Post on 03-Jun-2018
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BAB I
PENDAHULUAN
Dunia intelektual Islam kerap menilai pemikiran keislaman para intelektual
Muslim Indonesia sebagai kelas dua dan bersifat pinggiran (periferi). Proses
pengislaman kawasan ini yang berlangsung pada saat kemunduran Islam dan
kehadiran Islam yang tidak langsung dari pusat Islam menyebabkan kemunculan
persepsi tersebut. Baru belakangan saja dunia intelektual Islam mengakui distingsi
dan kontribusi intelektual Muslim Indonesia dalam berbagai wacana keislaman
penting.
ernyata masyarakat! termasuk masyarakat Muslim Indonesia! sedikit sekali
yang mengenal! membaca! memahami! dan mengapresiasi kha"anah pemikiran
intelektual Muslim negeri sendiri. #anya para peminat atau pengkaji saja yang secara
intens membahas secara serius dan mendalam karya$karya mereka.
%esulitan semakin terasa untuk mendapatkan buku yang mengelaborasi
kha"anah pemikir Muslim Indonesia secara kronologis dari masa paling awal
kehadiran Islam hingga kontemporer! sehingga terlihat kontinuitas& aksentuasi& dangenuisitas mereka. Padahal fokus ini sangat penting sebagai bentuk apresiasi dan
pengenalan terhadap buah pemikiran mereka untuk melihat bagaimana Islam
dipahami dalam konteks keindonesia yang sebelumnya memiliki wadah sosial$
budaya mapan dari masyarakat pra$Islam.
'aya sendiri merasakan kesulitan untuk mendapatkan buku pengantar tentang
dinamika intelektual Muslim di Indonesia dan pemikiran mereka. Memang ada
beberapa dalam bentuk tesis maupun disertasi yang dipublikasikan maupun atau
karya umum yang membahasnya namun tidak secara kronologis memotret
perkembangan tersebut sehingga seringkali mahasiswa mesti membaca banyak bahan
yang terkadang dikeluhkan mereka. Belum lagi jika sumber tersebut dalam bahasa
asing! maka mereka akan lebih kesulitan.
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tas dasar tersebut maka buku ini mencoba mengisi kekosangan di atas.
ujuannya memberikan bacaan awal kepada mahasiswa tentang dinamika intelektual
Islam sejak masa paling awal perkembangan masyarakat Muslim Indonesia hingga
sedikit masa kontemporer. Buku ini mensurei perkembangan! perubahan! dan
kesinambungan wacana intelektual Islam di Indonesia melalui penggalian pemikiran
figur$figur intelektual Muslim Indonesia terkemuka yang saya anggap memengaruhi
wacana keislaman dalam berbagai bidangnya. 'aya menganggap mereka sebagai
representasi dari arus dinamika intelektual Islam di Indonesia dari beberapa periode.
'urey ini bersifat kronologis dari abad ke$*+ M yang dianggap sebagai
periode awal kemajuan intelektual Islam di Indonesia berdasarkan ketersediaan
karya$karya intelektual Muslim Indonesia! sekalipun mungkin presedennya telah ada
sebelum periode itu. %emudian pelacakan mengalir secara periodik berdasarkan
hitungan abad hingga memasuki masa kontemporer.
'ecara metodologis kajian ini membahas tokoh$tokoh Muslim Indonesia
sebagai representasi tiap periode. Bahasannya mencakup biografi! konteks historis
kehidupan mereka! peran sosial mereka! pemikiran pokok! dan karya$karya
intelektualnya. 'umber buku ini lebih bertumpu pada sumber primer untuk
membahas bagian pemikiran mereka sejauh dapat ditemukan dan sumber skunder
untuk bagian lainnya. %emudian disajikan pula rekomendasi sumber bacaan untuk
pendalaman kajian lebih lanjut.
%esulitan dari kajian semacam ini adalah dalam menentukan figur
representatif yang dipilih karena banyak sekali tokoh yang ada. Dalam hal ini saya
menggunakan kriteria berupa pengaruh pemikiran mereka dalam perkembangan
intelektual Islam Indonesia pada masanya masing$masing. entu saya tidak dapat
menghindar dari subyektifitas yang kuat sehingga hal ini menjadi kelemahan bahasan
ini. %arena diharapkan muncul kajian lain untuk membahas figur penting yang
barangkali tidak termasuk dalam buku ini.
'istematika buku ini dibagi dalam tiga bab. Bab pertama pendahuluan yang
menjelaskan konteks kehadiran buku ini. Bab kedua menjelaskan kondisi geografis&
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demografis& relegius& etnisitas! dan linguistik Indonesia yang menjadi wadah
kehadiran Islam dari abad ke$*,. Bab ini juga membahas keyakinan$keyakinan pra$
Islam yang berkembang di Indonesia dan pengaruhnya terhadap masyarakat
Indonesia pada waktu itu serta sketsa sejarah Islam sekaligus dialektikanya dengan
berbagai unsur keindonesiaan.
erakhir saya ingin menyampaikan terima kasih kepada beberapa pihak yang
mendukung penyelesaian buku ini. entu saja pertama Prof.Dr.Mohammad li!
Dirjen Pendidikan Islam %ementerian gama yang memberikan kesempatan kepada
saya untuk riset bahan selama sebulan di he utralian -ational niersity (-)
/anberra! Prof.Dr.Mahasin! M (mantan Direktur Perguruan inggi Islam)! Prof.Dr.
Dede 0osyada! M sebagai pengganti Prof. Mahasin yang 1menggawangi2 program
riset tersebut! %asubdit %etenagaan Diktis Dr. Mohamad Ishom! %asi Pengembangan
enaga kademik 'ubdit %etenagaan %hoirul #uda Basyir!3c!M! para
pembimbing riset Prof.Dr.bdul Mujib! Dr.Muchlis #anafi! M! Dr. Imam
'ubhi!M! 'uparto! P.hD! dan pihak$pihak lain yang tidak dapat saya sebutkan.
khirnya saya mengharapkan saran! kritik! dan masukan dari khalayak untuk
kesempurnaan buku ini. 'emoga bermanfaat.
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BAB II
ISLAM DALAM KONTEKS INDONESIA
A. Gambaran Umum Indonesia
4eografi
he 0epublic of Indonesia comprises some four$fifths of the archipelago
which! stretching eastwards from the south$eastern angle of sia! separates the Indian
from the Pacific 5cean! at the same time as it constitutes a discontinuous land link
between sia and ustralasia. 67tending for appro7imately ,!899 miles from west to
east! and about *!:;9 miles from north to south (in a "one bounded by longitudes <:=
and *8*= east and by latitudes >= north and **= south)! it embraces some ,!999
islands of highly dierse si"e! character and resources. In popular topographical
terminology these are perceied as constituting four groups. he 'unda 0aja or
4reater 'unda comple7! including the four large islands of 'umatra! ?aa (Ḏ j @̲wa)!
/elebes ( 'ulawesi)! and the larger part of %alimantan! constitutes the core of the
country from the point of iew of areal e7tent! si"e of population! wealth of natural
resources! and intensity of economic actiity. he -usa enggara or 3esser 'undasform a chain of smaller islands e7tending from Bali to western imor (the eastern
half of this latter island is under Portuguese control). he third group! known as
Maluku! includes the island arcs lying north of the eastern 3esser 'undas and east of
/elebes. Irian Barat! or the western half of the island of -ew 4uinea! which was
incorporated within the Indonesian polity as recently as *<>,! is by all standards the
least deeloped part of the country.
'tructurally the Indonesian archipelago comprises three main tectonic
components! each with a distinctie morphological e7pression. Both the western and
eastern sectorsAknown to physiographers as the 'unda and 'ahul 'heles
respectielyAare deeloped on stable continental platforms of ancient indurated
rocks! relatiely subdued relief! and comparatiely shallow seas. Between! and
partially bounding! these platforms are a series of geologically recent mountain
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ranges that now appear on the map as fragmented but structurally continuous island
arcs separated from each other by deep semi$oceanic basins. s might be e7pected in
iew of their geological history! these island arcs are "ones of instability! manifested
primarily in earthuakes of high freuency but moderate intensity and! more
particularly! in a wide range of olcanic actiity. 5n the continental platforms the
starkness of this tectonic skeleton is peripherally mitigated by a mantle of alluium
giing rise to e7tensie coastal plainsC elsewhere slopes tend to be steep! and leel
land e7iguous. inally! deriing from this structural conte7t are substantial mineral
resourcesC notably petroleum! tin ore! coal of arious grades! and bau7ite! all from the
'unda 'helf and its borders& low$grade iron ores from Borneo and /elebes& and small
uantities of high$grade magnetite and hematite elsewhere. 5ther mineral resources
which hae been e7ploited on a small scale include nickel in /elebes! manganese!
phosphate! sulphur! and iodine in ?aa! and gold and siler in 'umatra and Eest ?aa.
IndonesiaFs location determines that its climatic rGgime is broadly euatorial.
Hariations in insolation intensity and duration are minimal! so that temperatures at sea
leel are uniformly high and e7tremely constant. nnual ranges are small! usually of
the order of ;= ! with diurnal ranges up to three times that amount. he season!
distribution and uantity of rainfall depend on location and aspect in relation to the
seasonally reersed wind systems which the presence of continental land masses
here imposes on the euatorial rGgime. Ehereas an annual total of at least J9 inches
is e7perienced throughout most of the archipelago! slopes athwart the warm moist air
streams that preail during the northern$hemisphere summer are much wetter.
Padang! at the foot of the Barisan 0ange! for e7ample! has an aerage annual rainfall
of *++ inches. In the eastern half of ?aa and the -usa enggara! by contrast! an
e7treme southerly location within the Indonesian polity combines with pro7imity to
the ustralian arid "one to produce aerage annual totals of less than >9 inches. his
is also the only part of the country to e7perience a markedly drier season. 4enerally
speaking! rain eerywhere tends to fall in heay showers of comparatiely short
duration.
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#igh temperatures and abundant moisture ensure that soils! apart from those
deeloped on recent alluium or olcanic ash! tend to be strongly ferrallitic in
character! their outstanding agronomic feature being a low natural fertility. In
primeal times irtually the whole territory was coered by a mantle of euatorial
rain$forest of great floristic richness! which itself subsumed a ariety of plant
associations ranging from true rain$forest to coastal mangroe! fresh$water swamp$
forest! limestone associations! and mountain egetation. /enturies of human
occupance! howeer! hae done much to modify both the e7tent and the character of
these forests. oday less than a fifth of the archipelago is under primary forest or
something approaching it! and this is distributed ery uneenly throughout the
country. Ehereas more than four$fifths of Irian Barat and eastern %alimantan are
forested! the comparable proportion for both ?aa and the -usa enggara is nearer
one fifth of their respectie areas.
rom the point of iew of ecological adaptation! as contrasted with that of
contemporary administration! the pre$eminent dichotomy in the Indonesian world is
that between ?aa and the rest of the country! the so$called 5uter Islands. nd
nowhere is this distinction more apparent than in the eolution of agricultural
practices. raditionally the first of these regions has been associated predominantly!
though by no means e7clusiely! with the delicate ecological euilibrium of slash$
and$burn shifting agriculture (technically known as swidden)! and the heartland of
?aa with the stable euilibrium of permanent$field! wet$padi farming. 5nly in the
nineteenth century was this distinction somewhat blurred by the introduction into
both regions of new crops such as sugar! tobacco! coffee! and subseuently rubber!
and by the imposition in ?aa! by a paternalistically inclined colonial goernment! of
an agro$industrial system which intruded the diseuilibrating forces of commercial
agriculture into the ery heart of the illage! often making the ?aanese farm worker
occupationally conduplicate! coolie and peasant at the same time time.
