispanics to obtain bachelors degrees even
when SES and college plans are controlled for. He found that on average, whites
are about twice as likely as minorities to finish college (his sample included high
school graduates in large metropolitan areas). High-SES students and those from
high schools with higher percentages of white students were more likely to finish
college (Camburn 1990). Controlling for high school grades and test scores negated
the effect of race, indicating that racial differences in college completion may bedue to differences in academic preparation (Camburn 1990). Others have similarly
seen race effects disappear in multivariate analyses (Velez 1985, Donovan 1984).
In addition, blacks take longer than whites to complete college (U.S. Department
of Education 1995). Just as some minority students attended less-selective schools,
black and Hispanic students obtain their degrees at somewhat less prestigious in-
stitutions than do whites, whereas Asian Americans are found in somewhat more
prestigious universities (Jacobs 1996).
EXPLANATIONSFORSECONDARY SCHOOLACHIEVEMENT DIFFERENCES
Importanceof Parental SocioeconomicStatus
Parental education and family income is probably the best predictor of even-
tual academic outcomes among youth. These differences are substantial across
race, ethnic, and immigrant groups, and help to explain a substantial proportion
(although not all) of the variation in educational outcomes of youth. Hispanics
(especially Mexican Americans, who make up the majority of the Hispanic popu-
lation) are most disadvantaged in terms of parental education levels. After taking
parental SES into account, most Hispanics perform at levels comparable to whites
in statistical analyses (Kao et al. 1996, Warren 1996). Warren (1996) found that
background differences accounted for most of the differences between native-born
Mexican Americans and whites. Thus, although the lower academic achievement
of Hispanics is problematic, their levels of achievement are comparable to that of
whites from similar SES backgrounds.
Asian American youth are extremely advantaged in terms of parental educa-
tion levels. This advantage explains some of the relatively high performance and
attainment of Asian American youth, but not all. In fact, several researchers have
found that parental education usually does not explain any of the variation in grades
within the Asian American population (Caplan et al. 1991, Kao 1995). In addi-
tion, there is considerable heterogeneity among Asian American ethnic groups
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432 KAO THOMPSON
(Kao 1995, Blair & Qian 1998). For instance, Kao (1995), using data from the
National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS), found that 81% of all
South Asian youth had at least one parent with a college degree. In contrast, only
20% of Southeast Asian youth had at least one parent with a college degree. (Thepercentage of white youth with one college-educated parent was 35%.)
What gets missed when we use the large panethnic labels such as Asian and
Hispanic is the great diversity of social class differences by immigrant groups. This
difference is crucial as the vast majority of Asian American as well as a substantial
portion of Hispanic parents are foreign born. So, whereas many Asian immigrants
arrive in the United States with high levels of educational attainment and job skills,
some Asian ethnic groups are extremely disadvantaged. For instance, only 25.5%
of Mexican immigrants aged 25 and over in 1990 had a high school diploma, and
only 3.5% had a college degree. These figures stand in stark contrast to those ofAsian ethnic groups64.9% of Indian immigrants aged 25 and over graduated
from college, and 87.2% graduated from high school; 62.2% of Taiwanese immi-
grants graduated from college, and 91.6% graduated from high school; 43% of
Filipinos graduated from college, and 82.% graduated from high school; 34.4% of
Koreans graduated from college, and 80.1% graduated from high school, and so
forth (figures from table 4 in Portes & Rumbaut 1996).
Although there is some rationale for the broad characterization of Asian Amer-
icans as a model minority group, it is misleading and damaging to ethnic groups
that are extremely disadvantaged but happen to be classified under the rubric ofAsian Americans. The term itself implies that minorities cannot have any posi-
tive characteristics but that the model minority should be used as an example to
all other minorities. Moreover, it suggests that the United States provides equal
opportunities for all, because some minority groups have made it. For example,
only 35% of Cambodian foreign-born adults (aged 25 or over) have a high school
diploma, and only 5% have a 4-year college degree; similarly, 37% of foreign-born
Laotians have a high school diploma, and only 4.6% have a 4-year college degree
(figures from Table 4 in Portes & Rumbaut 1996).
BeyondParental SocioeconomicStatus
More recently, researchers have taken parental SES effects on academic achieve-
ment as a given, and have added more complex measures of changing SES over
time (Roscigno 1998, 2000). What motivates current debates is how to describe
the remaining racial and ethnic variation in academic outcomes net of these ef-
fects. Some researchers rely on other structural characteristics such as the quality
of schools, peers, and neighbors; these characteristics, although correlated with
parental SES, vary by ethnic group membership. In fact, some of the later statusattainment researchers examined these differences. Alwin & Otto (1977) examined
school SES and school ability levels and found that they did not affect college plans
and occupational aspirations but that they may affect other intervening characteris-
tics, such as curriculum placement of students and the college plans of their peers.