Indonesia is the fifth most populous nation in the world! with a current
population e7ceeding *99 million souls. 5f these! appro7imately two$thirds are liing
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on the islands of ?aa and Madura! which together comprise only seen per cent of
the land area of the country. In terms of aerage densities! this means something like
*!:99 persons per suare mile in ?aa! but only >: per suare mile in the 5uter
Islands (though this figure conceals wide ariations within the region! e.g.! Bali with
+;9 persons per suare mile& 'umatra with J9! %alimantan with *J! and Irian Barat
with >). In large measure this imbalance in population distribution is attributable to
what /lifford 4eert" has described as the concentratie and tumescent ualities of the
wet$padi ecosystem as integrated with commercial farming in colonial ?aa. he
dispersie! inelastic properties of the swidden ecosystem would seem likely to make
large$scale transfers of population from ?aa to the apparently underpopulated 5uter
Islands not only unpopular! but also ineffectie unless accompanied by a major
transformation of the ecosystem.
he population of Indonesia is disposed in a hierarchy of settlements ranging
from innumerable illages at the lowest leel to the capital! ?akarta! at the highest.
lthough ?akarta! with a population of three million! is more than twice the si"e of
'urabaya! the ne7t largest city! it appears to accord better with the graduated
distribution of city si"es characteristic of economically deeloped countries than with
the concept of the primate city as eidenced in numerous other formerly colonial
territories. In fact the notion of primacy would seem to be more appropriate to the
situation in the 5uter Islands! where some of the higher order urban centres are nearly
four times as populous as the ne7t largest cities in their territories. Ehereas urbanism
reaches a higher leel in ?aa than elsewhere in Indonesia! urbani"ation appears to be
proceeding more rapidly in the 5uter Islands. he seeral leels of the city hierarchy
subsume a considerable ariety of urban forms! ranging from traditional ceremonial
and religious foci to the commercial$administratie conurbations which rose to pre$
eminence during the colonial period! from largely unchanged pre$industrial market
towns dominated by the e7pediential mores of the ba"aar to modern industrially
oriented port cities. (P. Eheatley)
6tnografi
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he cultural diersity of the seeral hundred ethnic groups of Indonesia is
striking& a common pattern underlying the diersity is discernible! but elusie and
hard to specify. or this reason! no consensus has been reached on a classification or
ta7onomy of Indonesian peoples and cultures. workable! if somewhat imprecise!
classification is as followsC () societies with political organi"ation predominantly on
a territorial basis& (B) societies! politically organi"ed on a territorial basis! but with
chiefs of genealogical groups also haing political and legal powers& (/) societies in
which political power is e7clusiely ested in chiefs of genealogical groups (or of
local segments of such groups).
'ocieties of group constitute real states! which hae played an actie rKle in
the history of 'outh$6ast sia. 67amples are the principalities of ?aa and Bali! the
Malay states of eastern 'umatra and of the Malay Peninsula! and the sultanates of the
Bugis$Makassar area of southern /elebes. Eithout e7ception they hae adopted a
world religionC mostly Islam! but a syncretic form of #induism and Buddhism in the
case of Bali. Political authority is (or was Ain Indonesia these 'tates hae lost the
semi$independence they hae presered in Malaya) in the hands of established
dynasties! assisted by courtiers! administrators! and territorial chiefs who form a
nobility! and (in the case of ?aa) drew their emoluments from the ta7es they leied in
the district granted to them by the ruler as an apanage of their office. he rulers! and
their regalia! are usually considered to be the sacral centres! the spiritual depositories!
of the wellbeing of their realms. %inship organi"ation in these societies is generally
of the bilateral (cognatic) type! based on single$family households. 6conomic
actiities are centred on agriculture (rice grown on elaborately irrigated fields)!
stockbreeding! and trade (some of it inter$insular).
'ocieties of type B (such as the Batak and the Minangkabau! both of 'umatra)
hae or had some measure of centrali"ed political goernment! but the chiefs of
genealogical groups (clans and lineages) hae considerable authority oer their
kinsfolk. he lineages in uestion may be matrilineal (Minangkabau) or patrilineal&
they hae a tendency to maintain regular marriage relationships with specific other
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lineages! in which the bride$bestowing lineage is superior to the bride$receiers. his
type of social structure links up with a whole system of cosmic classifications!
inoling dichotomies as maleLfemale! upperworldLunderworld! and superiorLinferior!
and speculations on numerology and colour classification. 'uch a system appears
most clearly among those Batak groups which are not yet conerted to Islam or
/hristianity.
0ice cultiation (on irrigated fields as well as by the slash$and$burn method)
is important! as is the growing of commercial crops (coffee! rubber). Peoples of this
group are no less prominent in modern Indonesian affairs than those of group .
'ocieties of type /! finally! occur on the smaller! and in the interior of the
larger islandsC the Dayak peoples of Borneo! the oradja of /elebes! etc. Many still
adhere to their original religion! or were only recently conerted to Islam or
/hristianity. he archaic religion is predominantly an ancestor cult! with elaborate!
freuently potlatch$like! mortuary rites and (e.g.! with the Dayak) a deeloped
priestly theology and rich mythology! manifesting the same type of classification
system as mentioned for B. %inship forms ary around the theme of matrilineal
combined with patrilineal descent or inheritance. griculture (dryN rice! mai"e!
sago) predominates! foreign trade is rudimentary. or these people in particular a
general Indonesian problem is acuteC how much of their traditional way of life can
and should they presere in a nation striing towards a modern and unified cultureO
(P.6. de ?osselin de ?ong)
Bahasa
Eith a few e7ceptions which will be mentioned! the indigenous languages of
Indonesia belong to the ustronesian family. ustronesian languages e7tend oer
Madagascar! southern Hietnam! aiwan! the Philippine Islands! Malaysia! Indonesia!
PapuaL-ew 4uinea! the Melanesian! Micronesian and Polynesian islands and -ew
ealand. lthough the e7istence of such a family was postulated as early as *+J9 by
Eilliam Marsden! it was left to E. on #umboldt! in *J,>! to define it more closely
and to gie it the title Malayo$PolynesianN by which it was to be known for more
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than a century& this has now been displaced by ustronesianN! a term coined by
Eilhelm 'chmidt in *J<<. he ustronesian family! comprising perhaps some ;99
languages in all! is currently subdiided into three subgroups! Indonesian! Polynesian
and Melanesian& Micronesian is held by some to constitute a fourth subgroup. he
majority of the people who hae embraced Islam in this area speak Indonesian
languages& therefore it is these languages that are important to the study of Islam in
'outh 6ast sia! particularly Malay! ?aanese! 'undanese! chenese! Minangkabau!
Buginese and Macassarese.
5wing to the lack of real eidence! the early history of the speakers of
ustronesian languages is little more than conjecture. heir probable original
homeland! which would of course be the homeland of the ancestors of the
Indonesians! has been located by speculation in places ranging from artary! the
Indo$/hina area and southern /hina to Melanesia or aiwan.
-ot all the languages of Indonesia belong to the Indonesian subgroup&
communities speaking non$Indonesian languages can be found in -orth #alṃahera!
ernate! idore and Irian Barat (formerly known as Eest -ew 4uinea). Besides these
should be mentioned the non$indigenous languages spoken in the country! such as/hinese (mainly #okkien! %heh! /antonese)! Dutch! 6nglish and rabic.
5n the other hand languages of the Indonesian subgroup are spoken by
communities beyond the borders of IndonesiaC Malay in Malaysia! southern hailand
and Brunei! and other languages of the Indonesian subgroup in 'arawak! 'abah!
aiwan! Madagascar! the Philippines and Portuguese imor. In addition! Malay or
other Indonesian languages are spoken by communities of Indonesian origin liing in
/eylon! 'outh frica! 'urinam and the -etherlands.
here is no general agreement on the total number of languages within
Indonesia. part from the absence of an agreed definition of language! detailed
linguistic studies are lacking for most areas. figure commonly mentioned is :;9!
but possibly more reliable estimates are those which put it at :99! or a little less. he
number of speakers of any single language can ary from perhaps oer ;9 millions! as
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in the case of ?aanese! to the 89!999 or so who speak some of the lesser tongues.
'ome idea of the distribution of the main languages can be obtained from the
accompanying language map& for some suggested amendments to the data gien in it!
see I. Dyen! A lexicostatistical classification of the Austronesian Languages (Indiana
niersity *<>;! 8J$;9)& naturally a map of this scale cannot show the minority
speech communities which hae grown up outside their original areas as a result of
population moement.
broad diision of the Indonesian languages into Eestern and 6astern!
suggested by the Dutch scholar ?. 3. . Brandes! failed to withstand the test of time.
6pigraphic material.
he decisie early e7ternal influence on Indonesian culture was unuestionably
Indian! and the earliest known inscriptions are written in 'anskrit. 5ne of these!
found near %utei in the island of %alimantan (formerly called Borneo)! is thought to
date from about 899 .D.& it commemorates the rule of MQlaarman oer a
#indui"ed state. he earliest inscriptions from the Malay Peninsula! Buddhistic te7ts!
and also the earliest epigraphic eidence from Eestern ?aa! are judged likewise to
date from this time.
he oldest eidence of a language indigenous to the area is found in
inscriptions on stone from 'outh 'umatra! dating from >J: .D.! and associated with
the state of 'riijaya& despite the occurrence here too of many 'anskrit words! the
basic language has sufficient affinity with later Malay to be gien the name 5ld
Malay. lthough 5ld ?aanese inscriptions begin only about a century later (circa
+J>)! subseuent material in this language proed to be much more abundant than
that in 5ld Malay& copper inscriptions appeared up until about the *:thL*Jth century.
6pigraphic eidence of the other recorded ancient Indonesian language! 5ld Balinese!
begins in JJ: .D.! and continues to appear oer nearly two centuries. It may be
noted that all three languages employed scripts of Indian deriation. here is of
course no reference to Islam in the early inscriptions.
Malay and Bahasa Indonesia.
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Malay! originating probably in 'umatra! has been disseminated widely
through the Indonesian area! in which it has for centuries been the lingua franca. 5n
account of its usefulness for commercial! political and religious purposes it has
always attracted more attention from foreigners than hae other Indonesian
languages. It is the language of a considerable corpus of manuscript material
produced in the **th$*,thL*+th$*<th centuries. Malay! the official language of
Malaysia! and Bahasa Indonesia (see below)! the official language of Indonesia! hae
both been deeloped directly from this earlier form of Malay. 3inguistically speaking!
Malay and Bahasa Indonesia can scarcely be held to be separate languages& the two
different names reflect the political diision of the Indonesian cultural area which
ensued on the nglo$Dutch reaty of *:,<L*J:8. he following remarks on some of
the characteristics of Malay apply eually to Bahasa Indonesia.
Ee may mention first some features of the Indonesian languages in general
which are at the same time applicable to Malay. 5bserers hae noted conspicuous
mutual resemblances between the languages of the Indonesian subgroup. he number
of owel phonemes is limited! being basically RaS! RiS! RuS and RǝS! with sometimes a
considerable range of non$phonemic ariation (RiS to ReS! RuS to RoS etc.)& ariation inthe length of owels! when it occurs! is also non$phonemic. /ommon diphthongs are
RaiS! RauS and RuiS. he consonantal system is relatiely simple& the glottal stop
(hamza) is widespread& single consonants are preferred! and consonantal clusters
aoided! both at the beginning and end of words& but certain two$consonant
combinations! notably nasal combinations such as -mb-, -nd- etc.! may occur within
the word. hus a common pattern for the Indonesian word$baseN! which is likely to
be disyllabic! will be consonantLowelLconsonantLowelLconsonant.
ffi7ation! another trait of the Indonesian languages! can best be illustrated
with specific reference to Malay e7amples& but it must be mentioned that infixation is
no longer productie in Malay! if indeed it eer was a feature of this language. Hery
briefly! the erbal prefi7es in Malay include ber-, me-7$! pe(r )$ and ter- and the
suffi7es are -i and -kan& a erb may occur without any affi7& in certain cases two
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prefi7es may be used simultaneously! as may prefi7 and suffi7. Prefi7es commonly
employed in conjunction with or to form substanties are ke-, pe7$ and per-! while a
common suffi7 (which again may be used in conjunction with a prefi7) is -an.
urther! it may be remarked that substanties hae no grammatical gender!
and they do not normally undergo morphological change for case or number& thus
mata unless further ualified can be translated FeyeF or FeyesF. 0eduplication of the
substantie! a ery common feature of Indonesian languages! can correspond to the
plural number! but does not always do so. Perhaps the one syntactical feature of
Malay which ought to be mentioned is the fact that the attributie adjectie follows
the noun it ualifies.
Pengaruh 6ksternal terhadap bahasa Indonesia
5f the languages which were introduced into the area in historical times! it
was undoubtedly 'anskrit which first e7erted a major influence. he occurrence of
'anskrit and partially 'anskrit inscriptions has been mentioned. ?aanese and Malay
proed to be particularly susceptible to 'anskrit influence! and in many cases it was
ia these two languages that 'anskrit influence reached other languages of the area.
'anskrit has gien to these languages common grammatical particles! and moreoer
has enriched the le7icon in the spheres of religion (for e7ample āgama, dosha)! of
ideas (e.g., buddhi, !"a)! court ritual (e.g., upacāra, āsthāna)! of statecraft (e.g., d#ta,
drohaka)! of relationship (e.g., s"āmin, putra)! and so forth! with appropriate
adaptation to the phonology of the recipient language.
rabic is the other language which has e7erted a significant influence on the
Indonesian languages oer a long period if time& perhaps none was more deeply
influenced than Malay! and rabic influence has permeated through to the other
languages often ia Malay. his influence can be seen in Malay synta7! at least in
religious writings! and in the FpopularF le7icon as well as the FlearnedF! though
understandably to a greater e7tent in the latter. 67amples of eeryday Malay words of
rabic deriation areC asal (T aṣl )! fasal (T faṣl )! hal (T ḥāl )! ilmu (T ilmʿ )! mungkin
(T mumkin)! perlu (T far ḍ)! sebab (T sabab)! selamat (T salāma)! taubat (T tauba).
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Before the coming of steam! contact between rabia and the Indonesian rchipelago
was maintained mainly ia India& traces of Indian languages! and Persian!
conseuently appear in borrowings from rabic. his possibly e7plains also!
perhaps! the une7pected occurrence of words of 'anskrit origin in the ocabulary of
Islamic practice in Malay& so! for FheaenF shurga (T 'kt. s"arga) is preferred to the
rabic samāʾ& for FhellF naraka (T 'kt. naraka) rather than ahannam or al-nār & for
FfastingF puasa (T 'kt. upa"āsa) rather than ṣawm. lternatielyAand this seems
more likelyAthe use of these words may be due to the taking oer by the first
Muslims of terms already current in the area of proselyti"ation.
he relatie position of 'anskrit and rabic as sources of influence on Malay
and other Indonesian languages can be summed up thusC p to and including the
+thL*,th century 'anskrit held the field& during that time 'anskrit appeared in
inscriptions in combination with Indonesian languages! and indeed inscriptions
wholly in 'anskrit occasionally appeared. #oweer! by the beginning of the JthL*8th
century Islam had secured a foothold in the rchipelago! and before the century was
out rabic influence had begun to manifest itself on the language& in that century
appears the first clearly Islamic Malay inscription! known as the rengganu 'tone!written moreoer in an rabic type of script. rom then on! 'anskrit was steadily to
yield ground to rabic in the field of language& some of the 'anskrit ocabulary in
the inscriptions has failed to surie into modern times! while there has been no
comparable loss of rabic elements once they hae been incorporated in the
language. he position of rabic has of course been strengthened by the force of
religion e7erted through religious instruction and the Ḳ ur @n! and numbers of ʾ
manuscripts in rabic hae been brought into! or produced in! Indonesia. 67cepting
possibly in the island of Bali! no comparable 'anskrit subculture persists&
neertheless! since *<8: Indonesian linguists hae often resorted to 'anskrit when
creating new terms for Bahasa Indonesia.
he remaining non$Indonesian languages which hae influenced Malay and
Bahasa Indonesia are relatiely unimportant and can be dealt with briefly.
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/onsidering the centuries of /hinese contacts with the rchipelago! /hinese dialects
hae had a remarkably slight influence! e7cepting possibly at the collouial leel&
from India has come ocabulary of #indi! Persian! rdu! amil deriation& three
6uropean languages which hae e7ercised significant influence are Portuguese!
Dutch and 6nglish! the last! being the most widely taught foreign language in
Indonesia! can be e7pected to e7ert a continuing influence on Bahasa Indonesia.
hrough the centuries there has of course been a continuing interaction of the
Indonesian languages on one another.
ksara
Broadly speaking! the pattern of influences which emerged in the preious
section will be reflected in any discussion of the scripts used in Indonesia. he
earliest 'anskrit inscriptions were written in a Pallaa script! and deelopments of
this were used subseuently in the inscriptions and other writings in Indonesian
languagesC 5ld ?aanese (from which modern ?aanese script has been deried! and
akin to the 5ld Malayinscriptions from 'umatra)! Balinese! Madurese! 'undanese&
also in the 'umatran languages Batak! 0edjang and 3ampong! and others. lthough
superficially ery different! the Bugis and Makassar scripts show definite affinities
with those mentioned. In fact! there is so far no eidence to refute an opinion put
forward by #. %ern and others that all the early scripts of the rchipelago are of
Indian origin.
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(3I-4
I'I/ MP 5 I-D5-6'I)
or some languages (e7emplified by Malay)! though not for others! the
diffusion of Islam resulted in the adoption of a new rabic type script. or Malay the
adoption was irtually total! and apart from epigraphic material referred to aboe no
writings are known in pre$rabic script. s far as the other languages are concerned
the new script met with arying degrees of acceptance& in ?aanese it was used for
certain kinds of literature! in Bugis and Makassarese it was rarely employed! while in
chenese and Minangkabau for e7ample it came into general use. he principal
modification to the script necessitated by Malay phonology was the addition of the
following letters to represent sounds not found in rabicC for ch& for ng & for p&
for g & and for n$. In the Malayalphabet (which in this respect is more consistent
than some other alphabets of Perso$rabic origin) the precedes the . he owel
signs fat ḥa, kasra and ḍamma are seldom used& their Malay names (baris diatas! Fline
aboeF! baris dibawah Fline belowF and baris dihadapan Fline in frontF! respectiely)
are reminiscent of the euialent terms in Persian. he letters of this script are known
in Bahasa Indonesia as huruf Arab! but in Malay as %awi. se of this script is
declining in Malaysia! and in Indonesia it has almost disappeared! suriing only in
the religious sphere. It has been superseded by romani"ed script! introduced from
6urope as early as the **thL*+th century by /hristian missionaries. hus other
languages than Bahasa Indonesia! ?aanese for e7ample! make use of a romani"ed
script for publications at the present time. he romani"ed spelling of Bahasa
Indonesia and of Malay! being based respectiely on Dutch and 6nglish orthography!
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from the stratificationN of the ?aanese language! in part to the geographical
dissemination of Malay through the islands! Malay was to become the language of the
independent nation. he modern Indonesian form of Malay is known officially as
Bahasa Indonesia (literally the language of IndonesiaN)& foreign writers generally
use this term to refer to the language in preference to the less precise IndonesianN.
he adoption of Bahasa Indonesia to be the official language of the country was
irtually assured een before Dutch rule ended in *<8<. In spite of adocacy by some
that Dutch should become the primary language! and misgiings on the part of others
as to the capability of Bahasa Indonesia to function as the language of a moderni"ing
state! the determination of Indonesian nationalists to utili"e the language as the
ehicle of e7pression of their will in the end decided the issue. In *<:J the nationalist
youth moement formally resoled in this sense& and the suppression of the Dutch
language as a conseuence of the ?apanese occupation of the 6ast Indies in *<8:
remoed another obstacle from the path of Bahasa Indonesia! which was declared to
be the official language of the new 0epublic of Indonesia in the constitution adopted
in *<8;. he present situation therefore is that Bahasa Indonesia is in general use for
radio! newspapers and books& it is spoken and understood by nearly all Indonesians!
the e7ceptions being mostly middle$aged or elderly& since it is now taught in schools
throughout Indonesia it may be assumed that within a generation or so it will be the
eeryday tongue of all IndonesiansAand thus incidentally the eeryday tongue of
more Muslims than any other language. he majority of Indonesians will continue to
study and speak a regional language as well (?aanese! 'undanese etc.)! which will in
fact be their mother tongue. he use of Dutch! still surprisingly popular with older
educated Indonesians! is bound to decline rapidly& to a great e7tent it is being
displaced by 6nglish.(0ussell ?ones)
B. Indonesia Pra-Islam Se!i Kea!amaan
I-DI46-5' B63I6'
n important contribution to our understanding of indigenous beliefs comes in the
si7teenth and seenteenth centuries as 6uropean missionaries began to moe into areas of
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eastern Indonesia and the Philippines which had to this point been relatiely isolated from
e7ternal religious ideas. Despite their obious cultural bias! the accounts missionaries
compiled proide the historian with the first sustained contemporary descriptions of natie
religious customs outside a court enironment. Most striking in these early 6uropean sources
is not the regional ariation in belief which obserers noted! but the similarities. ll affirm
that the ordinary man and woman conceied of the natural world as animated by a ast array
of deities who inhabited trees! riers! caes! mountains and who were capable of great
kindness or e7traordinary maleolence. 5therwise ine7plicable eents such as olcanic
eruptions! earthuakes! epidemics! a failure of the rains! were a sign that the spirits were
angry and needed to be appeased with appropriate offerings. In arming themseles against the
agaries of fate! indiiduals could seek assistance from their ancestors and from past leaders
and heroes who! after death! had become powerful spirits in their own right. 5ften they were
belieed to hae entered the bodies of animals! like the tiger! the crocodile or the pig. In
eastern Indonesia such beliefs were especially obious! and one Portuguese account describes
how the people of Maluku (the Moluccas) Fworshipped the celestial bodies! the sun! moon
and stars! they made idols to the honour of their fathers and forefathers. hese were made of
wood and stone with faces of men! dogs! cats and other animals.F* key factor in
communicating with the spirits was propitiation and ritual performed at designated sites like a
sacred mountain or at the grae of ancestors. 5fferings of food! drink! cloth! and certain
symbolic items were most common! but on some occasions the spilling of blood was deemed
necessary to allay anger! or ensure the fertility of the soil and the continuance of supernatural
faours. fter some animalAa goat! pig! or a buffaloAwas slaughtered! its head was usually
offered to the spirits while the participants ate the rest of the meat in a ceremonial feast. 5n
special occasions a human being might be sacrificed! the ictims usually obtained by raids
into neighbouring territory or by the purchase of slaes. In the Hisayas! for e7ample! the
people Fare in the habit of buying some Indios from other proinces to offer them as
sacrificial ictims to the deilF.: 0itual and offering were part of the lies of eeryone!
especially during the great life crises of birth! marriage and death! but the most elaborate
ceremonial was often that associated with funerals. he careful preparation of bodies for
burial! the dressing of the corpse! the proision of goods! food! drink! clothing and transport
described in seeral societies! attest to a belief in life after death! where an indiidual would
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enjoy a status commensurate with his or her standing while alie. lthough men also
assumed high ceremonial positions! early 6uropean obserers were struck by the prominence
of females in religious ritual. Ehen the 'panish first arried in the Philippines they saw old
women (called baba$lan in the Hisayas and katalonan in the agalog areas) through whom
the spirits spoke. 'eeral societies accorded particular respect not only to women but to
FIndians dressed as womenF! a reference to the transestites who symbolically combined the
regeneratie powers of both se7es. o a considerable e7tent the prestige of such figures was
due to their ability to deal with both male and female sacral items and to proide a medium
for spirit pronouncements. Ehen they fell into a trance! induced by incantation! dance! and
the music of bells! drums and gongs! they became more than human. 'hamanistic skills were
especially alued in times of illness because this was attributed to non$human agencies.
Missionaries in the Philippines described curing sessions in which Fthe woman leader can talk
to herself with many posturingsF! anointing the head of the sick person with oil and telling
him the anito (spirit) would gie him strength. he secret knowledge which set such
indiiduals apart could not be obtained without instruction. In the late seenteenth
century in /eram the Dutch missionary Halentijn described how children were taken
into the jungle for months at a time to be inculcated by magic rituals as Fdeil priestsF.
6uipped with these secret skills! the shaman was able to help protect the communityagainst witches and sorcerers who had somehow mastered the magic arts and were
ready to use them in harmful designs. 'ome sorcerers could fly! some could kill
without raising a hand! others could cast charms to make the most loing wife reject
her husband. In Maluku these alleged FwitchesF were called collectiely by the Malay
word suangi (ghost) and were freuently accused by a shaman in trance of haing
caused illness or other calamities. FEhen kings! dukes or ministers fall ill! they order
some suangi to be killed.F, 5n one occasion missionaries said that oer a hundred
people were put to death as suangi because the ruler had died.8 'urrounded by an
army of supernatural beings! some kindly but capricious and others simply
maleolent! and facing the added danger of hostile elements in human form! the
communities depicted by the missionaries placed enormous importance on the
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possession of amulets and other objects belieed to hae protectie powers. mong
the most widely alued weapons against magic were be"oar stones (called by Malays
mestika galiga(, especially from a wild pig and deer. 'imilar attitudes were attached
to other objects such as old spears! krises and cloth! possession of which gae to the
owner an e7tra$human power. In mbon! for instance! a ery rare type of bracelet
known as mamakur, together with holy stones! /hinese porcelain and clothes worn by
deceased ancestors! were carefully presered to ward off harm. 4reat credence was
also gien to dreams and omens! by which messages from the non$human world
could be transmitted. If a snee"e on leaing the house was a warning of ill fortune!
how much more did the eclipse of the sun or moon presage impending catastropheO
In ernate! said the Dutch! people belieed it was a portent of death! either of their
own relaties or the king himself. It was in the hope of appeasing the mighty forces
inherent in the heaenly bodies that the people of Makassar kept representations of
the sun and moon in their homes long after the court had adopted Islam. 6idence
from this period relating to indigenous religious practices is not as e7tensie for the
rest of 'outheast sia as it is for eastern Indonesia and the Philippines. It is
nonetheless apparent that many of the customs described by missionaries in the island
world were once common throughout the region. nimal and sometimes human
sacrifices to the spirits! for e7ample! could be found in Burma at least into the
eighteenth century! despite Buddhist prohibitions against the taking of life. lthough
some obserances hae disappeared! students of the modern period will certainly
discern much that is familiar in early missionary descriptions of natie religions.