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 433
While a discussion of these studies is beyond the scope of this review, the average
effects of school quality of individual performance is rather modest (Thornton &
Eckland 1980, Hoffer et al. 1985, Keith & Page 1985, Bryk et al. 1993, Arum
2000).Other studies look toward social capital of particular ethnic groups. For instance,
Caplan and his colleagues (1991) argued that the high academic performance of
Southeast Asian children from refugee families has to do with children tutoring
each other on their homework. This was an effective way for older siblings to
review school materials and for younger children to learn. Others have argued that
perhaps the advantage of some Asian American groups comes from group-specific
social capital, such as policing by other same-ethnic parents, which may prevent
delinquent behavior (see Zhou & Bankston 1998). Similarly, one could argue that
some Asian American groups (Chinese and Koreans, in particular) are advantagedfrom the many cram schools that offer advanced after-school training, or that
South Asian youth are advantaged from their parental networks of mostly upper-
middle-class friends. This is an important area that warrants further research.
Finally, most of the understanding of the academic success of Asian Americans
points to their positive cultural beliefs about the benefits of education. Although
cultural deprivation models are out of favor among social scientists in explaining
the lower performance of blacks, cultural models are popular for explaining the
relatively higher performance of Asians (see Spencer 1990, Spencer et al. 1991,
Caplan et al. 1991). Caplan and associates (1991) argue that Southeast Asians havea cultural understanding that prioritizes self-reliance and achievement. Fuligni
(1997, 1998) found that immigrant youth (including Asians) were more likely to
believe in education. Schneider & Lee (1990) argued that Asian youth felt a greater
obligation to their immigrant parents and believed that it was their responsibility
to the family to do well in school. Sue & Okazaki (1990) cite a number of studies
that found Asian Americans to be more likely than whites to believe in the value
of education for future socioeconomic mobility. Sue & Okazaki (1990) argued
that anticipated discrimination leads Asian Americans to overperform in school.
Interestingly, Ogbu (1991) argued that anticipated discrimination causes blacks towithdraw from academic activities.
Despite the lower academic performance of Hispanics and their disadvantaged
parental SES characteristics, they share some commonalities with Asian Ameri-
cans. Valenzuela & Dornbusch (1994) argued that familism, or the valuation of
close ties to family members, is an important form of social capital and was asso-
ciated with higher academic achievement. Although it is outside the scope of this
paper, there is a growing literature that argues that newer immigrant groups perform
better in school because they are more likely to respect authority (Suarez-Orozco
& Suarez-Orozco 1995), see their lives in the United States as an opportunityfor advancement, and come from families that are optimistic about their eventual
attainment (Kao & Tienda 1995; see Zhou 1997 for an excellent review). Suarez-
Orozco & Suarez-Orozco (1995) take their clue from McClellands studies of the
achievement motivation and find that Mexican American youth born in Mexico
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434 KAO THOMPSON
have higher achievement motivations than their native-born Mexican American or
white counterparts.
Perhaps the most influential theorist of minority school performance is anthro-
pologist Ogbu (1974, 1991). He has argued that African American youth developan oppositional identity relative to whites. In other words, because the group iden-
tity of blacks focuses on their collective experiences of discrimination, they define
themselves in opposition to the dominant group (whites). Thus, they develop dis-
tinct cultural and language norms to maintain their group identity (Gibson & Ogbu
1991). Their parents past experiences with discrimination makes them distrust the
dominant society, and makes them less likely to believe that schooling leads to
socioeconomic mobility. Elsewhere, Fordham & Ogbu (1986) argued that notions
of acting black and acting white become identified in opposition to one an-
other. Hence, because acting white includes doing well in school, acting blacknecessarily implies not doing well in school (Fordham & Ogbu 1986).
Another line of rationale, most notably posed by psychologist Steele (1997,
Steele & Aronson 1995), is that stereotypes can shape how minorities perform in
testing situations. For instance, he argues that in areas where groups are negatively
stereotyped, the threat of that stereotype can dampen their test performance. Under
experimental conditions where the stereotype is removed, these groups perform
better than under the threat of negative stereotypes (Steele & Aronson 1995, Steele
1997). Most of the empirical work has been conducted on blacks versus whites or
women versus men in various experimental conditions.Recent attention to other minority groups has complicated these theoretical
explanations. Gibson & Ogbu (1991) published a volume that examined ethnic
differences in academic performance in comparative contexts, which led Ogbu
to revise his theoretical model. Although blacks and some Hispanic groups fit
his notion of involuntary minorities whose past experiences with discrimination
makes them dubious of the fact that education leads to socioeconomic mobility
for them, most Asian groups fit his notion of voluntary minorities who migrated
to the United States (or other locales) by choice and are more likely to compare
their current positions to their peers in their home country. Voluntary minoritiesare more likely to believe that they will be rewarded for their investments in ed-
ucation. Although this typology is seductive, it leads to considerable confusion
given the growing diversity of immigrants to the United States The confusion was
even apparent in Ogbus own book (Gibson & Ogbu 1991), which at times treated
refugees as voluntary migrants and at other times as involuntary migrants. Simi-
larly, in direct opposition to Ogbus argument, many others have found that black
youth have extremely high educational aspirations (Hauser & Anderson 1991, Kao
& Tienda 1998, Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey 1998). Mickelson (1990) argued
that black youth may have abstract attitudes that are congruent with achievementbut that their concrete attitudes regarding whether educational success will bring
them socioeconomic mobility match more closely with Ogbus notion of an op-
positional identity. She argues that although blacks are just as likely as whites
to have positive abstract attitudes toward schooling, they are less likely to have
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RACE, ETHNICITY, AND EDUCATION 435
positive concrete attitudes, which explains their lower achievement scores. Her
study, however, does not resolve the issue of causalityit may be that lower-
achieving youth are more likely to hold negative concrete attitudes about school-
ing and not vice versa. More recently, Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey (1998) usedNELS to examine the key elements of Ogbus oppositional culture explanation and
found that empirical analyses did not support Ogbus theory.