Indeed! any study of 'outheast sian cultures will stress the tenacity of indigenous
beliefs and will point out that for a number of societies they hae remained a
completely satisfactory means of e7plaining the world. 'uch studies will also
emphasi"e that all the world religions which became established in 'outheast sia
succeeded because they not only made some accommodation with e7isting attitudes
but elaborated and enhanced them. In Burma! for instance! kings on behalf of their
subjects continued to honour the spirits of their forebears before statues coered with
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gold in the belief that Fproper respect to the ancestors will bring prosperityF.;
'ignificantly! these ceremonies came to be held on Buddhist holy days een though
propitiation of the spirits of departed relaties receies no canonical sanction in
Buddhist teachings. In Hietnam (Dai Hiet) by contrast! the classical /hinese works of
/onfucianism eleated the indigenous eneration for deceased forebears into the
central focus of household ritual. Fhe piety they display towards the souls of their
relaties!F said the ?esuit missionary le7ander of 0hodes! Fsurpasses anything we
could imagine in 6urope. hey go to incredible lengths to find suitable places for
tombs . . . and spare no trouble or e7pense to lay out banuets for them after death.F>
Eell before the arrial of Islam and /hristianity! a dominant theme in 'outheast
siaFs religious deelopment is thus already apparent. he major features of the
indigenous belief system suried because for the most part they were able to coe7ist
or to be engrossed by the ritual and teachings associated with the world religions. In a
sense an alliance was struck between the new FdeitiesF and the old. story found in
Burma and the hai areas describes how the earth goddess! wringing water from her
hair! aids the Buddha to ictory by flooding the armies of the eil Mara. In Burma
this conjoining of indigenous and imported ideas is symboli"ed by the common
depiction of the seated Buddha in the pose of touching the earth with his right hand!
the signal to the earth goddess to witness the merit of his preious lies.+ In much the
same way the elaboration of ceremonial and the incorporation of awe$inspiring
ocabulary had confirmed the importance of many e7isting customs. Beneath the
formali"ed /onfucian 5ath to #eaen carried out in fifteenth$century Hietnam! for
instance! can be seen traces of earlier allegiance rituals during which spirits were
inoked! animals sacrificed and their blood communally drunk. or Buddhists the
notion of kamma )karma( and the possibility of punishment for wrongful action
e7tending into future lies imbued the oath$taking ceremony with added solemnity.
fourteenth$century inscription from the hai kingdom of 'ukothai thus describes a
pact with a neighbouring king calling on the ancestors and guardian spirits of waters
and caes to bear witness that all those who broke the oath were destined for hell and
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would Fneer e7pect to see the Buddha! the Dharma or the natie religions. Indeed!
any study of 'outheast sian cultures will stress the tenacity of indigenous beliefs
and will point out that for a number of societies they hae remained a completely
satisfactory means of e7plaining the world. 'uch studies will also emphasi"e that all
the world religions which became established in 'outheast sia succeeded because
they not only made some accommodation with e7isting attitudes but elaborated and
enhanced them. In Burma! for instance! kings on behalf of their subjects continued to
honour the spirits of their forebears before statues coered with gold in the belief that
Fproper respect to the ancestors will bring prosperityF.; 'ignificantly! these
ceremonies came to be held on Buddhist holy days een though propitiation of the
spirits of departed relaties receies no canonical sanction in Buddhist teachings. In
Hietnam (Dai Hiet) by contrast! the classical /hinese works of /onfucianism
eleated the indigenous eneration for deceased forebears into the central focus of
household ritual. Fhe piety they display towards the souls of their relaties!F said the
?esuit missionary le7ander of 0hodes! Fsurpasses anything we could imagine in
6urope. hey go to incredible lengths to find suitable places for tombs . . . and spare
no trouble or e7pense to lay out banuets for them after death.F> Eell before the
arrial of Islam and /hristianity! a dominant theme in 'outheast siaFs religious
deelopment is thus already apparent. he major features of the indigenous belief
system suried because for the most part they were able to coe7ist or to be
engrossed by the ritual and teachings associated with the world religions. In a sense
an alliance was struck between the new FdeitiesF and the old. story found in Burma
and the hai areas describes how the earth goddess! wringing water from her hair!
aids the Buddha to ictory by flooding the armies of the eil Mara. In Burma this
conjoining of indigenous and imported ideas is symboli"ed by the common depiction
of the seated Buddha in the pose of touching the earth with his right hand! the signal
to the earth goddess to witness the merit of his preious lies.+ In much the same way
the elaboration of ceremonial and the incorporation of awe$inspiring ocabulary had
confirmed the importance of many e7isting customs. Beneath the formali"ed
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/onfucian 5ath to #eaen carried out in fifteenth$century Hietnam! for instance! can
be seen traces of earlier allegiance rituals during which spirits were inoked! animals
sacrificed and their blood communally drunk. or Buddhists the notion of kamma
)karma( and the possibility of punishment for wrongful action e7tending into future
lies imbued the oath$taking ceremony with added solemnity. fourteenth$century
inscription from the hai kingdom of 'ukothai thus describes a pact with a
neighbouring king calling on the ancestors and guardian spirits of waters and caes to
bear witness that all those who broke the oath were destined for hell and would Fneer
e7pect to see the Buddha! the Dharma or the 'anghaF. 'imilarly the amulets and
talismans which proided such protection against harmful forces became een more
effectie as they absorbed the potency of beliefs from outside. In the Buddhist states
such items were commonly made in the form of the Buddha or a reered monk! and
larger Buddha images often became the palladium of the kingdom! special powers
being attributed to them. he persistence of spirits is the primary heritage of
indigenous religious beliefs! but increasingly spirits became drawn into a world
where the dominant religion was that patroni"ed by the king and his court. In Burma
the official abode of a pantheon of ,+ nats (spirits) was the 'hwe"igon pagoda at
Pagan! but the ruler gae each one a specific fief from whose inhabitants the nat
receied propitiation. In return for this royal patronage and the peopleFs homage!
spirits were e7pected to render serice to the king and recogni"e the moral authority
of the court religions. In Hietnam a fourteenth$century Buddhist scholar related how
an earth spirit appeared to an earlier king in a dream! promising that his planned
attack on /hampa would be successful if he sacrificed to her. Eith the aid of a
Buddhist monk the appropriate offerings were made! and subseuently a shrine was
established for the FImperial 6arth 3adyF in the capital. 3egends suggest that this
process of political and religious integration sometimes met resistance. his same
scholar referred to Fdepraed diinitiesF and Feil demonsF who had refused to act as
guardians of religion and who were therefore ordered to Fuickly depart to another
placeF.J In Buddhist history across the mainland the subjection of spirits to the
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* #ubert h. h. M. ?acobs! A reatise on the oluccas )c. /00(, 0ome! *<+*! +;.
: /ited in Pablo ernande"! 1istor$ of the +hurch in the *hilippines )/2-343(,
Manila! *<+<! ,.
, ?acobs! A reatise, *J*.
8 4eorg 'churhammer! 5rancis 6a"ier. 1is Life, 1is imes, III! trans. M. ?oseph
/ostelloe! 0omeC ?esuit #istorical Institute! *<J9! <:.
; han un! trans.! he 7o$al 8rders of Burma, A9/43-33/, %yotoC /enter for
'outheast sian 'tudies! %yoto niersity! *<J,$+! IH. *88.
> 'olange #ert"! trans.! 7hodes of :ietnam, Eestminster! Maryland! *<>>! ;<.
+ ?ohn erguson! Fhe symbolic dimensions of the Burmese sanghaF! Ph.D. thesis!
/ornell niersity! *<+;! :8. he emphasis on the earth goddess legend found in
'outheast sia is absent in orthodo7 heraada Buddhist literature from India and 'ri
3anka.
J %eith aylor! Futhority and legitimacy in **th /entury HietnamF in Daid 4. Marr
and . /. Milner! eds! ;outheast Asia in the 4th to the 0th +enturies, /anberra and
'ingapore! *<J>! *,<$+>.
< 'ao 'aimong Mangrai! he *adaeng +hronicle and the %engtung ;tate +hronicle
ranslated, Michigan Papers on 'outh and 'outheast sia! niersity of Michigan!
*<J*! **,$*8.
". S#e$sa Islam di Indonesia
Islam came to Indonesia as the second of three more or less successie waes
of profound influence from outside. 5f the three! it is the only one to hae spread
uite generally and to hae achieed an immediately isible and dominating imprint
on the IndonesianFs thought and action. 6en so! this imprint is not uniform
throughout the ast area of the Indonesian archipelago. here are notable regional
differences. 5n the other hand! Indonesia clearly constitutes one of the outer fringes
of the world of Islam. here is relatiely much adaptation of Islam to local customs
and traditions& conersely there is relatiely little positie contribution to Islam!
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whether as doctrine or as practice! een so far as Indonesia proper is concerned! let
alone the more centrally located parts of the Islamic world.
-either the chronology nor the nature of the spread of Islam in the Indonesian
archipelago is satisfactorily established! especially for the earlier period.
he nature of the spread is often described as a combination of two kinds of
process. t times it operates like an oil stain! with people (on an indiidual or on a
familial basis) gradually deciding to embrace Islam. t other times it goes by leaps
and bounds! with entire communities opting for Islam! often as the only aailable
means to hold their own! for e7ample in the face of Eestern e7pansionism or other
critical eents. nder the latter kind of circumstances! prompting or pressure by
Muslims may occasionally play a role. 5n rare occasions the use of force has been
recorded! but this appears as untypical. Ehateer the nature of its spread! Islam
reached Indonesia as a fully$grown way of lifeC there was no necessity for an
Indonesian contribution to its tenets and practices.
During historic times! the cultural! religious! economic and political history of
the area has been marked to a large e7tent by three successie waes of influence
from outside. 5ne originates from the Indian subcontinent and is e7pressed in terms
of the naturalist religions and philosophies of that area! especially #induism and
Buddhism. he second is Islamic& at first it originated from the Indian sub$continent
as well! but later on its source of inspiration shifted to the Middle 6ast. he third is
6uropean! especially Dutch& it has a /hristian component! but this has not been
preponderant at all times. fourth outside influence! not comparable to a wae
because of its more or less persistent nature and also its restricted impact! is the ages$
old /hinese presence in Indonesia. 5f the three waes! the first was more or less
spent when the second arried. But the third was already adancing when the second
was still in full flow& and the two hae kept moing simultaneously eer since! up to
the present.
Ehen each of these waes first arried! the territory of the present$day state of
Indonesia was not distinct as such. o discuss these forces as impinging on
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the Moroccan MuslimIbn BaṭṭQṭa! +8>L*,8;$>. he slow spread that would hae
been likely! gien such a foothold! gained a dramatic impetus by the islami"ation of
the coastal state of Malacca! originally the creation (around *899 D) of an
e7patriate ?aanese. highly successful maritime empire! Malacca became a centre
for the diffusion of Islam in all directions. nother /ambay tomb stone coers the
remains of one MalikIbr@hWm! who died in 4resik! 6ast ?aa! in J::L*8*<. Malaya
and the arious parts of -ortheast 'umatra were islami"ed in the coastal areas& and in
the early *9thL*>th century some small Muslim principalities e7isted on the -orth
coast of ?aa. Ehat introduced the decisie element of competition was the
Portuguese crusader spirit! established in India in *8<J and immediately carried
6astward in the capture of MalaccaAby then MuslimAin *;**. he third wae!
when reaching Indonesia! was engaged in a race against the second. hus! the further
spread of Islam acuired a disproportionately important element of religious$
commercial$political strategy.
s regards 'umatra! the second half of the *9thL*>th century saw the
islami"ation of the 3ampung and Bengkulen areas& but it was only in *<*< that the
last group of people in the inland parts of 'outh'umatra became Muslims.
Menangkabau was islami"ed soon after the fall of Malacca by people from -orth
'umatra! the realm of tjXh! who engaged in the spice trade. Indeed! during the
*9thL*>th and **thL*+th centuries the eer continuing spice trade sered as the token
under which irtually eery major commercial$political$religious eent in the
archipelago took place. he Batak area! in central -orth 'umatra! took longer to be
penetrated. he southern reaches were islami"ed during the third uarter of the *<th
century! but the central part gae in slowly to /hristianity. 'omehow the islands Eest
of 'umatra! -ias! eluded the appeal of Islam and also to an e7tent that of /hristianity
as well.
%alimantan (Borneo) has kept its pagan interior up to the present. Its coastal
areas hae been settled! and largely islami"ed! by people from arious other parts of
the archipelago! and particularly in the -orth and Eest! also by /hinese and ḤaḍramW
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rabs. he arious emerging realms had inariably a Muslim! sometimes ḤaḍramW!
imprint. -otable amongst these were the realms of Banjarmasin! %utai and Pontianak.
he former lasted from the middle of the *9thL*>th to the middle of the *<th century!
and it included the #ulu 'ungai area.
/elebes ( 'ulawesi)! in its turn! remained mostly pagan in its central area
where only the oraja embraced /hristianity. Its -orthern tip became /hristiani"ed.
But its two 'outhern tips! containing important maritime areasAagain in the spice
tradeA! were islami"ed! mainly from ?aa! early in the **thL*+th century. his
spread was not without iolence.
he Moluccas succumbed partly to Portuguese efforts at christiani"ation and
then saw /atholicism replaced by Protestantism under Dutch pressure. But as from
the second half of the *>th century the realm of ernate was a centre of diffusion of
Islam! both Eestward and 6astward.
In the 3esser 'unda Islands! another clear demonstration is found of how the
spread of Islam was related to political icissitudes. he phenomenon of emergent
realms imposing themseles by means of religious identification is isible een in
these relatiely remote parts. hus! the Eestern tip of Bali and also the islands of
3ombok and 'umbawa hae been largely islami"ed at some time! while the
remaining islands hae hardly been touched by Islam until recently.
In ?aa! the political oertones of islami"ation hae been een more
noticeable. he Muslim coastal principalities already mentioned began as assals of
the #indu$Buddhist kingdom of the interior. 4radually! there was a shift in
supremacy. 5nce united under the realm of Demak! Muslim power could tip the
scales. s from the second half of the *9thL*>th century! all of ?aa and also Madura
hae become formally islami"edC by leaps and bounds in the political centres and
much more slowly in remote mountain areas.
shift! gradual but important! in the oertones of Indonesian Islam has
occurred with the onset of more effectie and intensie direct contacts between
Indonesia and the heartlands of Islam. It is sometimes argued that this process! which
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population. 'tatistically unerifiable! this figure is generally accepted as a rough
estimate. 4ien a total population of about *,9 millions! this makes the Indonesians
one of the largest sections of the world Muslim community.
he specific characteristics of Islam thus spread and still spreading throughout
Indonesia are so difficult to sum up that time and again disputes hae arisen! mostly
between non$Muslim obserers! as to the uestion whether Indonesians are or are not
true Muslims. hose trying to argue a negatie answer hae tended to assert that
Islam is merely a eneer under which the solid base of Indonesian paganism! with
here and there a top layer of #indu$Buddhism! remains fully distinct. If there is truth
in this! yet it does not detract from the efficacy and tenacity of the Islamic
identification of the Indonesian Muslims. he rationali"ation and legitimation een of
things possibly pre$Islamic in origin or conception yet currently effectie will
inariably occur in terms of Islam and be generally deemed adeuate as such.
In matters of law! the ' h̲ @̲fi ʿW school reigns supreme! and seems neer to hae
suffered from real competition. 6en so! the Indonesian situation may well hae been
more markedly comple7 than situations elsewhere! especially because colonial
administration has tended to emphasi"e rather than to obscure such matters as thediscrepancy between formal Islamic law on the one hand and customary law on the
other. Indeed Islamic law has figured for long years as the least important of three
competing systemsC customary law! as represented by uite numerous and ery
different systems in the seeral parts of the archipelago! Dutch code law
(constitutional and penal! not ciil) as more and more emphatically imposed for
purposes of uniform administration! and Islamic law itself! adopted by Indonesians
for uite limited purposes only! and to an e7tent arying with time and place. he
tendency has been to hae each legal system represented by its own jurisdictional
arrangements. In the case of Islam this has tended to bring to the fore the category of
the scholars of Islam! the ʿulam@ʾ or kyahi. -ot only was this one way in which these
scholars of Islam managed to maintain part of their importance dating back to the pre$
colonial days of the early Muslim e7pansion& it also pitted them! unintentionally
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perhaps yet uite effectiely! against the traditional Glites of pre$Islamic days! the
class who in ?aa are called prijaji. 5n the other hand! it is this ery competition that
e7cludes for Indonesia the possibility of an important public role! as in the heartlands
of Islam! for religious functionaries like the muftW and the ḳ@ḍ W.
Ehat does appear! howeer! is the scholar in a slightly different! somewhat
less traditionally institutionali"ed role. he politically effectie scholar is perhaps the
main common link between the political structure in the heartlands of Islam and those
of Indonesian tradition as modified! here and there! by #indu$Buddhist influence. t
the same time! he has made for continuity in the history of Indonesian Islam eer
since its adoption. #e is the power behind the ruler! at once effectuating and
rendering isible the Islamic character of the state. It does not matter! in this
connection! that the nature and operations of the state in uestion remain conceied
along typically and traditionally Indonesian lines. hus it is to him! for e7ample in the
semi$mythical form of the nine walWs of ?aa! that the islami"ation of Indonesia is
mostly ascribed. nd it is again upon him! once he has regained his public oice
through modern organi"ation! that the task deoles to speak the binding or
unbinding word on political authority. It is he! once more! who plays a leading role in
recent and contemporary political organi"ations of Muslims.
5f the legal institutions of Islam! the waḳf should be mentioned at this point.
here are no specifically Indonesian proisions or uses! een though the institution
occurs uite generally. It is assumed that the economic importance of property thus
set aside is less than in many other Islamic countries. he matter of guardianship has
tended to be difficult! as almost eerywhere else.
urning to Islamic education! one can distinguish two main types. 5ne is the
traditional boarding school! the pesantrXn! also called madrasa& the other is more
modern education as proided originally by priate organi"ations as for e7ample
MuhammadWya! to be mentioned below. he latter type now embraces the full range
from elementary to higher education. s regards the former type! some of its features
are perhaps still reminiscent of the Persian or urkish derish conenticle. But the
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preponderant feature of the pesantrXn! in its turn perhaps reminiscent of the Indian
ashram! is to be a centre of learning and of education for pupils from nearby andAif
it is well$knownAalso from far away. he leader! kyahi! is primarily the scholar who
retains his authority oer his pupils een after haing granted the id ̲ j @̲"a R..S or
licence to teach. #e will be the spiritual leader and mentor at all times. In the notion
of the teacher! the Indian idea of the guru has come to emphasi"e the Islamic respect
for the ʿ@lim. here has traditionally been unorgani"ed! yet more or less regular!
intercourse between the best of these schools and the centres of learning at Mecca and
/airoC the former reflecting! with a time$lag! what went on in the latter. It has proed
e7tremely difficult! both in colonial days and later! to forge a link between this type
of schooling and so$called modern education. his has by and large worked to the
detriment of traditional Muslimeducation. 4radually! the name madrasa has been
adopted for religious schools conforming to a more modernN pattern of education.
By *<;8! there were three leels of these! namely elementary (*,!9;+ schools)!
intermediate (++>)! and secondary (*>).
nother peculiar aspect of Indonesian Islam is architecture. Eith a few fairly
recent e7ceptions! of imitation of rab style (e.g.! Medan! %ebajoran)! mosues inIndonesia show a style that illustrates nothing better than the continuity from pre$
Islamic into Islamic periods. Mosues like the one of %udus recall #indu$?aanese
building styles! een though they are now uneuiocally recogni"ed as Islamic
buildings. common feature is the roof in three or four layers or tiers! almost
pagoda$like! that contributes significantly to the circulation of fresh air. n entirely
Indonesian feature is the use of the bedug! a huge drum! to announce the times of
prayer een to those who might fail to hear the ad h̲ @̲n. 5n the other hand! the arious
grades of mosue personnel are hardly e7ceptional.
s regards the fulfilment of religious obligations Indonesians are again not
ery special or e7ceptional. he ṣal@t is ariably performed! as eerywhere& the
payment of "ak@t is hapha"ard. In matters of ritual purity Indonesians are relatiely
strict! perhaps on account of traditions older than Islam. lso the pilgrimage has
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always tended to be an attraction and a challenge to Indonesians. 0elatiely many!
including women! will perform it when circumstances allow. Indeed the pilgrim may
achiee a kind of special status in his community. he ḥajjW is a potential leader of
opinion if he returns to a relatiely small and remote community. he pilgrim will not
enjoy great prestige unless he is at the same time more or less learned in Islamic
doctrine. his applies the more since the pilgrimage has become safer and more
within the means of relatiely manyC all this thanks to means of transport made
aailable by non$Muslim Eesterners. he attraction of the pilgrimage is
demonstrated by the tendency for Indonesians to borrow money for the journey! in
contraention of the e7plicit injunctions of Islam.
Mysticism remained influential for uite some time. In -orthern 'umatra! its
sway must hae stretched at least into the first decades of the :9th century. In
'outhern /elebes! it seems to hae lasted almost until the ?apanese occupation. In
these areas there are indications of the e7istence of local chapters of arious mystic
orders! including the more famous ones from the heartlands of Islam. he list of
brotherhoods is impressie and includes such famous names as ' h̲ @̲diliyya!
Ḳ adariyya! -aḳs h̲ ̲ bandiyya! Ḵ h a̲lwatiyya! 'amaniyya! 0if@ʿiyya! id ̲ j @̲niyya. here ishoweer no effectie record of their organi"ation! let alone of their functioning. -or
is it clear what role they hae played in the spreading of Islam or! for that matter! in
society at large.
he two areas referred to differ from the third area influenced by mysticism!
?aa! in one major respect. In ?aanese Islamic mystical writings a clear and decisie
adaptation of mystical ideas is manifest. t the point where 'umatran took oer from
Indian mystics! not much of a break occurred& but here! one sees a complete change in
the spiritual climate. 5n the other hand! this specifically ?aanese mysticism does not
seem to hae spread to other islands.
6erywhere! orthodo7 teachings hae gradually gained the upper hand.
nfortunately! this process and its causes hae hitherto eluded historical research.
ccordingly! it comes as something of a surprise to see that in the middle of the
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In the latter case! Islam tends to become instrumental! a legitimation for a nationalism
that may or may not articulate itself in Islamic terms.
he turning$point was! in a sense! the period of enlightenment in colonial
policy! which was at the same time the period of more or less forcible introduction of
effectie -etherlands$Indies administration in parts of the archipelago hitherto not
really controlled. Most notable for its e7pressly Muslim resistance was the so$called
tjXh war of *J+,$*<98. his is also the period during which the -etherlands Indies
authorities! guided by the famous orientalist and islamologist /. 'nouck #urgronje!
adopted a new policy. Its aim was! in the last resort! to promote effectie Dutch rule
by remoing Islamic moties for resistance& or! to e7press it more crudely! to rule
effectiely notwithstanding the potential or actual aderse implications! for such rule!
of the fact that so many Indonesians identify as Muslims.
During roughly the same period! Indonesian Islam shows a ariety of
tendencies! as is to be e7pected in times of turbulence. o begin with! Indonesia has
seen the refle7ion of the so$called reformist or modernist tendencies in the heartlands
of Islam! een though no Indonesian thinkers hae arisen who could be compared
with modernistic Muslim leaders in an area like the Indian subcontinent. It has een
seen its own ariant of the breach between the two components of this tendencyC one
ending up in the rationalism of a Muslim assertion of a predominantly political
nature! the other in a most typically Indonesian ariant of fundamentalism entrenched
in local chauinism. he former trend will be discussed in more detail below. he
latter! somewhat belated in its effectie manifestation! appeared after the end of the
?apanese occupation! first in the remote mountains near the 'outh coast between
/entral and Eestern ?aa in the form of a small! entrenched state! the -egara D@r ul$
Isl@m founded by %artosuwiryo in *<8J (suppressed in *<>:)! and then also as a
militant moement in areas like 'outhern /elebes and %alimantan (*<8<). It was
subdued! but not necessarily eliminated so far as its true inspiration goes! by the
Indonesian state.