Whereas Ogbu focuses on the mode of entry for immigrant groups, others have
focused on the communities to which immigrants move. More recently, Portes,
Zhou, and Rumbaut (Portes & Zhou 1993, Portes & Rumbaut 1996, Zhou 1997,
Zhou & Bankston 1998) have argued for the concept of segmented assimilation in
understanding differential outcomes of immigrant groups. They argue that because
immigrants attempt to assimilate into their local communities, what assimilation
means for immigrants varies a great deal. If the local majority population areinner-city African Americans, as was the case for Zhou & Bankstons (1998) study
of Vietnamese American youth, then assimilation had a very negative implication
to the educational and delinquent outcomes of youth. In contrast, if immigrants
hope to assimilate to a high-SES suburban community, then that desire should lead
to positive educational outcomes.
CONCLUSION
Overall, there are many signs of optimism. Racial and ethnic gaps in educationalachievement and attainment have narrowed over the past 3 decades by every mea-
sure available to social scientists. Educational aspirations are universally high for
all racial and ethnic groups (Hauser & Anderson 1991, Kao & Tienda 1998, Goyette
& Xie 1999) as most adolescents expect to go to college. However, substantial gaps
remain, especially between less-advantaged groups such as African Americans,
Hispanics, and Native Americans and more advantaged groups such as whites and
Asian Americans. The racial and ethnic hierarchy in educational achievement is
apparent across varying measures of the academic experience.
However, there is less consistency in what factors account for racial, ethnic,and immigrant differences in achievement and attainment (Gottfredson 1981).
There is some evidence that whereas racial and ethnic gaps at the lowest levels
have improved, some racial and ethnic patterns are more apparent at the highest
levels of achievement. For instance, although black and Hispanic students are more
likely to attend college than ever before, they are more likely than whites or Asians
to attend a community college than a 4-year institution. Even among those who
attend a 4-year college, they are more likely to attend less-prestigious institutions
than whites or Asians (although this difference disappears for Hispanics once
background characteristics are taken into account) (Karen 2002).The broad racial comparisons obscure considerable heterogeneity within the
panethnic groups. High-achieving Asian American groups, such as South Asians,
Chinese, and Koreans outperform whites on a number of measures, but
low-achieving Asian American groups, such as Cambodians and Laotians, have
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436 KAO THOMPSON
outcomes comparable to African Americans. Similarly, Hispanics, Cubans, and
to a slightly less extent South and Central Americans have much higher educa-
tional outcomes than Mexicans. Immigrants add to the complexity of the minority
population of the United States, contributing youth from both high- and low-SESbackgrounds. Some evidence suggests that immigrant children outperform their
same-ethnic counterparts with comparable parental backgrounds (Rumbaut 1990;
Gibson & Ogbu 1991; Kao & Tienda 1995; Suarez-Orozco 1989; Zhou 1997; R.G.
Rumbaut, unpublished manuscript; Goyette & Xie 1999). However, others find that
immigrant children have poorer school outcomes than their native-born counter-
parts (of native-born parents) (White & Kaufman 1997). In terms of absolute levels
of achievement, recent immigrants often lag behind native-born minorities in their
educational attainment.
Given the greater cultural heterogeneity of students in the United States, re-searchers need to consider that a single model of achievement may not suffice
(see Cooper 1990). Immigrant and minority families may work differently in
translating aspirations into achievement and attainment. Although parental SES
accounts for a substantial portion of the racial and ethnic gaps in achievement and
attainment, there is clearly a place for explanations that do not rely solely on social
class. Finally, researchers might consider how immigrants and minority families
and youth contribute to our knowledge of how individuals succeed in light of great
obstacles. Most of our studies consider minority and immigrant status as liabilities
to overcome, but it is likely that there are benefits to minority and immigrant groupmembership.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors wish to acknowledge support from the Spencer Foundation through a
Spencer Small Grant awarded to the principal author. We thank Kim Goyette and
Emily Hannum for their helpful comments.
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at http://soc.annualreviews.org
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