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In the second place! a range of more or less sectarian moements and
organi"ations appeared. hese were inadeuately studied at the time. common trait
seems to be that if they strie for the reassertion of the Islamic identity! this does not
so much aim at determining the full round of life but rather at proiding adeuate
shelter under aderse circumstances. 'ome of this sectarianism is imported from
elseuere in the world of Islam. Eahh@bism see wahh@biyyaS! a forerunner here as
eerywhere else! had made its influence felt in 'umatra and also in ?aa already by
the end of the *:thL*Jth century. he Indian sect of the ḥmadiyya R..S maintained
missionaries in Indonesia for a number of years before and after the ?apanese
occupation& but it does not appear to hae reached more than a handful of more or
less marginal indiiduals! mostly in towns. -ot unlike the ḥmadiyya in their basic
inspiration! arious sects hae emerged on Indonesian soil in the course of time! each
representing some syncretistic attempt to harmoni"e elements from arious sources
(old$Indonesian pagan! #indu$Buddhist! /hristian! Muslim) into religious$
philosophical teachings! not without mystical or een magical (inulnerabilityZ)
elements! to satisfy thirsty souls. he contemporary kebatinan moements hae been
mentioned. 'ome parts of Indonesia are clearly more fertile in this respect than
others& at all times the appeal of sects of this kind is mostly local. It is not unusual to
find the leaders of such sects described as kyahi! the word that! as stated! also seres
as the Indonesian translation of ʿ@lim! scholar in the sciences of Islam.
In the third place! there is the phenomenon! already alluded to! of Islam
sering as an ideological support for political action. his places Islam in a somewhat
odd conte7t! namely as one out of three main competing bases for the political self$
assertion that nationalism purports to achiee. nother is Mar7ism! whether in the
strict (0ussian or /hinese) communist form or in more diluted! socialist$reisionist
presentations. he third is nationalism pure and simple! which assumes the goals of
national self$assertion as against Eestern domination to be a sufficient ideology in its
own rightC in the last resort! a kind of anti$ideology! as represented! for e7ample! in
'ukarnoFs ideal of the ongoing reolution. In this connection! a source of confusion
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e7ists in the circumstance that Islam as an ideology is not necessarily restricted to one
of the three basic positions! but will in fact tend to permeate each of the others as
well! if only to an unclear yet limited e7tent. he point is that whilst the three
formulae are mutually e7clusie! and thus fiercely competitie! they are at the same
time necessarily comprehensie! in the sense that each must make a point of
embracing any of the specific features of the others! lest it forfeit public appeal. fter
all! each is! by its own standards! the moement that embodies the entire nation in its
effort to reassert itself. Indeed! before independence they were for all practical
purposes one and undistinguishable.
he actual manifestation! during the four decades prior to Eorld Ear II! of
the three tendencies just described! has been greatly influenced by the adoption of
Eestern organi"ational patterns and communication deices. his is the period of
emerging Muslim organi"ations of many different kinds. 'ometimes (as in the case of
most sects) they are regionally confined& but not seldom they aim at! and achiee! a
nation$wide scope.
he first properly Indonesian association! a ?aanese one with mainly educational
purposes! was founded in *<9J. It was followed in *<** by the first typically Muslim
organi"ation! 'arekat Dagang Islam! later 'arekat Islam. /onceied as an
organi"ation of (small) traders! it was initially economic rather than political! and
anti$/hinese rather than anti$Dutch. Eithin fie years it was perhaps still to some
e7tent religiously determined and kyahi$influencedC but to all intents and purposes it
had become a political party of a clearly nationalist character.
he year *<*: saw the establishment of a somewhat different organi"ation!
the Muḥammadiyya. 4uided by such men as %. #. Dahlan! it represented an attempt
to spread amongst Indonesian Muslims the modernism then fashionable in 6gypt and
India. 4ien the Indonesian setting! this moement was perhaps somewhat more
orthodo7$puritanical than similar organi"ations elsewhere! and also somewhat more
concerned with education. 'ignificantly! these and other organi"ations tended to
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he Islamic policy of the ?apanese forces was a relatiely well$prepared two$
pronged attempt to sole two problems at onceC to nip any Muslim opposition in the
bud! and to obtain if possible public allegiance through making Muslim leaders of
public opinion rally to the ?apanese cause. specially trained ?apanese staff was in
charge. 5n the one hand the e7isting organi"ations were abolished and a series of
efforts made to replace them by one comprehensie organi"ation that would abide by
?apanese instructions. 5n the other hand! the kyahi category were made into special
targets of opinion$control. his went to the e7tent of making them attend special
courses. In order to support the actiities concerned! a network of offices was
maintained throughout the area! as a kind of pererted deelopment from the one
5ffice for Indigenous ffairs that the Dutch had maintained preiously.
-otwithstanding all this! there was an element of waering on basic issues in the
?apanese Islamic policy that only strengthened the urge of Indonesian Muslims to
assert themseles regardless of outside pressures! and that did nothing to help them
articulate this urge.
he end of the ?apanese occupation! in ugust *<8;! ushered in Indonesian
independence! in two stages. he emergency declaration of independence of *+
ugust Rsee dustur! p. >>;S resulted in an Indonesian 0epublic! really effectie in part
of ?aa only! ying with Dutch attempts to set Indonesia on its feet again according to
a new formula. 'oereignty was officially transferred in *<8<! to the Indonesian state.
During the intermediary stage! the two claimants for authority were eually
preoccupied with soliciting the allegiance of Muslims& and in the process Muslims
were largely left to their own deices in their attempts to oercome the disruptie
effects of ?apanese$imposed organi"ation and ideas.
'ince independence! Indonesian Islam has played mainly two roles in public
life. 5n the one hand! it is one of the main tributaries to the national identity and
indeed to national ideology. he Pantja 'ila! the fie$point national doctrine! has been
carefully phrased so as to allow Muslims to recogni"e it as theirs! without alienating
non$Muslims. 5ne of the fie points is the recognition of the oerlordship of the
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unhampered by earlier defections (*<:,! *<,:! *<,>! *<,J). s a more or less local
organi"ation for Menangkabau ('umatra)! there emerged the Partai Islam Persa$
tuan arbiyah IslamiyaN. In *<;:! the -ahdat al$ʿlam@ʾ broke away from the
Mashumi and established itself as an independent party! thus resuming a tradition
begun in *<:>. nder the political pressures of the day! the Mashumi and P'II were
suppressed and an attempt at a reunification of the remaining organi"ations was made
in *<;<. fter the end of the 'ukarno rGgime! yet another Islamic party emerged in
*<>+! the Partai Muslimin Indonesia. he similarity of political platforms as between
these seeral parties is such that it is not really clear which could be identified as
fundamentalist and which as more or less modernistN. 6ach and eery one figures
primarily as the political organ of all the Muslims of the country! with a degree of
mutual competition as the ineitable result.
nder the circumstances! yet another dimension of Islamic life demands
attention. his is the need for the consciously pious indiidual Muslim to enisage!
and accordingly to mould! life on the socio$economic and political plane in
accordance with the teachings of Islam. 'o far! some of this need finds e7pression
(but hardly any effectuation) in the kebatinan moements already mentioned. But political parties and other aailable institutional forms seem hardly euipped to
satisfy it. (/..5. an -ieuwenhuij"e)
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BAB III
SE%A&AH INTELEKTUAL MUSLIM INDONESIA
. ormasi Intelektual Muslim Indonesia
B. Intelektual Muslim Indonesia
*. -urdin al$0aniri
:. 1bd al$0auf al$'inkili
-ama lengkapnya adalah 1bd l 0auf bin 1li l ?awi l ansuri l
'inkili.* Menurutnya tidak diketahui secara pasti tahun kelahirannya. #anya saja
berdasarkan dugaan 0inkes dan hal ini disepakati mayoritas para pengkaji l 'inkili
ia diperkirakan lahir sekitar tahun *>*; M.
Masih menurut "ra! l 'inkili mengawali pendidikannya bersama ayahnya
yang juga seorang ulama kenamaan di %esultanan ceh pada masa itu. da
kemungkinan! lanjut "ra! ia sempat mengenyam pendidikan di ansur sebelum
melanjutnya kembara intelektualnya ke anah 'uci mulai dari Doha [atar! Vaman!
hingga Makkah dan Madinah. Di kawasan inilah ia terlibat aktif menimba aneka
pengetahuan agama dengan beberapa ulama terkemuka sehingga membentuk jaringan
keilmuan yang luas. 'alah satu ulama yang banyak memengaruhi pembentukan
intelektualnya adalah Ibrahim l %urani ?ika menurut dugaan l 'inkili berangkat
ke kawasan rabia sekitar tahun *>8: M dan kembali ke ceh tahun *>>* M! maka
hampir dua dasawarsa ia menempa diri sebelum mengembangkan karirnya sebagai
ulama terkemuka di -usantara.:
* "yumardi "ra! ?aringan lama imur engah dan %epulauan -usantara bad \HII dan \HIII
Melacak kar$kar Pembaruan Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia! /et H (BandungC Mi"an)! *<<<! *J<.: "ra! ?aringan lama]! h. *<9$*<>
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Melanjutkan uraian "ra! kehadiran l 'inkili di tanah kelahirannya segera
saja menarik pihak istana untuk menempatkannya sebagai [adhi Malik l dli atau
Mufti yang berwenang mengelola peradilan agama. 'etelah dinyatakan layak menurut
pandangan pihak istana! maka dengan mudah ia menggenggam jabatan tersebut.
ugas utamanya menangani administrasi masalah$masalah keagamaan.,
l 'inkili termasuk figur prolifik sehingga produktif menulis berbagai karya
dalam beragam disiplin pengetahuan. Di antara karya pentingnya adalah arjuman l
Mustafid di bidang tafsir yang disebut$sebut sebagai karya pionir bidang ini dalam
bahasa Melayu! 'yarh #adits rba2in dan l Mawa2i"h l Badi2ah dalam bidang
hadits! Da2i l #uruf dan %ifayat l Muhatajin ila Masyrab l Muwahhidin l
[a2ilin bi Eahdat l Eujud! dan 0isalah Mukhtasharah fi Bayan 'yurut l 'yaikh
wa l Murid pada bidang tasawuf! serta Mir2ah l hullab fi ashil Ma2rifat l
hkam l 'yar2iyyah li l Malik l Eahhab pada disiplin fiih yang sebagian isinya
menjadi subyek bahasan kajian ini. Menutip catatan Hoorhoee "ra menyebutkan
selama karirinya ia telah menghasilkan sekitar :: karya. 8 Dan nampaknya mayoritas
karyanya masih berbentuk manuskrip sehingga perlu kajian lebih jauh untuk
mengungkap kandungannya! sekalipun telah ada yang menjadi landasan kajian
dengan berbagai pendekatan.
'elain kedudukan resminya sebagai Mufti %esultanan ceh yang banyak
berurusan dengan prolematika keagamaan! ia juga aktif dalam dunia pendidikan.
Bahkan! menurut "ra! terdapat kemungkinan sejak di anah 'uci ia sudah memulai
, Penunjukan l 'inkili sebagai Mufti %esultanan setelah ia lolos erifikasi yang dilakukan %atib 'eri
0aja bin #am"ah l syi! pejabat %eureukon %atiboy Mulo yang menangani bidang peradilan. 'istem
peradilan di ceh telah terbentuk sejak masa 'ultan Iskandar Muda yang terdiri dari empat macam
pengadilan yaituC pengadilan yang berwenang menangai masalah sengketa piutang berikut sanksinya
yang digelar selama enam hari dalam seminggu bertempat di dekat Masjid 0aya! pengadilan kriminalyang dipimpin 5rangkaya (pejabatLbangsawan istana)! pengadilan agama yang dipimpin [adi! dan
lfandeue (pangadilan niaga) di kawasan pelabuhan dipimpin 5rangkaya 3aksamana yang
menangani sengketa perdagangan. 3ihatC nthony 0eid! n Indonesian rontiers cehness and 5ther
#istories of 'umatra ('ingaporeC 'ingapore niersity Press)! h. *9,$*98. pabila melihat isi naskahM yang membahas masalah muamalah! munakahah! dan jinayah! maka terdapat kemungkinan ia
dijadikan pedoman para hakim di lembaga pengadilan tersebut meskipun bukti$bukti ke arah itu belum
ditemukan.8 "ra! ?aringan lama]! h. :9*$:9J.
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karir sebagai pendidik. Di antara hasil didikannya yang kemudian menjadi ulama
terkemuka -usantara dan berkontribusi penting dalam insemenasi gagasan$gagasan
keislaman antara lain adalah 'yaikh Burhan l Din lakan yang berperan penting
dalam proses intensifikasi Islam di kawasan 'umatra Barat. 3alu terdapat nama
'yaikh 1bd l Muhyi atau 'yaikh Pamijahan yang bertanggung jawab dalam
penguatan keislaman di wilayah ?awa Barat khususnsya kawasan asik Malaya dan
sekitarnya. Muridnya yang lain adalah 1bd l Malik bin 1bd llah asal rengganu
Malaysia yang juga aktif mengajar di kawasan tersebut. igur penting lain yang
menjadi muridnya ialah Dawud l ?awi l 0umi yang bahu$membahu bersamanya
mendirikan institusi pendidikan Islam di Banda ceh.;
'etelah sekian lama berkhidmat sebagai ulama dan mufti! akhirnya l 'inkili
wafat sekitar tahun *><, M dan dimakamkan di dekat muara (kuala) 'ungai ceh
sehingga ia pun terkenal dengan sebutan 'yaikh %uala. Pada saat terjadi gempa dan
tsunami yang meluluh$lantakkan ceh di tahun :99; kompleks pemakaman tersebut
hanya mengalami kerusakan di beberapa bagiannya saja dan saat ini telah direnoasi
dengan baik.
,. Vusuf al$Makassari
8. 1bd al$'amad al$Palimbani
;. -awawi al$Bantani
>. bdullah bin 1bd al$[ahhar al$Bantani
+. #asyim sy2ari
%yai #aji Muhammad #asyim sy2ari (?aa! *J+*^*<8+) is widely regarded
in Indonesia as one of the most respected religious leaders of the twentieth century.
6ducated in his fatherFs school in ?aa! with further studies at Mecca! he founded andtaught at seeral pesantren (seminaries) in 6ast ?aa and was a primary organi"er of
the -ahdlatul lama (0enaissance of the 0eligious 'cholars) association in *<:>!
leading that organi"ation until his death in *<8;. #e was actie in nationalist politics!usually calling for greater unity among Muslims in the independence moement.
; "ra! ?aringan lama]! h. :9<$:**.
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sy2ari was a transitional figure between traditionalism and modernism in Muslim
religious thought. #e held tightly to the importance of the traditional Muslim schools
of law! stating that they held the ital truth about Islamic doctrine. t the same time!he left room for new interpretation by scholars who were appropriately trained and
who stayed within traditional bounds. #e introduced new teaching methods in his
schools and encouraged his son and his faorite students to undertake furthere7perimentation in subject matter and styles of teaching. #e attempted to seek
reconciliation with modernists! but was usually rebuffed by them& at the same time he
apparently coninced many in the Muslim community at large of his sincerity. he
selection chosen for translation! a *<,; speech deliered to the -ahdlatul lamaorgani"ation sy2ari helped to found! appeals for harmony between traditionalists and
modernists. sy2ari describes the Islamic community as all$inclusie and tolerant!
though his opponents did not iew him or his efforts as achieing these goals.
89<7=I; I;LA, 30>?40> A ;8@7+<B88 - ;ome Ad"ice - ;ome Ad"ice -
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In the name of 4od! the beneficent! the merciful. rom the lowest and the
most contemptible serant of 4od! namely Muhammad #asyim sy2ari. May 4od
forgie him! his parents! and the entire umma RMuslim communityS. men.
o my respected Muslim brothers! 1ulama2 Rreligious scholarsS! and ordinary people. Peace! 4odFs mercy and blessing be upon all of you.
he news has reached me that among you there is rage! slander! and conflict at
present. I know the reasons for this condition. 'urely this happens because they haechanged and replaced 4odFs book! the [urFan! and the hadith RsayingsS and sunna
RpracticeS of the Prophet! een though 4od! the most merciful! has statedC he
faithful are surely brothers! so restore friendship among your brothers.N R[urFan! 'ura8<!
Herse *9S
-owadays! some members of the umma regard their Muslim brothers as
enemies and do not want to improe brotherhood! but rather to destroy it. he prophethas statedC Vou should not be jealous of others& you should not diide people& you
should not uarrel& all of you should be 4odFs serants who are close to one another.N
Rnfortunately!S people nowadays are enious! angry! diided! uarrelsome! andhostile to each other.
5! you 1ulama2 who hae fanatically supported narrow opinionsZ bandon
your fanaticism concerning contentious matters! since een the greatest scholars heldmore than one opinion about them. 5ne stated that eery ijtihad Rrational! in this case
scholarly! interpretationS is correct! while the other mentioned that een though only
one interpretation can be correct! those who engage in such interpretation can still be
rewarded! een though the end product of thinking is incorrect.
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I ask my brothers to leae behind their cliue mentality and abandon passions that are
destructie. ight for Islam by giing all your strength! and oercome them who
slander the [urFan and the attributes of 4od. ight against those who teach harmfulknowledge and who harm faith. Indeed! it is an obligation Rfor MuslimsS to fight
against those people. 'o! let us! brothers! sacrifice ourseles to meet these obligations.
5! all belieersZ Before you stand infidels who deny 4od. hey fill eerycorner of the country. Eho Ramong youS is ready to engage in dialogue with them and
guide them to the right pathO 5! 1ulama2Z Vour discipline is the application of
religious thought! and in that effort there are those who are stubborn. Brothers! indeed
your obstinacy in religious knowledge and the uarreling among you to gain a particular iew are not appreciated by 4od! the most highZ nd such obstinacy and
uarreling are also not appreciated by the Prophet! peace be upon him. If you Rfollow
such a path! indeedS your real motiation is fanaticism! conflict! and hatred for one
another.If Imam Rbu 1bdullah MuhammadS 'hafi1i R+>+^J:9S! Imam bu #anifa
Rcirca ><<^+>+S! Imam Malik Ribn nas! +*9^+<>S! Imam hmad Ribn #anbal! +J9^ J;;S! Rbu2l$1bbasS Ibn #ajar Ral$#aytami! *;98^*;>+S! and RMuhammad ibn
hmadS 0amli Rcirca *;**^*;<;S were still alie! they would certainly condemn your
behaior and distance themseles from you and from your behaior. ll of you surelysee the great number of ordinary peopleAonly 4od the greatest knows their number
Awho do not perform prayer fie times a day! whereas according to Imam 'hafi1i!
Imam Malik! and Imam hmad they will be punished Rin the #ereafter for that
failureS by haing their throats cut. Vou certainly cannot deny this! for certainly youyourself see your neighbor who does not perform prayers! and there are een those in
our own group who! more and more! neglect their prayers and put them aside.
hen! what is the significance and the need of uarreling about triialreligious matters which are also disputed by the e7perts of Islamic jurisprudenceO 5n
the contrary! you do not differ concerning some specific matters which are certainly
forbidden by all scholars! such as fornication! usury! drinking alcohol! and the like.here should be no argument here! e7cept between Imam 'hafi1i and 'haykh Ibn
#ajar Ron minor points of interpretationS. 'uch arguing only creates diision in the
unity of faith and destroys your brotherhood. It gies the ignorant power oer you. It
diminishes your authority in the eyes of the people! especially those of poor character.hese foolish people will humiliate your honor by saying impolite and improper
things about you.
hese people hae suffered ruin because of you 1ulama2. nd you yourseleshae suffered great harm because of your own great sin Rof uarreling with one
anotherS. 5! 1ulama2Z If you see people doing good deeds based on the opinions of the
great teachers of the past! or accepting their word as truth without e7amining originalsources! een if the teacherFs opinion is not really correct! then! een if you do not
agree! do not insult such people! but guide them in a nice wayZ /ertainly those who
Rinsult others with such condemnationS iolate 4odFs commands and commit great
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sin. hose who do that destroy the integrity of a nation and close eery door to
RcommunalS well$being.
urther! 4od forbids #is belieing serants to be hostile toward one another.0ather! gie others adice on the ill effects of improper thought and behaior! that is!
how certain actions will lead to sad eents and bad conseuences. 4od statedC nd
do not eer be hostile to one another because hostility will cause brittleness! andcause your authority to disappear.N: Rhis may be a paraphrase of the [urFan! 'ura ,!
Herse *9,! or 'ura J! Herse 8>.Arans.S
5! MuslimsZ Indeed! current eents can be used as an instructional deice& and the
lessons drawn from this source are far from insignificant. Eise people are able tomake use of and take adantage of such eeryday e7periences and eents! een more
than the preaching of some sermon giers and the adice of those RlegalistsS
proffering it. ake eents to heart that occur before our eyes each and eery day. Do
we not regret RcertainS actionsO re we not be aware of drunkenness Rin our midstSODon2t we make mistakesO nd are we also aware of Rinstances ofS our own success!
based on helping one another and unityO hese positie cases e7ist because of cleanhearts and pure intentions. 5r will we continue to be diided! to be hypocritesC
outwardly pleasant! inwardly hostile! hearts full of hatred and legacies of deep
resentment.Indeed! our religion is oneC IslamZ 5ur legal allegiance is oneC the 'hafi1i
Rschool of Islamic legal scholarshipSZ 5ur region is oneC ?aaZ, R0eligious scholars of
sy2ariFs generation used ?aaN to refer to all of Indonesia! following the practice of
the rabs.Arans.S nd we are all 'unnis.'o I swear by 4od! in truth! that your feeling of hateful dissension is woefully
apparent! and that this constitutes a great danger to our progress. 5! MuslimsZ ear
4od and return to the book of 4od! behae according to the way of the Prophet! andestablish good models of conduct in order that you be successful! een as the early
Muslims before us were successful. ear 4od and help each other in matters of
goodness and piety. Do not abet others in sin and abomination.4od will reward you in #is mercy and grace. nd do not be like people who
say! Ee hae heard!N but actually are not listening. May good will be with us from
the beginning to the end Rof this congressS.
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.* #arry ?. Benda! he +rescent and the 7ising ;un (he #ague! -etherlandsC Han
#oee! *<;J)! pp. *;* and forward& boebakar tjeh! ;earah 1idup .1.A. Mahid 1asim dan arangan ersiar (Biography of %.#.. Eahid #asjim and #is
Harious Eritings) (?akarta! IndonesiaC %ementerian gama! *<;+)& 3athiful %hulu!
.1. 1as$im As$NariOs +ontribution to Indonesian Independence!N 'tudia Islamika!
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olume ;! number *! *<<J! pp. 8>^>+& 3athiful %hulu! 5aar ebangunan @lama
Biographi .1. 1as$im As$Nari (raining 0eligious 'cholarsC Biography of
%.#. #asyim sy2ari) (Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC 3ki'! :999).M5D60-I' I'3M! *J89^*<89 '50/6B55% $ 'ome dice $ 'ome
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Bibliography referencesC
%yai #aji Muhammad #asyim sy2ari! Beberapa -asehat %yai #aji Muhammad
#asyim sy2ariN ('omedice of 'haykh #asyim sy2ari)! in Pesan$Pesan Dua Pemimpin Besar Islam
Indonesia (he Messages of
wo 4reat 3eaders of Indonesian Islam)! edited by bdul Munir Malkan
(Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC Medio! *<J>)! pp. *>^:9. e7t of a speech deliered in *<,;.ranslation from Indonesian by 3athiful %hulu. Introduction by #oward M.
ederspiel.
No$es
*. #arry ?. Benda! he +rescent and the 7ising ;un (he #ague! -etherlandsC Han
#oee! *<;J)! pp. *;*and forward& boebakar tjeh! ;earah 1idup .1.A. Mahid 1asim dan aranganersiar (Biography of %.#.. Eahid #asjim and #is Harious Eritings) (?akarta!
IndonesiaC %ementerian gama! *<;+)& 3athiful %hulu! .1. 1as$im As$NariOs
+ontribution to Indonesian Independence!N 'tudia Islamika! olume ;! number *!*<<J! pp. 8>^>+& 3athiful %hulu! Aar ebangunan @lama Biographi .1. 1as$im
As$Nari (raining 0eligious 'cholarsC Biography of %.#. #asyim sy2ari)
(Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC 3ki'! :999).:. Rhis may be a paraphrase of the [urFan! 'ura ,! Herse *9,! or 'ura J! Herse 8>.A
rans.S
,. R0eligious scholars of sy2ariFs generation used ?aaN to refer to all of Indonesia!following the practiceof the rabs.Arans.S
J. hmad Dahlan
chmad Dachlan (?aa! *J>J^*<:,) receied a traditional education in ?aa!
but was influenced by modernist teachings during his three years of study at Mecca.
#e spent much of his life as a teacher of religion in the new educational system
promoted by the Dutch dministration. 5ne of seeral reformers who held that
secular education needed a leaening of Islamic teaching! he and his followers
deised and used new teaching material in Dutch! ?aanese! and Indonesian. ctie in
many of the leading organi"ations of the dayAthe cultural Budi tomo (#igh
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6ndeaor)! the educational ?ami1at %hair (Beneolent ssociation)! and the political
'arekat Islam (Islamic ssociation)Ahe also founded his own organi"ation! the
Muhammadiyah! which became the largest modernist Muslim organi"ation in
'outheast sia. he Muhammadiyah was originally concerned with Muslim
education! but later e7panded into the entire social welfare sector. Dachlan was an
accomplished teacher and organi"er! but he wrote ery few essays. he te7t selected
here appears to hae been part of instructions to Muhammadiyah leaders! e7horting
them to proide role models! oercome the force of local custom! gain more
knowledge of true Islam! and make it accessible to their followers. he work is not
marked by intellectual citations or een religious allusions! but uses Islamic language!
such as happiness in the #ereafterN and the reality of 4od. Despite DachlanFs
opposition to 'ufi mysticism! he consistently draws that tradition into his work!
especially with his rejection of human desires and reference to the importance of
human conscience.
* lfian! MuhammadiyahC he *olitical Beha"ior of a uslim odernist
8rganization @nder 9utch +olonialism (Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC 4adjah Madaniersity Press! *<J<)& bdul Mukti 1li! odern Islamic hought in Indonesia!N
Mi"an (he 'cales)! olume :! number *! *<J8! pp. **^:<& #oward M. ederspiel!
he uhammadiah A ;tud$ of an 8rthodox Islamic o"ement in Indonesia !NIndonesia! number *9! 5ctober *<+9! pp. ;+^J9& chmad ?ainuri! uhammadiah
Perakan 7eformasi Islam di %awa pada Awal Abad edua *uluh )he
uhammadi$ah An Islamic 7eform o"ement in wentieth +entur$ %a"a(('urabaya! IndonesiaC Bina Ilmu! *<J*)& ?ames 3. Peacock! *urif$ing the 5aith he
uhammaiah o"ement in Indonesian Islam (empe! ri".C ri"ona 'tate
niersity Program for 'outheast sian 'tudies! *<<:).
he binding role for human life consists of a knowledge that is too large for
humans to consider. herefore it is hoped that readers will gie this lesson serious
consideration! remember it! and read it slowly. o manage oneFs life a person should
use an instrument! that is! the [urFan. re there reasons for all people to hae
common feelingsO R5f course there areZS irst of all! human beings! regardless of
ethnicity! actually come from one Rset ofS ancestors! that is! dam and 6e. 'o all
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89<7=I; I;LA, 30>?40> A ;8@7+<B88 - he @nit$ of 1uman Life -
he @nit$ of 1uman Life - 8xford Islamic ;tudies 8nline
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4D3>4//0ED2-chapter-0DFGhiH0GposH2J3CC2> K042K *
he third reason is that the majority of leaders do not hae a uniersal goal.
R. . .S hey relate only to their own group! not uniersal humanity. ctually! some of
them just think about themseles! their own bodies! and their own life. If their bodies
get what they need and are satiated! they feel they earned the reward from 4od! and
they beliee that they hae reached their goal. his kind of thing is so common in our
society that the organi"ation and community Rsuch leadersS proide are broken into
many parts& een to the original condition before the leaders arried. heir hearts are
then so heay Rwhen they reali"e they hae not succeededS.
T'e &oad $o(ard Uni$)
3eaders hae understood the behaior! condition! and traditions held by the
people they lead! so as to be able to proceed properly! that is! remembering the
conditions of their own bodies.N Do not rush! be clear! and understand which
conditions are acceptable and which ones to reject. Do not eer oppress and force
people to speak and act against their will. By following these suggestions! conditions
for effectie communication will be established and proceed to the goal itself! that is!
the unity of human hearts.
It is common in society that what is understood and done in accordance with
the teacherFs guidance! a friendFs opinion! or personal preference will make an
indiidual happy. he adice will be followed consistently! particularly when such
adice was also followed by their forebears. hat adice is considered as bringing
happiness to those who beliee and causing suffering to those who are in denial. 5
leaders! please look and seeZ Does this kind of thing occur only in our own Muslim
communityO Buddhists! /hristians! and ?ews are much the same! RI suspect!S much
the same as among Muslims& isn2t this trueO 5 leadersZ 'ince truthN is actually
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unified (tawhidi)! the uestion is how we obtain truthN in order not to be false before
4od lmighty.
People usually refuse a new way that is different from what they hae been
following! because they beliee that the new way will cause unhappiness and
suffering! een though! in reality! the new matter will actually bring happiness and
pleasure. his refusal will always occur! unless the Rpresenters of the newS hae the
common interests of people at heart and work for the uniersal human future.
Is the traditional conduct! described aboe! right and goodO 5f course not!
because such people only use local tradition as their legal reference! while this
tradition should not be used as a determinant for good!N bad!N right!N and wrong.N
he reference for those legal and ethical judgments is the holy heart.
his situation should be studied! perceied! and pondered! because! in
essence! happiness and unhappiness are at stake. herefore! I call on leaders to think
together to bring human hearts together. If this cannot be reali"ed! the leaders will
need to start from themseles! by unifying their own hearts for the interest of all
people Ras a precursor to the effort in the wider communityS. his is the real
obligation for them.
5 leadersZ 3et us come together in a common place to speak the truthA
without diision! but for all uniersally. Do not feel self$satisfied and indifferent! or
else we will not discoer the truth. fter that! let us promote one mode of conduct!
one ision! and one mission. In short! all human beings should be in agreement with
united hearts! so that they will attain happiness and reali"e the ultimate purpose of
life.
R5ne might askS why people neglect or deny the truthO ctually! there are seeral
reasonsC
*. 'tupidity! which is ery common.
:. Disagreement with the person bringing the truth.
,. #olding to traditional ways from forebears.
8. ear of being separated from relaties and friends.
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;. ear of losing honor! position! job status! pleasure! and the like.
here are a few things to rememberC
*. People need religion.
:. 5riginally! religion shines! but later it appears to become dull. ruly! it is not
religion that becomes dull! but the person who follows the religion.
,. People should follow the rules made in accordance with the edicts of religious
scholars. 5ne should neer make decisions by oneself Rin matters of religionS.
8. People must eer seek new knowledge. hey should neer feel satisfied with their
own knowledge! or eer refuse knowledge from others.
;. People need to apply the knowledge they hae. Do not let knowledge go wasted.
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T'e "rea$ure o* God
ll 4odFs creatures hae destiny. 6ery destiny e7tends toward a goal. nd
truly there must be a road to that goal. It is obious that 4od creates time and the path
by which the goal can be reached. If this is so! then the destiny of a creature can be
attained by following its time and path. Indeed! eery condition depends on 4odFs
will! and 4od has proided all the necessary conditions.
Human#ind
ctually! humans want no destiny but safety and happiness in this world and
in the #ereafter. he path for achieing human destiny reuires the use of common
sense! that is! the common intellect. good intellect is characteri"ed by the ability to
select with care and consideration! and to place Rthe decisionS in a courageous heart
after selecting it.
In$elle+$
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he nature of intellect is to accept all knowledge. hat knowledge becomes
the passion of intellect! because the intellect is like a seed in the earth. In order for a
seed to grow! the seed needs to be watered and hae all its needs fulfilled. 'imilarly!
the intellect will not grow properly without being showered by knowledge.
nd all of this is absolutely in accordance with 4odFs will.
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T'e Tea+'in! o* Lo!i+
he teaching of logic is conducted through learning 1ilm manthi! the science
of logic! which reflects reality. his science can be gained only through the learning
and teaching process! because humans hae no other way to know names and
languages without teachers who got the knowledge from their teachers! and so on.
he Rdependence on such learningS indicates that human beings hae no power to
know the primary source of knowledge! e7cept those who get guidance from 4od
lmighty.
#uman beings who obtain more than basic principles of knowledge are like
the person who takes jewelry! makes a fastener! and then uses it as a decoration on an
item of clothing. his means that a person who can speak clearly and straight to the
point! is actually supported by the other knowledge he or she has.
'o! it is not surprising that some people speak ery well and to the point.
Ehat is especially good and helpful is when a person can accept or agree with
anotherFs good religious opinion and pass it on to others. People should not be
considered weak if they do not add to the e7planation that they receied. 0ather! they
should be regarded as furthering wisdom.
T'e Per*e+$ion o* In$elle+$
here are si7 conditions for maintaining the perfect intellect and keeping it
functioningC
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irst of all! logic should base itself on loe and affection. Eithout this
selection of loe and affection! a human will not reach ultimate wisdom. 5n the other
hand! a person with no loe and affection will only follow behaior that is guided by
negatie emotional power.
he second is oneFs struggle to gain the highest happiness in this world and
the #ereafter. his takes serious effort! for it will not be attained without great effort!
and een sacrifices of a spiritual! financial! emotional! and intellectual nature.
hird! the RintellectualS endeaor should be undertaken carefully! since
goodN is often accompanied by bad.N #ence! sometimes! a person who seeks a
good thing gains a bad thing that should be refused. his occurs especially when the
seeker has no real knowledge on the matter! but simply follows the traditions of
his community.
-e7t! the seeker should hae good intentions with regard to the matter under
consideration! so that good and strong motiation will keep his search on the right
path. ifth! the seeker of intellectual actiity should take care and gie it full
attention. his is ery important! because humans hae a natural inclination to forget
and become careless. inally! the person undertaking the actiity should apply it
properly. %nowledge will not bring a aluable and meaningful result without being
set in its proper place.
Human Needs
6ery indiidual in this world has personal needs. In reality! no human being
can e7ist properly without support from others. ccordingly! eery human being
should understand the releance of such needs. ctually! useful knowledge for the
intellect and brain is needed by human beings een more than food is needed for the
stomach to help grow physically. ctually! seeking riches in the world is not as
demanding as seeking knowledge to improe the spiritual uality of oneFs own
behaior. In reality! we can find that the number of people deoted to this Rspiritual
improementS is fewer than those who are less deoted! and the number of people
who understand in principle is greater than those who manifest understanding in real
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behaior. herefore! een people with perfect logic at their disposal need to
understand by searching within.
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he nity of #uman 3ife $ 57ford Islamic 'tudies 5nline
httpCLLwww.o7fordislamicstudies.comLarticleLbookLislam$<+J9*<;*;8>+:Lislam$
<+J9*<;*;8>+:$chapter$8+O_hi`*8_pos`:R*JL**L:9** ,C8<C:, PMS
T'e Person (i$' A++om,lis'ed In$elle+$
If human intellect falls into danger! there is an instrument in the human body
that can control Rthe intellectS! that is! the holy heart that consistently loes spiritual
serenity. It is an obligation that the person with the accomplished intellect should
aoid any risk that would destroy the holiness of the heart. he spiritual leel of a
good person is truly regulated by the holiness of oneFs heart. person will not reach
real happiness in this world and the #ereafter without haing e7hibited behaior with
an ethical basis. herefore! one who wants to be wise should follow the road of wise
people! that is! by striing to defeat oneFs own personal desires. In this way! one will
be able to behae in accordance with legal! ethical! and aesthetic alues! and will
hae a great opportunity to attain real happiness in this world and the #ereafter! as
well as promoting spiritual serenity.
herefore! it is obious that those who want the good life in this world and the
#ereafter cannot attain it simply by following the desire for fun and pleasure! or by
being enious of the aims of others. It is possible to attain enjoyment in this world!
een in ery negatie ways. But for genuine happiness in the #ereafter! one must
attach oneself to the positie ways mentioned earlier.
T'e Di**eren+e be$(een Smar$ and S$u,id
he words smartN and stupidN are contradictory in meaning. or some
people! howeer! they can hae similar meanings! that is! in actual life the smart and
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the stupid person both like what they agree with and hate what they dislike. R#ence! it
is difficult to ascertain stupidity or smartness from those choices.S Moreoer! some
matters that smart people can resole can also sometimes be resoled by stupid ones.
herefore! it is necessary that a person with an accomplished intellect be able
to perceie the difference between smart and stupid people. ctually! the difference
between the smart and stupid person can be seen clearly when they appear together.
In this situation! the smart man will look confident! while the stupid one looks shaky
and uncertain.
ctually there are three differences between them. he first is that the smart
person absolutely understands what will lead him to happiness or to suffering! while
the stupid person does not. he smart person will! of course! always try to seek the
right road toward real happiness! and to aoid the situation that will lead to
unhappiness or suffering. he smart person who neglects 4odFs guidance and follows
personal desires will gradually fall into danger and suffering.
Bibliography referencesC
%yai #aji hmad Dachlan! esatuan 1idup anusiaN (he nity of #uman 3ife)!
in Pesan$Pesan Dua M5D60-I' I'3M! *J89^*<89 '50/6B55% $ he
nity of #uman 3ife $ he nity of #uman 3ife $ 57ford Islamic 'tudies 5nline
httpCLLwww.o7fordislamicstudies.comLarticleLbookLislam$<+J9*<;*;8>+:Lislam$
<+J9*<;*;8>+:$chapter$8+O_hi`*8_pos`:R*JL**L:9** ,C8<C:, PMS
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